Category Archives: AK & Related Rifles

Used to discuss AK-47, AK-74, and related rifles

Want to trigger me? Call a Romanian PSL a Dragunov!

May 27, 2025 RoninsGrips

I guess we all have our pet peves. One of my many irks is when people call a Romanian PSL rifle a “Dragunov”. I see it all the time on Facebook and GunBroker. Honestly, it bugs the hell out of me. The PSL is an oversized AK for all intents and purposes. The Dragunov is a brilliant Designated Marksman Rifle (DMR) that is it’s own creature. With that said, let’s take a look at the two.

I. Executive Summary

The Russian SVD Dragunov and the Romanian PSL are both iconic semi-automatic rifles chambered in the 7.62x54mmR cartridge, designed to serve as Designated Marksman Rifles (DMRs) within Eastern Bloc military doctrines. A common misconception persists that the PSL is merely a direct clone or licensed variant of the SVD. However, a detailed examination reveals that while they share a similar operational role and external appearance, they are fundamentally distinct in their mechanical design and underlying philosophical approaches to firearms development.¹

Figure 1. This is a Russian Dragunov. Note the sleek lines, long handguard, milled receiver, and lack of a protruding rear sight block compared to a PSL. (Obtained from Wikimedia)

The SVD, or Snayperskaya Vintovka Dragunova, emerged from a dedicated design competition in the Soviet Union, resulting in a purpose-built platform featuring a short-stroke gas piston system and a precisely machined (milled) steel receiver.³ This design reflects a focus on refinement, optimized performance, and a balance between accuracy and battlefield mobility for a squad-level marksman.⁷ In contrast, the Romanian PSL, or Puşcă Semiautomată cu Lunetă, was developed independently due to geopolitical tensions and Romania’s desire for self-sufficiency in arms production.¹ It is essentially a scaled-up and reinforced adaptation of the Kalashnikov/RPK light machine gun platform, utilizing a long-stroke gas piston and a stamped steel receiver.¹ This approach prioritized ruggedness, reliability, and cost-effective mass production over the SVD’s more complex and expensive manufacturing processes.⁹

Figure 2. This is a PSL. Note the different flash hider, gas block, hand guards, rear sight block, stamped steel magazine, magazine stampong and buttstock design compared to the Dragunov. (Obtained from Wikimedia)

These fundamental differences in design philosophy and mechanical execution lead to varied performance characteristics, particularly in terms of inherent accuracy and sustained fire capability. While both rifles are designed for engaging man-sized targets at extended ranges, the SVD generally exhibits a higher standard of quality control and consistent accuracy, whereas the PSL, though robust and reliable, may require aftermarket modifications to maximize its precision potential.¹⁰ The distinction between these two rifles is not merely academic; it highlights how military doctrine, political autonomy, and industrial capabilities shape the development of firearms, leading to distinct solutions for similar operational requirements.

II. Introduction: The Role of Designated Marksman Rifles

The evolution of infantry combat in the mid-20th century revealed a critical gap in the capabilities of standard small arms. While assault rifles, such as the ubiquitous AKM, proved highly effective for close-to-medium range engagements, typically up to 300-400 meters, targets appearing beyond this distance often remained unengaged or required specialized, slower-firing bolt-action sniper rifles.¹ This tactical void necessitated an intermediate class of firearm: the Designated Marksman Rifle (DMR).

DMRs are designed to bridge this gap, providing infantry squads or platoons with an organic capability for increased effective range and precision without resorting to highly specialized sniper teams. Their primary function is to enable engagement of targets beyond the capabilities of standard issue assault rifles, typically out to 600-800 meters, while maintaining a semi-automatic rate of fire to support dynamic battlefield scenarios.¹ This role emphasizes “combat accuracy”—the ability to consistently hit man-sized targets quickly and effectively—rather than the extreme sub-Minute of Angle (MOA) precision often associated with Western sniper rifles.⁸

The SVD Dragunov and the Romanian PSL stand as two prominent and historically significant examples of this DMR concept, both emerging from the Cold War era to fulfill similar roles within their respective military doctrines. Their development paths, however, diverged significantly, offering a compelling study in firearm design and geopolitical influence.

III. Historical Development and Design Philosophy

A. The SVD Dragunov: Soviet Precision and Doctrine

The SVD Dragunov’s genesis lies in a Soviet military requirement for a new self-loading sniper rifle, initiated through competitive trials spanning from 1958 to 1963.⁶ This was the third significant attempt to equip Soviet infantry with such a weapon, following earlier efforts like the SVT-40.²⁰ The competition ultimately saw the design by Yevgeny Dragunov emerge victorious, leading to its official adoption on July 3, 1963.⁶ Dragunov’s background as a factory machinist, senior armorer, and a competitive shooter with extensive experience in sports and target rifle design proved instrumental.²⁰ His unique perspective, honed from years of working with and competing in precision shooting, allowed him to approach the challenge with a fundamentally different philosophy than his competitors, who were more rooted in automatic combat weapon design.²⁰

The core design philosophy behind the SVD was not to create a Western-style, extreme-precision sniper rifle, but rather a Designated Marksman Rifle (DMR) optimized for “combat accuracy”.⁸ This meant prioritizing the ability to score effective hits on man-sized targets rapidly, even against moving targets in dynamic battle scenarios, rather than achieving the absolute maximum possible accuracy.¹⁸ This doctrinal approach had a profound impact on the SVD’s design choices. For instance, the rifle was initially designed with a relatively thin, “pencil-profile” barrel to save weight, enhancing the marksman’s maneuverability and ability to keep pace with an infantry squad.⁶ While this design choice compromised some inherent accuracy, it aligned with the Soviet emphasis on a lightweight weapon system for squad support.⁸ Later, the modernized SVDM variant would feature a heavier barrel to enhance rigidity and harmonics, thereby improving accuracy, indicating a continuous refinement process.⁷

Another significant design decision reflecting this doctrine was the change in rifling twist rate. Originally, the SVD featured a 320 mm (1:12.6 in) twist, optimized for heavier civilian ammunition.⁶ However, in 1975, this was increased to a standard 240 mm (1:9.4 in) twist. This modification, while reducing precision with the dedicated 7N1 sniper cartridge by approximately 19%, was a deliberate choice to allow for acceptable accuracy when using standard “light” ball steel core LPS Gzh ammunition, which was more readily available for general issue and machine guns.⁶ This adjustment underscores the Soviet emphasis on logistical commonality and battlefield practicality over achieving peak theoretical precision with specialized ammunition. The SVD’s design, therefore, represents a sophisticated balance of precision, reliability, and battlefield utility, tailored to a specific military doctrine that valued effective fire support at the squad level.

B. The Romanian PSL: An Independent AK-Derived Solution

The development of the Romanian PSL (Puşcă Semiautomată 7,62 mm cu Lunetă) was born out of a unique geopolitical context that diverged from the unified Warsaw Pact arms development strategy. In August 1968, Romania’s President Nicolae Ceaușescu publicly condemned the Warsaw Pact invasion of Czechoslovakia, a move that significantly strained relations with the Soviet Union and solidified Romania’s independent foreign policy.¹ This political rift directly influenced Romania’s military industrial complex. To reduce its reliance on Soviet military equipment and foster national self-sufficiency, Romania accelerated the development of its own small-arms production capabilities.¹

When the Soviets proved hesitant to share the detailed specifications for their SVD Dragunov, Romania embarked on an independent project to develop its own semi-automatic designated marksman rifle.⁹ The PSL was officially launched in 1974, leveraging Romania’s existing and well-established small-arms manufacturing infrastructure.¹ Critically, instead of attempting to reverse-engineer or replicate the SVD’s complex, purpose-built design, Romanian engineers opted for a pragmatic approach: adapting a proven domestic platform. The PSL’s design is fundamentally based on the PM md. 64 light machine gun, which itself was a licensed copy of the Soviet RPK, an enlarged variant of the AKM.¹ This means the PSL belongs to the Kalashnikov family of weapons, sharing many of its core operational principles.¹⁷

The Romanian design priorities for the PSL emphasized ruggedness, reliability, and cost-effective mass production.⁹ Unlike the SVD’s milled receiver, the PSL utilizes a stamped sheet steel receiver, similar to the RPK, but reinforced with a “bulged” front trunnion to accommodate the more powerful 7.62x54mmR cartridge.¹ This choice of stamped construction made the PSL cheaper and easier to mass-produce compared to the SVD’s more labor-intensive milled design.⁹ The internal mechanism, being familiar to troops trained on AK-pattern rifles, also meant a shorter training period for designated marksmen.¹⁷ The PSL’s development therefore stands as a compelling illustration of how political autonomy and economic realities can drive distinct military hardware solutions, even when fulfilling a similar operational role and sharing a common cartridge type. The result is a robust, reliable, and widely distributed rifle that, while cosmetically similar to the SVD, is mechanically a different weapon system.

IV. Technical Specifications and Mechanical Differences

Despite their superficial resemblance and shared 7.62x54mmR cartridge, the SVD Dragunov and Romanian PSL exhibit profound mechanical differences that stem from their distinct design philosophies and manufacturing approaches. These divergences impact everything from their internal operation to their accuracy potential and logistical considerations.

A. Operating Mechanism and Receiver Design

The most fundamental mechanical distinction between the SVD and PSL lies in their operating mechanisms and receiver construction. The SVD employs a short-stroke gas piston system.³ In this design, a separate gas piston impacts a pusher, which in turn drives the bolt carrier rearward, but the piston itself does not travel the full length of the receiver with the bolt carrier.³ This approach minimizes the mass of reciprocating parts, contributing to reduced felt recoil and potentially better accuracy by reducing the disturbance to the rifle’s harmonics during the firing cycle.³ The SVD’s receiver is precisely machined from a solid block of steel (milled), providing a rigid and stable platform for the barrel and operating components.² This manufacturing method, while more costly and time-consuming, enhances the rifle’s inherent precision and durability.

In stark contrast, the PSL utilizes a long-stroke gas piston system, a hallmark of the Kalashnikov family of weapons.¹ In this system, the gas piston is permanently attached to the bolt carrier, and the entire assembly travels the full length of the receiver during the operating cycle. While this design is renowned for its exceptional reliability and robustness, it involves a larger and heavier mass of reciprocating parts, which can introduce more vibration and impact accuracy, particularly during rapid fire.¹⁰ The PSL’s receiver is constructed from stamped sheet steel, similar to the RPK light machine gun, but it is “beefed up” and reinforced, particularly at the front trunnion, to handle the more powerful 7.62x54mmR cartridge.¹ This stamped construction is significantly less expensive and faster to produce than a milled receiver, aligning with Romania’s emphasis on mass production and cost-effectiveness. The choice of these differing core mechanical architectures highlights the distinct design philosophies: the SVD as a purpose-built precision instrument, and the PSL as a pragmatic, robust adaptation of an existing, reliable platform.

B. Barrel Characteristics

Both rifles feature chrome-lined bores, a common practice in Eastern Bloc firearms to enhance corrosion resistance and extend barrel life, especially when using corrosive surplus ammunition.⁶ However, their barrel profiles and rifling twist rates present notable differences impacting accuracy.

The original SVD was designed with a relatively thin, “pencil-profile” barrel to minimize overall weight, a crucial consideration for a rifle intended for squad-level mobility.⁶ While this contributed to a lighter weapon, it inherently limited the barrel’s rigidity and its ability to dissipate heat effectively during sustained firing, which can negatively affect accuracy. Recognizing this, later modernized variants like the SVDM incorporated a heavier barrel profile to enhance rigidity and improve barrel harmonics, thereby boosting accuracy.⁷ The SVD’s rifling twist rate also saw an evolution. Initially, it was 320 mm (1:12.6 in), optimized for heavier civilian ammunition.⁶ However, in 1975, the twist rate was standardized to 240 mm (1:9.4 in). This change, while reportedly reducing precision with the dedicated 7N1 sniper cartridge by 19%, allowed for acceptable accuracy with standard “light” ball steel core LPS Gzh ammunition, reflecting a pragmatic compromise for logistical commonality.⁶

The PSL also features a chrome-lined barrel, typically with a 1:10 twist rate.⁹ However, a significant characteristic of the PSL’s barrel is its relatively thin profile.¹⁰ This design choice, likely influenced by weight considerations and manufacturing simplicity, has a direct and pronounced impact on its sustained accuracy. Reports indicate that the PSL’s thin barrel heats up rapidly, causing groups to widen considerably after firing as few as 3 to 5 rounds.¹³ This makes the PSL less suitable for prolonged rapid-fire engagements where consistent precision is paramount, highlighting a practical limitation of its design when compared to the SVD’s more robust barrel characteristics, especially in later variants.

C. Magazine Design and Interchangeability

Both the SVD and PSL are chambered for the same powerful 7.62x54mm Russian rimmed cartridge and are fed from 10-round detachable box magazines.¹ This shared ammunition and capacity often leads to the mistaken assumption that their magazines are interchangeable. However, this is a critical point of divergence: the magazines are not interchangeable between the Dragunov and PSL without significant modification.¹

This incompatibility stems directly from their fundamentally different receiver designs and internal dimensions. The SVD, being a purpose-built design with a milled receiver, has a magazine well precisely machined to fit its specific magazines. In contrast, the PSL, as an enlarged AK/RPK variant, adapted its magazine well to accommodate its scaled-up Kalashnikov-style internals. Visually, PSL magazines are distinguishable by a characteristic X-shaped pattern stamped on their sides, whereas Russian and Chinese SVD magazines typically feature a waffle-style stamp.¹ This seemingly minor detail carries significant logistical implications for military forces or civilian users who might operate both rifle types, as it necessitates separate supply chains for magazines despite the shared ammunition. The non-interchangeability of magazines serves as a tangible illustration of the deep mechanical differences between the two platforms, reinforcing that the PSL is not simply a “Romanian Dragunov” but a distinct weapon system.

D. Optics and Mounting Systems

Both the SVD and PSL were designed to be used primarily with optical sights, reflecting their role as designated marksman rifles. They share a common philosophy of side-mounted optics, a characteristic of Eastern Bloc firearms, which allows for the use of iron sights even when the optic is mounted.¹⁸

The SVD is typically issued with the PSO-1 (or later PSO-1M2) optical sight.³ This 4x magnification scope features a distinctive reticle that includes a stadiametric rangefinder for estimating target distance, chevrons for bullet drop compensation (BDC) at various ranges, and horizontal marks for windage adjustments.²² The PSO-1 is designed to mount to a Warsaw Pact rail on the left side of the SVD’s receiver. This mounting system is engineered to allow for the optic’s removal and reattachment without a significant loss of zero, a crucial feature for field maintenance and transport.¹⁸ The SVD’s milled receiver provides a robust and stable base for this rail, contributing to consistent optic performance.

The PSL is typically equipped with the LPS 4×6° TIP2 scope (Lunetă Pușcă Semiautomată Tip 2).¹ This optic is a simplified version of the Russian PSO-1, sharing a similar basic design, 4x magnification, and the distinctive stadiametric rangefinder and BDC reticle features.¹ It also mounts to a riveted side rail on the left side of the PSL’s stamped receiver.¹ While the shared design philosophy of integrated rangefinding and BDC aims for rapid target engagement without complex calculations, there can be differences in optical quality and consistency. Some reports indicate that the LPS optics found on PSLs may be “dim and hazy” compared to the PSO-1.⁴ The PSL’s riveted rail on a stamped receiver, while functional, may not offer the same inherent rigidity and stability as the SVD’s integrated rail on a milled receiver, potentially impacting the consistency of zero retention over time, though the side rail concept itself is designed for repeatable mounting.¹⁸ The differences in optical quality and mounting stability reflect the differing manufacturing standards and the overall refinement levels of each nation’s arms industry.

E. Other Key Distinctions

Beyond the major differences in operating mechanisms, receivers, barrels, and magazines, several other mechanical distinctions contribute to the overall character and performance of the SVD and PSL:

Trigger Groups: The SVD features a more refined and easily removable trigger mechanism.³ This design contributes to a smoother and lighter trigger pull, which is beneficial for precision shooting. In contrast, the PSL, being derived from the AK platform, utilizes a fire control group that is more akin to the standard Kalashnikov design.³ While robust and reliable, these triggers are often characterized by a military-grade coarseness, with some creep and grittiness, which can be less conducive to achieving maximum accuracy.¹⁰
Gas Regulation: The SVD incorporates a two-position adjustable gas regulator.⁶ This feature allows the operator to fine-tune the gas system to compensate for varying environmental conditions (such as fouling in the gas port, extreme cold, or high altitude) or to optimize performance with different ammunition types. This adjustability helps maintain consistent recoil impulse and reliability. The PSL, however, typically has a non-adjustable gas system.¹ This lack of adjustability can lead to issues, particularly when using heavier ammunition (147 grain or greater) or silencers, as the increased gas pressure can cause excessive wear, including bolt carrier cracking.¹ To mitigate these issues, aftermarket adjustable gas pistons are a common and recommended modification for PSL owners.¹ This difference underscores the SVD’s more optimized design for its cartridge compared to the PSL’s adaptation of an existing platform.
Bolt Hold-Open: The SVD features a last-round bolt hold-open mechanism, which keeps the bolt open after the last cartridge in the magazine has been fired.⁶ This is a valuable feature for military applications as it provides immediate feedback to the operator that the rifle is empty and facilitates faster reloads. While military-specification PSLs generally incorporate this feature, some civilian import versions may lack it due to modifications made to comply with import laws.¹

These cumulative differences highlight the engineering trade-offs inherent in each design. The SVD’s features reflect a commitment to optimizing performance and adaptability for its specific role, while the PSL’s design reflects a pragmatic approach of adapting existing, proven technology, even if it means some inherent limitations or the need for user-level modifications to achieve optimal performance.

V. Performance Analysis: Accuracy and Operational Range

The performance of the SVD Dragunov and Romanian PSL is best understood within the context of their intended role as Designated Marksman Rifles, rather than traditional precision sniper rifles. Both were designed for “combat accuracy”—the ability to consistently hit man-sized targets in dynamic battlefield conditions—rather than achieving minute-of-angle (MOA) groups typically expected from dedicated Western sniper platforms.⁹

A. Accuracy at 500 meters and 1,000 meters

Evaluating the accuracy of these rifles at 500 and 1,000 meters requires distinguishing between factory specifications, optimal conditions with match-grade ammunition, and practical performance with standard military ball ammunition.

SVD Dragunov Accuracy:

Factory inspection requirements for the SVD were stringent for its class, mandating a median deviation of no more than 0.7 MOA in three 10-shot groups when using the dedicated 7N1 sniper ammunition.6 This translates to an approximate overall accuracy of 3 MOA under factory test conditions.6 More specifically, with 7N1 sniper cartridges, the extreme vertical spread was required to be no more than 1.24 MOA (with a 240 mm twist rate barrel) or 1.04 MOA (with a 320 mm twist rate barrel) in 5-shot groups.22 However, when using standard 57-N-323S cartridges (light ball), the precision of the SVD is notably reduced to approximately 2.21 MOA extreme vertical spread.22 U.S. military tests and Soviet technical bulletins further indicate a requirement for the SVD to hold a 14.7-inch group at 600 meters (approximately 2.3 MOA) with standard ball ammunition.19 This level of accuracy is considered acceptable for engaging man-sized targets at these distances. While the SVD can achieve hits at 1,000 meters, its design is not optimized for consistent precision at such extreme ranges. An experimental prototype, the SVK, chambered in 6x49mm, was developed to offer nearly a fourfold accuracy improvement over the SVD at 1,000 meters, underscoring the SVD’s inherent limitations at that distance.7

Romanian PSL Accuracy:

The PSL is often cited as being capable of 1 Minute of Angle (MOA) or less under ideal conditions.1 However, this potential is frequently hampered by practical limitations. A significant issue is the PSL’s relatively thin barrel, which heats up quickly, causing groups to widen considerably after only 3 to 5 rounds.13 This makes sustained precision fire challenging. Furthermore, the lack of an adjustable gas system can lead to issues like bolt carriers cracking when using heavier ball (147 grain or greater) ammunition or suppressors, due to excessive gas pressure.1 Despite these challenges, with proper tuning, such as the installation of an aftermarket adjustable gas piston (like the KNS piston), and selection of specific ammunition (e.g., 150-grain or 180+ grain loads), the PSL has demonstrated the capability to make 500-yard shots with ease, with some reports indicating its accuracy can be “on par with the Drag”.12 It is consistently emphasized that the PSL, like the SVD, is a DMR intended for hitting man-sized targets, not a precision competition rifle.9 For example, tests at 300 yards showed the PSL capable of a 10-shot rapid-fire group, and with specific match ammunition, it could achieve groups near 1.5 MOA.11

Comparative Assessment:

At 500 meters, both rifles are capable of engaging man-sized targets. The SVD, particularly with 7N1 sniper ammunition, is generally more consistently accurate out of the box due to its higher quality control and more refined design.10 Its factory specifications and military requirements suggest a reliable capability for hits within 2-3 MOA at this range.19 The PSL, while capable of similar or even better initial accuracy with optimal ammunition and tuning, suffers from rapid barrel heating, which significantly degrades its sustained accuracy after a few shots.13 Therefore, for a single, well-aimed shot at 500 meters, both can perform, but the SVD offers greater consistency across multiple shots and varying ammunition types without modifications.

At 1,000 meters, neither rifle is considered a true precision sniper rifle in the Western sense. While their optical sights (PSO-1/LPS) have bullet drop compensation markings up to 1,000 meters or beyond, and their cartridges possess the ballistic energy to reach these distances, achieving consistent, precise hits on man-sized targets becomes significantly more challenging.¹ The SVD’s limitations at 1,000 meters are acknowledged by the development of the SVK prototype, which aimed for a fourfold accuracy improvement at this range.⁷ For the PSL, its thin barrel and inherent design limitations make consistent accuracy at 1,000 meters highly improbable without extensive modifications and specialized ammunition, even then it would be considered an extreme shot.¹⁰ In practical terms, neither rifle is reliably accurate for precision work at 1,000 meters, though engaging area targets or suppressing fire might be possible.

B. Realistic Operational Range

The realistic operational range for a designated marksman rifle is the distance at which a trained operator can consistently achieve effective hits on typical battlefield targets (e.g., a man-sized silhouette) under combat conditions.

SVD Dragunov:

The SVD’s sighting systems are graduated for considerable distances: 1,300 meters with the optical sight and 1,200 meters with the iron sights.27 However, its maximum effective range is widely cited as 800 meters.19 This 800-meter range aligns with Soviet sniping doctrine, which focused on accurate engagement of multiple high-profile targets within this distance.19 The SVD is designed for a muzzle velocity of 830 m/s with standard ammunition.27 The rifle’s “killing range” is theoretically listed at 3,800 meters, but this refers to the maximum projectile flight distance, not effective accuracy.15 For direct fire, the SVD has a direct fire range of 350m for a 30cm head figure, 430m for a 50cm chest figure, and 640m for a 150cm running figure.32

Romanian PSL:

The PSL’s effective firing range is generally stated to be between 800 and 1,000 meters.30 Its LPS 4×6° TIP2 optical sight features bullet drop compensation out to 1,000 meters.1 Similar to the SVD, the PSL has a theoretical maximum firing range (killing effect) of approximately 3,000 to 3,800 meters.15 With a muzzle velocity of 830 m/s using a 10-gram projectile (7N14) 30, its ballistic performance is comparable to the SVD. Romanian military doctrine for the PSL, like the SVD, focused on its role as a squad-level DMR to engage targets beyond the capabilities of standard assault rifles, typically between 400 and 800 meters.15

Conclusion on Operational Range:

Both the SVD and PSL are realistically effective at engaging man-sized targets out to approximately 800 meters under typical battlefield conditions. While their optics and ammunition allow for shots at greater distances, consistent hits on individual targets become increasingly difficult beyond this range due to ballistic limitations, rifle characteristics (like barrel heating in the PSL), and the inherent precision requirements for such shots. Their design and doctrinal role align with providing extended-range fire support within the capabilities of a standard infantry squad, rather than engaging targets at extreme “sniper” distances.

VI. Design Superiority and Practicality

Assessing the “superior design” between the SVD Dragunov and the Romanian PSL is nuanced, as each rifle represents a different set of design priorities and compromises. The determination of superiority often depends on the specific criteria being evaluated: refinement, reliability, manufacturing cost, and maintenance.

Refinement:

The SVD is widely considered the more refined design.2 Its purpose-built nature, featuring a precisely milled receiver and a short-stroke gas piston system, contributes to a smoother operation, reduced reciprocating mass, and better inherent accuracy potential.3 The SVD’s trigger mechanism is also noted for being more refined and easily removable.3 This level of engineering and manufacturing precision typically results in a weapon that feels more “tight” and consistent. The PSL, being an adaptation of the RPK/AKM platform, exhibits a “military-grade coarseness” in its construction.9 While robust, its stamped receiver and long-stroke gas system, though beefed up, operate closer to their mechanical limits when firing the powerful 7.62x54mmR cartridge, leading to less inherent refinement in its action.10

Reliability:

Both rifles are renowned for their reliability, a hallmark of Eastern Bloc small arms designs. The PSL, benefiting from its Kalashnikov heritage, has a well-earned reputation for ruggedness and reliability, performing well even in extreme field environments.10 Its simpler, more robust long-stroke gas system is inherently forgiving of fouling and harsh conditions. The SVD also boasts legendary reliability, having undergone rigorous torture testing in various climatic conditions to ensure flawless performance.42 While the PSL’s non-adjustable gas system can lead to issues with heavy ammunition or suppressors, requiring aftermarket modifications 1, its basic operating reliability remains high. In terms of sheer ability to function under adverse conditions, both are highly dependable, though the PSL’s simplicity might give it a slight edge in raw field ruggedness for the average soldier.

Manufacturing Cost:

The PSL is significantly less expensive to produce than the SVD.9 This cost difference is a direct result of their differing manufacturing methods. The SVD’s milled receiver and more complex, purpose-built components require more machining time and higher material costs.2 In contrast, the PSL’s stamped receiver and adaptation of existing AK/RPK tooling allowed for more cost-effective mass production, a key Romanian design priority.9 This cost advantage made the PSL a more accessible option for many nations and for civilian markets, especially when compared to the scarcity and high price of genuine SVDs.2

Maintenance:

Both rifles are designed for relatively easy field maintenance, a common characteristic of Soviet and Warsaw Pact firearms, often described as “Ivan-proof”.16 Disassembly and reassembly procedures for both are straightforward, allowing for routine cleaning and lubrication in the field.17 The PSL’s AK-derived design means its maintenance procedures are familiar to anyone accustomed to Kalashnikov-pattern rifles.9 The SVD’s trigger group is notably easy to remove for maintenance.3 The adjustable gas system on the SVD also simplifies maintenance by allowing the operator to compensate for fouling or extreme cold.6 While both are robust, the PSL’s inherent simplicity, being an enlarged AK, might be perceived as marginally easier to maintain for a general infantryman without specialized training.

Overall Assessment of Superiority:

There is no single “superior” design; rather, each excels in different areas based on its original intent.

The SVD Dragunov is generally considered the superior design in terms of inherent precision, refinement, and optimized performance for its designated role.² Its purpose-built architecture and higher manufacturing standards contribute to more consistent accuracy and a more refined shooting experience. It represents a dedicated engineering solution to the DMR problem.
The Romanian PSL is superior in terms of cost-effectiveness, ease of mass production, and raw rugged reliability.⁹ It is a highly successful pragmatic adaptation of an existing, proven platform, making it a robust and widely available solution for forces requiring an extended-range semi-automatic rifle without the higher investment of the SVD.

Therefore, if the priority is maximum inherent accuracy and refinement, the SVD is the superior design. If the priority is widespread issuance, cost-effectiveness, and robust reliability under demanding conditions, the PSL presents a highly effective and practical solution.

VII. Global Adoption and Variants

Both the SVD Dragunov and the Romanian PSL have seen extensive military service globally, particularly within the former Eastern Bloc and among nations that received Soviet or Romanian military aid. Their widespread use underscores their effectiveness in the designated marksman role.

A. SVD Dragunov: Military Users and Variants

The SVD Dragunov, having entered service with the Soviet Army in 1963, quickly became the standard squad support weapon for numerous countries, especially those of the former Warsaw Pact.⁶ Its robust design and effective performance ensured its continued relevance across decades of conflict.

Current and Former Military Users:

The SVD has been widely adopted by state forces across various regions.28 Notable users include:

Russia: Continues to use and upgrade the SVD, with newer SVDM variants being issued.⁴⁵
Former Soviet Republics: Including Kazakhstan ⁴⁶, Ukraine ⁴⁵, and Moldova.
Eastern Europe: Hungary ⁴⁶, East Germany (issued as SWD) ⁶, Czechoslovakia (entered service in the 1970s).⁶
Middle East & North Africa: Iraq ², Syria ⁴⁶, Egypt.
Asia: China (produced under license as Type 79 and 85) ⁶, Vietnam.
Other: Afghanistan.⁴⁷

The SVD has been used in numerous conflicts, including the Vietnam War, Soviet-Afghan War, Iran-Iraq War, Iraq War, Syrian Civil War, and the ongoing Russo-Ukrainian War.⁶ Non-state actors, such as the Islamic State and Lord’s Resistance Army, have also utilized SVDs.⁶

Figure 3. Nigerien solider calling himself “Romeo” poses for VOA Africa at Camp Assaga, Diffa, Niger. Photo by the Voice of America and obtained via Wikimedia.

Notable Variants:

SVD (Original, Russia): The foundational model, characterized by its skeletal stock and long, narrow profile.²⁸
SVDS (Russia): A variant featuring a tubular, folding stock, designed for paratroopers.²⁸
SVDK (Russia): Resembles the SVDS but is rechambered to fire a larger 9.3x64mm cartridge, intended for targets in heavy body armor or behind cover.²⁸
SVU (Russia): A ‘bullpup’ version of the SVD, reconfigured with the magazine behind the trigger assembly to reduce overall length.²²
Type 79 / NDM-86 (China): Chinese copies of the SVD, visually identical to the original; differentiation often requires checking manufacturer markings.² The NDM-86 was also produced in 7.62x51mm NATO for export.³
Al-Kadesih (Iraq): An Iraqi variant distinguishable by a palm tree embossed on the magazine.²⁸

B. Romanian PSL: Military Users and Variants

The PSL, introduced into Romanian military service in 1974, has also achieved significant global distribution due to its robust design and cost-effectiveness.¹

Current and Former Military Users:

The PSL was adopted by all branches of the Romanian Army, internal troops, and police units.1 Its export success led to widespread use in various regions:

Romania: Primary user since 1974.¹
Middle East & North Africa: Iraq (5,000 delivered to Republican Guards in 1978) ¹, Iran ¹⁷, Libya (including Anti-Gaddafi forces) ¹, Syria ¹⁷, Egypt.¹
Africa: Eritrea ¹, Ethiopia ¹, Angola ¹⁷, Republic of Congo, Democratic Republic of Congo, Uganda.¹⁷
Asia: Afghanistan ¹, Bangladesh ¹, North Korea ¹⁷, Pakistan ¹⁷, Vietnam.¹⁷
Europe: East Germany ¹, Republic of Moldova.¹⁷
Central America: Nicaragua.¹⁷ The PSL has been employed in numerous conflicts, including the Angolan Civil War, Iran-Iraq War, Gulf War, War in Afghanistan, Syrian Civil War, and the ongoing conflict in Donbas.¹⁷

Figure 4, An Afghan National Army soldier uses a PSL rifle during a demonstration to display weaponry and communicatons capabilities at Camp Joyce, Afghanistan, Feb. 12, 2008. (U.S. Army photo by Spc. Jordan Carter) (Released). (Photo from Wikimedia)

Notable Variants:

PSL 54 (Romania): The standard semi-automatic military version, chambered in 7.62x54R.¹
PSL 51 (Romania): A semi-automatic version chambered in 7.62x51mm NATO, primarily for export.¹⁵
PL (Romania): A repeating (bolt-action) version chambered in 7.62x51mm NATO.¹⁵
PSL-54C / Romak III / FPK / FPK Dragunov / SSG-97 (Export): These are sporting versions intended for the export market, particularly the United States. They are largely identical to the military version but feature modifications to comply with import laws, such as the removal of the bayonet lug and receiver modifications (e.g., two trigger mechanism axis pin holes instead of three).¹ The “FPK Dragunov” designation is purely commercial and does not imply mechanical commonality with the SVD.¹

VIII. Summary Table of Major Features

The following table provides a concise comparison of the key features of the SVD Dragunov and the Romanian PSL, highlighting their similarities and fundamental differences.

Feature	SVD Dragunov (Russia)	Romanian PSL (Puşcă Semiautomată cu Lunetă)
Type	Designated Marksman Rifle (DMR), Sniper Rifle	Designated Marksman Rifle (DMR)
Place of Origin	Soviet Union (Russia)	Romania
In Service	1963–present ⁶	1974–present ³⁰
Designer	Yevgeny Dragunov ²¹	Romania – Cugir ³¹
Operating Mechanism	Gas-operated, Short-Stroke Gas Piston, Rotating Bolt ³	Gas-operated, Long-Stroke Gas Piston, Rotating Bolt ¹
Receiver Type	Milled Steel ²	Stamped Sheet Steel (RPK-type, reinforced) ¹
Caliber	7.62x54mmR (original), 9.3x64mm (SVDK variant) ²⁸	7.62x54mmR (original), 7.62x51mm NATO (export variant) ¹
Muzzle Velocity	830 m/s ²⁷	830 m/s ³⁰
Weight (unloaded, with optical sight)	4.3 kg ²⁷	4.31 kg ³⁰ (4.9 kg with mag & scope, no bayonet ¹⁵)
Length (without bayonet)	1220 mm ²⁷	1150 mm ³⁰
Barrel Length	620 mm ²⁸	620 mm ²⁴
Barrel Profile	Originally thin, later heavier (SVDM) ⁶	Relatively thin ¹⁰
Barrel Rifling Twist	240 mm (1:9.4 in) (since 1975) ⁶	1:10″ (254 mm) ²⁴ (some sources 320mm ³¹)
Magazine Capacity	10 rounds, detachable box ²⁷	10 rounds, detachable box ¹
Magazine Interchangeability	Not interchangeable with PSL magazines ¹	Not interchangeable with SVD magazines ¹
Standard Optic	PSO-1 / PSO-1M2 (4x) ²²	LPS 4×6° TIP2 (4x) ¹
Gas System	Adjustable (two-position) ⁶	Non-adjustable ¹
Bolt Hold-Open	Yes (last round) ⁶	Yes (military spec), some civilian imports lack it ¹
Factory Accuracy (7N1 ammo)	~1.04-1.24 MOA (5-shot groups, extreme vertical spread) ²²	Capable of 1 MOA or less (but with caveats) ¹
Effective Firing Range	800 m ²⁹	800–1,000 m ³⁰
Max Sighting Range (optic)	1300 m ²⁷	1300 m ¹⁵
Notable Variants	SVDS, SVDK, SVU, Type 79, Al-Kadesih ²⁸	PSL-54C, Romak III, FPK, SSG-97 (export) ¹
Countries Used In (Examples)	Russia, Ukraine, Iraq, China, Hungary, Syria ⁶	Romania, Iraq, Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Libya, Eritrea ¹
Manufacturing Cost	Higher (milled receiver) ⁴³	Lower (stamped receiver) ⁹

IX. Conclusion

The comparative analysis of the Russian SVD Dragunov and the Romanian PSL reveals two distinct yet functionally similar Designated Marksman Rifles, each a product of unique design philosophies and geopolitical circumstances. The common perception of the PSL as a mere “Romanian Dragunov” is a misnomer, as the rifles are mechanically dissimilar, sharing only their ammunition, optical philosophy, and a general aesthetic.¹

The SVD Dragunov stands as a testament to Soviet engineering, purpose-built from the ground up to fulfill a specific doctrinal role: providing squad-level marksmen with rapid, effective fire at extended ranges. Its short-stroke gas piston system and precisely milled receiver reflect a commitment to refinement and inherent accuracy, balancing these qualities with the need for battlefield mobility.³ The evolution of its barrel profile and twist rate further illustrates a pragmatic approach to optimizing performance across various ammunition types and operational conditions.⁶

In contrast, the Romanian PSL emerged from a different set of imperatives. Driven by political autonomy and a desire to reduce reliance on Soviet military hardware, Romania leveraged its existing Kalashnikov/RPK manufacturing capabilities to create an indigenous DMR.¹ The PSL’s long-stroke gas piston system and reinforced stamped receiver, while less refined than the SVD, embody ruggedness, reliability, and cost-effective mass production.¹ This approach made the PSL a highly practical and widely distributed solution, demonstrating how economic and political factors can lead to distinct, yet effective, designs for similar military requirements.

In terms of performance, both rifles are effective within their designated roles for engaging man-sized targets out to approximately 800 meters. While the SVD generally offers more consistent out-of-the-box accuracy due to higher quality control and a more stable design, the PSL, with proper ammunition and potential aftermarket modifications, can achieve comparable initial precision.¹⁰ However, the PSL’s thin barrel and non-adjustable gas system present limitations for sustained fire and use with heavier ammunition or suppressors, highlighting areas where its adapted design reaches its practical limits.¹

Ultimately, the SVD Dragunov represents a dedicated, optimized design for a designated marksman rifle, emphasizing a balance of precision and battlefield utility. The Romanian PSL, while often overshadowed by its Russian counterpart, is a highly successful and reliable adaptation, prioritizing affordability and robust performance through a pragmatic application of existing technology. Both rifles have proven their worth in numerous conflicts worldwide, solidifying their legacy as iconic examples of Eastern Bloc DMRs.

In short, please don’t refer to a PSL as a Dragunov!

Image Sources

Main Image is “SVD and SVDS sniper rifles at Engineering Technologies 2012” Obtained from Wikimedia. Author is Mike1979 Russia. https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:SVD_and_SVDS_sniper_rifles_at_Engineering_Technologies_2012.jpg

Figure 1 is from Wikimedia and the authors is Hokos. https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:SVD_Dragunov.jpg

Figure 2 is from Wikimedia and the author is Verein der Freunde und Förderer der Wehrtechnischen Studiensammlung Koblenz e. V. https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Dragunow_sniper_rifle_at_Wehrtechnische_Studiensammlung_Koblenz.jpg

Figure 3 is a Nigerien solider calling himself “Romeo” poses for VOA Africa at Camp Assaga, Diffa, Niger. Photo by the Voice of America and obtained via Wikimedia. https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Nigerian_sniper.jpg

Figure 4 an Afghan National Army soldier uses a PSL rifle during a demonstration to display weaponry and communicatons capabilities at Camp Joyce, Afghanistan, Feb. 12, 2008. (U.S. Army photo by Spc. Jordan Carter) (Released). Photo from Wikimedia.https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Afghan_National_Army_soldier_with_PSL_rifle.jpg

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History of Zastava Arms – A Summary of 170 Years

May 17, 2025 RoninsGrips

Zastava Arms, or Zastava oružje (Застава оружје) as it is known in its native Serbia, stands as a monumental testament to the nation’s industrial and military history. With origins stretching back to the mid-19th century, this Kragujevac-based manufacturer has not only equipped generations of soldiers but has also been a significant contributor to Serbia’s (and formerly Yugoslavia’s) defense industry and a notable exporter on the global stage.¹ Its story is one of resilience, adaptation, and an enduring role in the complex tapestry of Balkan and European history.

A Tale of Two Zastavas: Arms and Automobiles

It is crucial at the outset to distinguish Zastava Arms from its erstwhile sibling, Zastava Automobiles (Zastava Automobili / Застава Аутомобили). While both giants of Serbian industry sprang from the same foundational industrial complex in Kragujevac (Крагујевац), their paths diverged. Zastava Arms remained true to its martial origins, focusing on ordnance and firearms, whereas Zastava Automobiles carved its niche in vehicle manufacturing.¹ The original cannon-casting plant, established in 1853, is the direct progenitor of the Zastava Arms we know today.¹ Although an automobile section was inaugurated within the broader Zastava enterprise in 1904, and the entire complex was later known as Zavodi Crvena Zastava (Заводи Црвена Застава, Red Flag Factories) after World War II, a pivotal decision in 1953 saw a significant portion of the Zastava plant dedicate itself exclusively to automobile production. This bifurcation led to the emergence of Zastava Automobiles and Zastava Arms as distinct, specialized entities.¹ This report will navigate the rich history of Zastava Arms.

The parallel development and eventual separation of Zastava’s arms and automotive divisions reflect a broader pattern in state-led industrialization efforts, particularly in nations striving for self-sufficiency. Military requirements often served as the initial catalyst for heavy industry, with civilian applications and diversification emerging as secondary, albeit significant, outcomes. The foundational enterprise was a cannon foundry, driven by the Principality of Serbia’s defense needs.¹ Early automotive activities also had military links, such as assembling Ford and Chevrolet trucks for the Yugoslav Army.⁸ This trajectory suggests that national security imperatives often paved the way for broader industrial capabilities. The eventual split signifies that both sectors achieved a scale and specialization warranting independent operation, but their shared genesis underscores a strategic, state-influenced approach to building national industrial capacity.

The remarkable longevity of Zastava Arms, enduring through multiple state formations, devastating wars, international sanctions, and profound political transformations, highlights not only its intrinsic resilience but also its perceived indispensability to the Serbian state throughout its various iterations. The company’s existence spans the Principality of Serbia, the Kingdom of Serbia, the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY), the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY), the State Union of Serbia and Montenegro, and the modern Republic of Serbia.⁴ It has weathered the storms of World War I, World War II (during which it sustained heavy damage), the turbulent dissolution of Yugoslavia, crippling UN sanctions, and direct NATO bombardment.⁴ Such persistence through extreme adversity implies a consistent level of state support, a deep-rooted institutional adaptability, and a continuous demand for its products, underscoring its strategic importance.

Table 1: Key Milestones in Zastava Arms History

Year	Milestone
1851	Decision rendered to relocate the Gun Foundry from Belgrade to Kragujevac (Крагујевац).³
1853 (Oct 27)	First cannon barrels cast in Kragujevac; official founding of Zastava Arms, initially as the Topolivnica (Тополивница, Cannon Foundry).¹ The broader institution was also known as the Vojno-Tehnički Zavod (Војно-технички завод, Military Technical Institute).⁸
1880	Major Kosta Milovanović designs the Mauzer Milovanović M.1880 repeating rifle, popularly known as the Kokinka (Кокинка).¹⁰
1889	The Gun Foundry wins several medals at the Large World Fair in Paris.³
c. 1924-1928	Ministry of the Interior signs contracts with FN Herstal (Belgium) for licensed production of M24 series Mauser bolt-action rifles; new factory for rifle and ammunition production established.⁴
Post-WWII	The factory complex is renamed Zavodi Crvena Zastava (Заводи Црвена Застава, Red Flag Factories).¹
1948	Production of the M48 bolt-action rifle, based on the Mauser design, commences.³
1953	Significant portion of Zastava plant pivots to automobile production, leading to separation of Zastava Arms and Zastava Automobiles. Zastava Arms begins production of the M53 Šarac (Шарац) machine gun.¹
1964-1970	Development of indigenous Kalashnikov-pattern assault rifle begins, culminating in adoption of Zastava M70 by Yugoslav People’s Army (JNA) in 1970.⁴
1990s	United Nations imposes economic sanctions on FR Yugoslavia due to Yugoslav Wars, impacting production and exports.⁴
1999	Zastava factory complex in Kragujevac sustains damage during NATO bombing.⁵
2005	Significant restructuring commences; Memorandum of Understanding signed with Remington Arms (USA) for export.⁴
2019	Zastava Arms USA established as exclusive importer for US market.⁴

Forging an Arsenal: From Topolivnica to the Great War (1851 – 1918)

The Birth of Serbian Arms Industry in Kragujevac

The genesis of Zastava Arms lies in a strategic decision made in 1851 by the Principality of Serbia to relocate its Gun Foundry from Belgrade to the more centrally located city of Kragujevac.³ This move was a clear statement of intent: to establish an indigenous capability for arms production, thereby reducing reliance on foreign powers. On October 27, 1853, this ambition materialized with the casting of the first cannon barrels at the new facility.¹ This date is not merely a historical footnote; it is celebrated as the official founding day of Zastava Arms and marks the dawn of Serbia’s domestic arms industry. The initial output consisted of four four-pound cannons and two short howitzers.⁴

The foundry was initially known as the Topolivnica (Тополивница, Cannon Foundry).¹ The critical task of organizing these early operations and training the first generation of Serbian arms craftsmen fell to a French engineer, Charles Loubry (referred to as Lubry in some Serbian sources), who oversaw the casting of a battery of six-pounder cannons. After Loubry’s departure in 1854, Milutin Jovanović assumed leadership, progressing to the production of twelve-pounder cannons.¹⁴

The Kragujevac Cannon Foundry in its working days, originally built in 1856. The drawing is from Wikimedia – the exact date and author are unknown. It was contributed to Wikimedia by SimonKTemplar

The establishment and early development of Zastava Arms were direct consequences of Serbia’s pressing need for military self-reliance in a volatile geopolitical neighborhood. This drive for sovereignty in defense procurement shaped its initial trajectory and institutional character, with the choice of Kragujevac being a deliberate strategic move for a national arsenal. The official narrative emphasizes the goal of achieving Serbia’s “own production of arms and equipment” ³, breaking dependence on foreign suppliers. The era was marked by frequent regional conflicts and the overarching influence of larger European powers, making an independent arms source vital for the Principality, and later Kingdom, of Serbia.

Institutional Framework and Early Technological Prowess

The Topolivnica was intrinsically linked to, and indeed formed the core of, the Vojno-Tehnički Zavod (Војно-технички завод, Military Technical Institute or VTZ) in Kragujevac.⁸ The VTZ itself was established by a decision of the Serbian government in 1850, with construction spanning from 1851 to 1853.¹⁴

The Kragujevac facility rapidly became a beacon of technological advancement in 19th-century Serbia. It housed the nation’s first steam engines, witnessed the first electric light (the first electric bulb in Serbia was illuminated in the Čaurnica / Чаурница, Cartridge Casing Plant, a building within the VTZ complex, in 1884), established the first formal technical school for industrial training, and implemented the first recognized quality control systems.³ This commitment to quality and innovation garnered early international acclaim when the Gun Foundry was awarded several medals at the prestigious Large World Fair in Paris in 1889.³ Between 1856 and 1860, the facilities underwent significant upgrades, enabling the plant to produce weapons with full parts interchangeability, a hallmark of modern manufacturing.⁴ The Vojno-Tehnički Zavod was more than just an arms factory; it served as a significant catalyst for broader industrial and technological modernization within Serbia. The documented introduction of Serbia’s “first steam engines, first electric light, first technical school, first quality system” at the VTZ ³ highlights its role as an industrial vanguard. The lighting of the first electric bulb in Serbia within the VTZ complex ¹⁴ is a symbolic marker of this pioneering status. This indicates that the investment in defense production had spill-over effects, driving technological diffusion and contributing to the overall modernization of the Serbian economy and society.

Pioneering Firearms: From Cannons to the Kokinka Rifle

While cannons were the initial focus, the evolving nature of warfare demanded modern infantry firearms. By 1878, the Serbian military recognized that its existing “Piboduša“ Model 1870 Peabody rifles, with their large 14.9mm caliber, were becoming obsolete, prompting a concerted effort to modernize its armaments.⁴

Following a research project and competitive tender in 1879, a new rifle design emerged. In 1880, Serbian Major Kosta “Koka” Milovanović, a key figure in Serbian ordnance, developed an updated version of the Mauser Model 1871 bolt-action rifle. This rifle, chambered in a unique 10.15x63mmR Serbian caliber and featuring Milovanović’s innovative “progressive rifling” (where the grooves reduced in diameter from breech to muzzle), became Serbia’s first domestically designed repeating rifle.⁴

Known officially as the Mauzer Milovanović M.1880, it earned popular monikers such as the “Mauser-Koka” or, more affectionately, the „Kokinka“ (Кокинка).⁴ While initially manufactured in Germany by Mauser (as the Mauser-Milovanović M1878/80), Zastava Arms is also listed as a manufacturer, suggesting later production or assembly in Kragujevac.¹⁵ Approximately 110,000 of these rifles entered the Serbian arsenal and saw their first major combat use in the Serbo-Bulgarian War of 1885.¹⁵ The Old Foundry Museum (Muzej Stara Livnica / Музеј Стара Ливница) in Kragujevac prominently features this historic rifle.²⁴ Zastava’s early operational model, characterized by the assimilation of advanced foreign technology (French engineering expertise for cannons, German Mauser rifle designs) coupled with indigenous innovation (Milovanović’s progressive rifling), established a foundational pattern of pragmatic technological development. The engagement of French engineer Charles Loubry for cannon production and training ¹⁴ demonstrates an openness to leveraging external expertise. The Mauser-Koka, while based on a German design, incorporated unique Serbian modifications ¹⁰, showcasing adaptive innovation. This blend of acquiring proven foreign technologies and adapting them to specific national requirements, while simultaneously nurturing local talent, proved to be a highly effective strategy for a smaller nation seeking to build a credible defense industry.

Arming the Nation: The Balkan Wars and World War I

The Mauser-Koka rifles, including variants converted around 1907 in Kragujevac to fire the 7x57mm Mauser cartridge from a 5-shot magazine (these conversions often referred to as Đurić Mausers / Ђурић-Маузер), were the mainstay of the Serbian infantry during the Balkan Wars (1912-1913) and World War I (1914-1918).¹⁵

The Vojno-Tehnički Zavod in Kragujevac served as the primary arsenal, responsible for producing and maintaining weapons for the Serbian army throughout these critical conflicts.³ On the eve of the Great War, Kragujevac, with a population of nearly 17,000, was home to seven industrial enterprises, with the VTZ being by far the most significant.²⁶

During World War I, Serbia faced severe ammunition shortages, a common problem for many belligerents. The crisis was overcome through a combination of factors: crucial aid from Entente allies (primarily France and Russia), ammunition “borrowed” from then-neutral Greece, and, critically, the maximized efforts of domestic production at the Kragujevac works, where ingenuity and intense labor were applied to produce as many shells as possible.²⁸ The Serbian army even had a permanent delegation at the Schneider factory in Creusot, France, to oversee ordnance matters.²⁸ The co-location of a technical school with the foundry ³ points to a far-sighted strategy for developing the human capital necessary to sustain and advance this critical industry.

Interwar Growth and Technological Assimilation (1919 – 1939)

Post-WWI Rejuvenation and Expansion

Following the devastation of World War I and the creation of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes (later Yugoslavia), the Vojno-Tehnički Zavod (VTZ) in Kragujevac embarked on a period of significant reconstruction and modernization. The museum guide’s reference to “VTZ između dva rata | Obnova” (VTZ between the two wars | Restoration) underscores this phase of rebuilding and renewed development.³

The factory underwent substantial expansion. By the late 1930s, on the eve of World War II, it had transformed into a veritable “industrial giant,” employing a workforce of nearly twelve thousand individuals and operating approximately ten thousand machines.³ This scale made it one of the largest and most important industrial enterprises in the Balkans. The massive expansion of Zastava’s workforce and machinery during this period cemented its role as a cornerstone of the regional economy in Kragujevac and a significant contributor to national employment and industrial output. Such a large workforce indicates that the factory was a primary economic engine for Kragujevac and the surrounding Šumadija (Шумадија) region. The demand for skilled and semi-skilled labor would have spurred vocational training and created a substantial industrial working class, extending its impact far beyond purely military considerations.

Strategic Alliances: FN Herstal and the Yugoslav Mauser M24

A pivotal development in the interwar period was the establishment of a close partnership with the renowned Belgian arms manufacturer, Fabrique Nationale d’Herstal (FN Herstal). Between 1924 and 1925, the Ministry of the Interior of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia concluded significant contracts with FN Herstal.⁴

These agreements facilitated the licensed production of the M24 series bolt-action rifles, a Yugoslav variant of the Mauser 98 system, chambered in the standard 7.92x57mm Mauser caliber.⁴ Yugoslavia became a major adopter and producer of this Mauser pattern, which was a proven and respected military design.¹¹

Yugoslavian M1924 Mauser. Photo obtained from Wikimedia. Author is The Swedish Army Museum.

To accommodate this large-scale production, a new, modern factory dedicated to the manufacture of rifles and infantry ammunition was constructed in Kragujevac. Ammunition production commenced on March 22, 1928, followed by rifle production on October 15, 1928—a date chosen to coincide with the 75th anniversary of the first cannon casting at Kragujevac, symbolizing continuity and progress.⁴

The M24 rifle became a standard infantry weapon. Notable variants included the Sokolski karabin M.1924 (Соколски карабин М.1924, Sokol carbine M.1924), a slightly shorter version designed for youth paramilitary training and target practice, and the Jurišna puška M.1924 ČK (Јуришна пушка М.1924 ЧК, Assault rifle M.1924 ČK), designed for specialized assault units, featuring a bent bolt handle and additional sling swivels.¹⁶ Bayonets produced for these rifles at the Kragujevac arsenal were typically marked “BT3” (VTZ Cyrillic).³⁰

The interwar era was transformative for Zastava, marking its maturation into a large-scale industrial enterprise capable of mass-producing modern weaponry. This was achieved through a deliberate strategy of acquiring proven foreign technologies via licensing agreements. The contracts with FN Herstal for the M24 Mauser rifle were not merely for a design blueprint but involved establishing comprehensive production lines for both rifles and ammunition.⁴ This implies a significant transfer of manufacturing technology and quality control processes from a leading European arms maker, allowing for rapid modernization of the Yugoslav military’s arsenal.

Diversification through Czechoslovakian Licenses

Beyond the Belgian collaboration, Zastava also looked to other advanced European arms industries for technology. In 1930, the factory secured a license from Czechoslovakia to produce 26 mm M 1929 signal pistols.⁴

Furthering this relationship, in July 1936, Zastava obtained a license from the prominent Czechoslovakian arms manufacturer Zbrojovka Brno (Збројовка Брно) to manufacture their highly regarded ZB vz. 26 light machine gun. This weapon, chambered in 7.92x57mm Mauser, was designated the M 1937 in Yugoslav service.⁴ Approximately 5,000 of these light machine guns were produced by Zastava.¹¹ This strategy of “technology assimilation” allowed the Kingdom of Yugoslavia to equip its forces with reliable, contemporary weapons relatively quickly, enhancing its defense posture in an increasingly unstable Europe.

Nascent Automotive Activities

While this report focuses on Zastava Arms, it is pertinent to note that the broader Zastava industrial complex in Kragujevac also began to engage in automotive assembly during this period, primarily for military needs. In 1930, Ford trucks were assembled for the Yugoslav Army, and in 1939, assembly of Chevrolet military trucks commenced.⁸ These early forays into vehicle production laid the groundwork for what would eventually become the separate entity of Zastava Automobili.

Under Fire: Zastava Arms in World War II (1939 – 1945)

Cessation of Operations under Occupation

The outbreak of World War II and the subsequent Axis invasion of Yugoslavia in April 1941 brought a sudden and brutal halt to the burgeoning operations at the Vojno-Tehnički Zavod in Kragujevac. Production ceased as the country was overrun and occupied.⁸

The city of Kragujevac, home to this vital arsenal, suffered grievously under occupation. A particularly horrific event was the Kragujevac Massacre of October 20-21, 1941, where German occupation forces, as a reprisal for partisan attacks, executed thousands of civilian men and boys from the city and surrounding areas.³¹ While the sources do not explicitly state that Zastava workers were singled out, the massacre decimated the local male population from which the factory drew its workforce, casting a dark shadow over the city and the plant.

Wartime Damage and Destruction

Throughout the war, Zastava Arms (then VTZ) sustained heavy damage.³ As a key military-industrial asset, it would have been a strategic target for various warring factions.

Liberation and Swift Resumption of Production

The city of Kragujevac was liberated from Axis occupation on October 21, 1944, by Yugoslav Partisan forces.⁴ Demonstrating its critical importance to the newly emerging Yugoslav authorities, the Zastava weapons factory was rapidly repaired and brought back into working order within a matter of months following liberation.⁴

Production recommenced almost immediately. The first firearm to be developed and produced in this new post-liberation phase was the 9mm M 1944 B2 submachine gun, a design initiated in the very same year as the liberation, 1944.⁴ This quick turnaround underscores the urgency of re-establishing arms production.

The alacrity with which the Zastava factory was repaired and production restarted post-liberation, even amidst the widespread chaos and devastation of war’s end, underscores its paramount strategic value to the nascent communist-led Yugoslav state. This urgency was likely driven by the immediate need to arm the victorious Partisan forces, consolidate control, and lay the foundations for national defense in a volatile post-war European landscape. The phrases “repaired to working order within months” and “production began shortly after” ⁴ signify a high-priority effort. The immediate development of the M 1944 B2 submachine gun ⁴ points to a clear focus on equipping forces for ongoing or anticipated needs. This mirrors the factory’s original founding principle: the imperative of indigenous arms production for national security.

The wartime experience of occupation, the brutal Kragujevac Massacre, and the extensive damage to the factory likely had a profound psychological and strategic impact, further solidifying Yugoslavia’s post-war commitment to military self-reliance. The trauma of events like the Kragujevac Massacre ³¹ and the vulnerability exposed by “heavy damage” ⁴ would have served as powerful motivators to ensure future defense capabilities were domestically controlled. This may have influenced design philosophies towards weapons that were robust, reliable, and suitable for mass production, as seen in some later Zastava products like the M70 rifle, known for its ruggedness.²¹

The Red Star Rises: Zavodi Crvena Zastava in SFR Yugoslavia (1945 – 1991)

A New Name for a New Era: Zavodi Crvena Zastava

Following World War II and the establishment of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY) under Marshal Tito, the Zastava industrial complex in Kragujevac was nationalized and renamed Zavodi Crvena Zastava (Заводи Црвена Застава), meaning “Red Flag Factories”.¹ This symbolic renaming, utilizing a potent communist emblem, reflected the new socialist political order and the factory’s integration into the state-controlled economy, emphasizing its role in serving the collective and the Jugoslovenska Narodna Armija (JHA / Југословенска народна армија, ЈНА, Yugoslav People’s Army).⁴

Iconic Firearms Production

The post-war era saw Zastava produce some of its most iconic and widely recognized firearms, becoming a cornerstone of Yugoslav defense and a significant exporter.

M48 Rifle: Building on its Mauser expertise, Zastava began production of the 7.92x57mm Mauser Model 1948 rifle.³ This rifle, based on the earlier M24 and the German Kar98k, became the standard service rifle of the JNA from the early 1950s until it was gradually replaced by the M59/66 semi-automatic rifle.³⁸ Several variants were produced, including the M48 (all machined parts), M48A (incorporating some stamped parts like the magazine floor plate to speed production and lower cost), M48B (additional stamped parts, intended for export), and M48BO (bez oznake / без ознаке, unmarked, for export).¹¹
M53 Šarac (Шарац) Machine Gun: In 1954, Zastava commenced production of the 7.9mm M53 Šarac machine gun.⁴ This weapon was a near-identical copy of the formidable German MG42 general-purpose machine gun from World War II. Yugoslavia utilized captured German machinery and technical data to produce the M53, retaining the original 7.92x57mm Mauser caliber, which remained in widespread Yugoslav service alongside Soviet calibers.¹² A key modification was a reduction in the cyclic rate of fire to around 950 rounds per minute, compared to the MG42’s 1,200 RPM, making the M53 more controllable.¹² Captured MG42s refurbished to this standard were designated M53/42.³⁹
PAP M59 Semi-Automatic Rifle: As infantry doctrine evolved, Zastava began batch production of the 7.62x39mm Poluautomatska puška M59 (Полуаутоматска пушка M59, Semi-automatic rifle M59), commonly known as the PAP M59, in 1964.⁴ This rifle was a Yugoslav-produced version of the Soviet SKS carbine. A notable variant, the M59/66, incorporated an integral 22mm NATO-standard grenade launcher and a flip-up grenade sight.¹¹
M70 Assault Rifle Family: Perhaps Zastava’s most famous product line, the M70 assault rifle family, emerged from Yugoslavia’s independent military development path. Development of an automatic rifle based on the Kalashnikov (AK-47) system began in 1964, initially designated the M67 in 1967.4 The Zastava M70, an unlicensed derivative of the Soviet AK-47 (specifically the Type 3 milled receiver variant), was subsequently developed in the 7.62x39mm caliber.4 Due to political differences between Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union, particularly Yugoslavia’s refusal to join the Warsaw Pact, Zastava was unable to obtain official technical specifications and instead reverse-engineered the AK design.17
The JNA officially adopted the M70 assault rifle into its arsenal in 1970.4 The Yugoslav M70 incorporated several unique features distinguishing it from Soviet AKs, including a grenade launching sight bracket mounted on the gas block (which also functioned as a gas cut-off when raised for grenade launching), a thicker receiver (initially milled, later stamped), and often, teak wood furniture.17 Later versions, such as the M70B1 and M70AB2 (folding stock), featured stamped receivers, with some incorporating heavier RPK-style bulged trunnions for increased durability, especially for grenade launching.17 Zastava also produced derivatives of the M70 chambered in Western bloc ammunition, such as the M77 in 7.62x51mm NATO and models in 5.56x45mm NATO, for export.4
Other Military Arms: The factory’s output during this period also included the M56 submachine gun, which bore a close resemblance to the German MP40 and was chambered in 7.62x25mm Tokarev ⁴; the M49 submachine gun, a design that synthesized elements of the Soviet PPSh-41 and the Italian Beretta Model 38 ¹¹; the M57 pistol, a Yugoslav derivative of the Soviet Tokarev TT-33 pistol, also in 7.62x25mm ⁴; and the M70 pistol (distinct from the rifle), a compact handgun chambered in.32 ACP (7.65mm Browning).⁴

The M53 Šarac Machine Gun. Image obtained from Wikimedia. The Author is Aleksej fon Grozni.

Afghan Local Police (ALP) candidates practice basic rifle marksmanship at a Coalition Forces site in Arghandab district, Kandahar province, Afghanistan, Oct. 16, 2012. The candidates undergo a three-week course which covers basic marksmanship, patrolling, improvised explosive device recognition and security techniques. The ALP program allows Afghans to provide security for their home villages and districts. Note: These are a variant of the M70 rifle as they do not have the grenade launching sight found on the Yugoslav-era M70B1 rifles. Photo obtained from Wikimedia. The author is Petty Officer 2nd Class Ernesto Hernandez Fonte.

Zastava’s arms production during the SFR Yugoslavia era clearly reflects the country’s unique non-aligned geopolitical stance. The decision to utilize and adapt both Eastern bloc (AK-47, SKS) and Western-influenced (Mauser, MG42 concepts) arms technologies, and even to develop unique hybrids or derivatives, demonstrates a pragmatic approach to defense procurement and industrial development. This strategy allowed Yugoslavia to avoid sole reliance on one superpower bloc, maintaining a degree of military autonomy. The production of the M70 as an unlicensed derivative, born out of political rifts with the USSR ¹⁷, particularly underscores Yugoslavia’s independent path. Furthermore, the development of weapon variants in NATO calibers ⁴ suggests a forward-thinking approach towards export markets or ensuring compatibility beyond Warsaw Pact standards, aligning with its non-aligned status and economic needs.

Development of Hunting and Sporting Arms

Alongside its military production, Zavodi Crvena Zastava significantly developed its line of hunting and sporting firearms. This diversification was likely a strategic move to utilize existing manufacturing capacity more fully, generate vital foreign currency through exports, and cater to a growing civilian market, thereby reducing the factory’s sole dependence on fluctuating military contracts.

Production of air rifles and sporting rifles, often based on the robust M48 Mauser rifle action, began as early as 1953.3 In 1954, Zastava further expanded its civilian offerings to include shotguns and small-bore rifles.3

The LK M70 hunting rifle (Lovački Karabin M70 / Ловачки Карабин М70), typically built on a Mauser 98-pattern action, became a particularly well-known and respected civilian product, offered in a variety of popular hunting calibers.4 Other sporting rifles, such as the M85 (a mini-Mauser action for smaller cartridges), were also developed and found success in domestic and international markets.22 The efficiency of basing many of these civilian arms on existing, proven military actions, like the Mauser, streamlined production and maintained a reputation for reliability. Exports of these hunting and sporting weapons became an increasingly important part of Zastava’s business.3

Technology Transfer

The official Zastava Arms website notes that “Years of experience in the field of development of products, technology and capacities created conditions for the transfer of technology to other countries”.³ While specific examples of Zastava Arms licensing its own designs for production in other countries during the SFRY period are not extensively detailed in the provided materials, the statement implies that such transfers were considered or occurred. The primary mode of technology interaction during this era appears to be Zastava receiving and adapting foreign technologies (e.g., Mauser, SKS, AK-47). However, the experience gained in mass-producing these adapted designs would have built considerable institutional knowledge and capacity, potentially laying the groundwork for later technology exports or licensed production agreements with other nations, particularly within the Non-Aligned Movement or other friendly states.

Weathering the Storm: Dissolution, Sanctions, and Bombing (1991 – 1999)

The Impact of the Yugoslav Wars (1991-1999)

The violent dissolution of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, beginning in 1991 and continuing through a series of brutal conflicts until 1999 (and beyond in some aspects), created immense instability that directly and profoundly impacted Zastava’s operations, its traditional markets, and its supply chains.¹¹ As the primary arms manufacturer for the JNA and a supplier to various republican territorial defense forces, Zastava weapons, particularly the ubiquitous M70 assault rifle and its variants, were widely used by all factions involved in the Yugoslav Wars.¹⁷ The M53 machine gun also saw widespread use during these conflicts.³⁹ The breakup effectively shattered Zastava’s large, unified domestic market.

UN Sanctions and Their Effect on Operations

In response to the conflicts, the United Nations imposed comprehensive economic sanctions, including an arms embargo, on the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY), which then consisted of Serbia and Montenegro.⁴ These sanctions, which were in effect for significant periods during the Yugoslav Wars (notably Resolution 757 in 1992 and subsequent resolutions), severely hampered Zastava’s ability to legally export its products, import necessary raw materials or specialized components, and maintain its international business relationships.⁴ Production inevitably slowed as a result of these restrictions. The experience of Zastava Automobili, which saw exports halted and parts supply disrupted ⁸, would have been mirrored, if not amplified, at Zastava Arms due to the direct applicability of the arms embargo.

This period represented an existential threat to Zastava Arms. The combination of losing its primary domestic market (the unified Yugoslav state), severe disruption to supply chains and export capabilities due to international sanctions, and ultimately direct physical destruction from NATO bombing, would have been insurmountable for most industrial enterprises. The fact that Zastava Arms continued to operate, and even managed to develop new products under such dire circumstances, speaks volumes about its deeply embedded strategic importance to the Serbian state and an almost wartime operational footing.

NATO Intervention and Damage to the Kragujevac Facilities (1999)

The Kosovo War, which escalated in 1998-1999, led to direct military intervention by the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). From March 24 to June 10, 1999, NATO conducted an extensive aerial bombing campaign against military and strategic targets in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia.¹³

The Zastava factory complex in Kragujevac, being a critical component of Yugoslavia’s defense industry, was specifically targeted and sustained significant damage from NATO airstrikes.⁴ Reports indicate that the Zastava kovačnica (Застава ковачница, Zastava Forge) was bombed on April 9, 1999.¹⁸ The company’s Shotgun Shop was also reportedly destroyed during the bombing and was not subsequently restored.¹¹ The NATO bombing, while aimed at degrading military-industrial capacity, inadvertently created a situation where significant rebuilding and, consequently, opportunities for modernization would become a necessity for Zastava in the post-conflict era.

Continued Product Development (Pre-Bombing/During Early Conflicts)

Despite the immense turmoil of the early and mid-1990s, Zastava Arms managed to continue some level of product development. In 1992, as conflicts were already underway, the factory completed the development and initiated batch production of the 7.62x39mm M92 carbine. This compact weapon was based on the earlier M85 carbine (a 5.56mm AK variant) but chambered in the more common 7.62x39mm round.⁴

Zastava M92 semi automatic rifle on display at “Partner 2011” military fair. Obtained from Wikimedia. Author is Srđan Popović.

Additionally, leveraging its long experience with Mauser bolt-action mechanisms, Zastava developed the M93 Black Arrow (Crna Strela / Црна Стрела) long-range anti-materiel rifle during this period. This heavy rifle, typically chambered in 12.7x108mm or.50 BMG, was designed for engaging targets at extended distances.⁴ The development of such specialized weapons even under conditions of conflict and sanctions underscores the factory’s retained engineering capabilities and the ongoing demand from military forces.

Zastava M-93 Black Arrow, 12.7 mm. Obtained from Wikimedia. Author is Marko M.

Rebuilding and Rebranding: Zastava Arms in the 21st Century (2000 – Present)

Restructuring and Modernization Efforts

The dawn of the 21st century found Zastava Arms grappling with the aftermath of wars, sanctions, and bombing. A period of significant restructuring was initiated, formally lasting from 2005 to 2014, aimed at adapting the company to a new political and economic reality.⁴ The factory, damaged during both World War II and the 1999 NATO air raids, was largely rebuilt with substantial government assistance.¹⁹

In a move to integrate it more formally within the national defense framework, Zastava Arms became part of the Defense Industry of Serbia in 2003, a decision by the Ministry of Defense that facilitated state support.⁷ On March 10, 2005, the Serbian government passed a decision to actively support the company’s restructuring process.⁷ A significant milestone in its international standing occurred on August 30, 2005, when Zastava Arms was placed on the United Nations list of proven suppliers of arms and military equipment.⁷

Technologically, the company has sought to modernize its design and production processes. It employs CATIA (Computer-Aided Three-dimensional Interactive Application) software for product design, enabling a more agile response to evolving market demands.³ Furthermore, Zastava Arms applies a Quality Management System (QMS), holding SRPS ISO 9001:2008 and SNO 9000/05 certificates, to ensure product quality and process improvement.³

Current Military Product Lines

Zastava Arms continues to produce a wide array of military firearms. According to its 2019 military catalog and other company information, its current offerings include ⁴:

Assault Rifles: The M21 series chambered in 5.56x45mm NATO (the standard service rifle of the Serbian Armed Forces), the M05E series in 7.62x39mm (upgraded M70 versions), the classic M70 B3/AB3 in 7.62x39mm, and the M90 in 5.56x45mm.
Submachine Guns/Carbines: Compact versions of the M21 and the M92 carbine in 7.62x39mm.
Light Machine Guns: The M72 RPK-style LMG in 7.62x39mm.
Sniper Rifles: The M91 (7.62x54R Dragunov-style), the M07 (bolt-action, various calibers including 7.62x51mm and.308 Winchester), and the M17 (7.62x51mm).
Long Range/Anti-Materiel Rifles: The M12 Black Spear (Crno Koplje / Црно Копље) and the M93 Black Arrow (Crna Strela / Црна Стрела), both available in.50 BMG and 12.7x108mm.
Machine Guns: The M84 general-purpose machine gun (PKM derivative in 7.62x54R), the M87 heavy machine gun (NSV derivative in 12.7x108mm), and the M02 Coyote heavy machine gun (12.7x108mm).
Automatic Grenade Launcher: The M93 (BGA / БГА – Bacač Granata Automatski) in 30mm.
Underbarrel Grenade Launchers: The BGP 40x46mm and BGP 40mm (for M70 pattern rifles).
Pistols: The CZ 999, EZ 9, and EZ 9 Compact, available in 9mm Parabellum and.40 S&W.

Zastava М21 rifle of Serbian Gendarmerie. Photo obtained from Wikimedia. The author is Boksi.

Zastava M12 Black Spear on display during Partner 2013 arms fair, Belgrade. Photo obtained from Wikimedia. The authors is Proka89.

Civilian Hunting and Sporting Arms

Zastava maintains a strong presence in the civilian firearms market, particularly with its hunting and sporting rifles known for their Mauser-based actions and Kalashnikov-derived semi-automatics ²²:

Hunting Rifles (Bolt-Action): The flagship LK M70 series (Lovački Karabin M70), based on the Mauser 98 action, is offered in a wide range of calibers (e.g.,.243 Win,.270 Win,.30-06,.308 Win,.300 Win Mag, 7×64, 8×57 JS, 9.3×62,.375 H&H Mag,.458 Win Mag). Other models include the LK M85 (mini-Mauser action for calibers like.223 Rem, 7.62x39mm), M808, and precision-oriented M07 Match and M12 models.
Sporting Rifles (Semi-Automatic): The PAP series (Poluautomatska Puška / Полуаутоматска Пушка, Semi-automatic Rifle), derived from the Kalashnikov action, is highly popular. Key models include the ZPAP M70 in 7.62x39mm and the PAP M77 in.308 Winchester/7.62x51mm. The M2010 is another semi-automatic offering. The ZPAP M70, particularly as imported by Zastava Arms USA, is noted for its robust construction, often featuring a heavier 1.5mm thick RPK-style receiver and a bulged front trunnion.²¹
Small Bore Rifles: Models like the MP22 (.22 LR) and MP17 (.17 HMR).
Pistols: A range including Tokarev-pattern pistols like the M57A and M70A (chambered in 7.62x25mm and 9mm Para respectively), the compact M88A (9mm Para), and modern double-action designs like the CZ 999 and EZ9/EZ40 series (9mm Para /.40 S&W).

The product line demonstrates a dual strategy: maintaining and updating Kalashnikov-pattern weapons (M70, M05E, ZPAP series) for markets familiar with their robustness and reliability, while also developing more modern, modular systems (like the M19 Modular Rifle mentioned in some catalogs ⁵⁴, and the M21) and precision long-range rifles (M07, M12, M93) to compete in different segments and meet evolving military and civilian marksmanship requirements. This diversification is crucial for a global exporter.

Table 2: Overview of Current Zastava Arms Product Categories

Category	Examples
Military Firearms
Assault Rifles	M21 series, M05 series, M70B3, M90, M19
Submachine Guns / Carbines	M92, M21 (short barrel variants)
Sniper & Long Range Rifles	M91, M07, M93 Black Arrow, M12 Black Spear, M17
Machine Guns	M84 (GPMG), M02 Coyote (HMG), M72 (LMG)
Pistols	CZ 999, EZ9 / EZ40 series
Grenade Launchers	M93 (Automatic Grenade Launcher), BGP 40mm (Underbarrel)
Civilian Firearms
Hunting Rifles (Bolt-Action)	LK M70 series, LK M85 series, M808, M07 Match
Sporting Rifles (Semi-Automatic)	ZPAP M70, PAP M77, M2010
Small Bore Rifles	MP22, MP17
Pistols	M57A, M88A, CZ 999, EZ9 / EZ40 series, M70 (small caliber)

Business Partnerships and Export

Export remains the lifeblood of Zastava Arms, with the company stating that 95% of its product placement is through international sales.⁷ It exports hunting and sporting weapons to over thirty countries ³ and military products to over forty countries worldwide.⁴

Zastava Arms USA: A pivotal development was the establishment in January 2019 of Zastava Arms USA, based in Des Plaines, Illinois. This subsidiary serves as the exclusive importer and distributor of Zastava Arms products for the lucrative US market, also handling warranty, repair services, and parts.⁴ This move was partly aimed at exercising greater control over product quality and presentation in the US, addressing issues that had arisen with previous third-party importers who sometimes made modifications that caused reliability concerns.⁵⁶ The establishment of Zastava Arms USA represents a critical strategic pivot, allowing direct management of its brand and quality in its most significant export market.
Yugoimport SDPR: Domestically, Yugoimport SDPR (Југоимпорт СДПР), the Serbian state-owned defense equipment company, is a key partner for Zastava Arms, often facilitating international defense contracts and joint participation in global defense exhibitions like IDEX in the UAE.⁷
International Golden Group (UAE): Zastava Arms lists International Golden Group, based in the United Arab Emirates, as an important international partner, indicative of its reach in the Middle Eastern market.⁷
Past Partnership with Remington Arms: In 2005, a memorandum of understanding was signed with the American company Remington Arms to export Zastava-made hunting and sporting firearms (often Mauser-action rifles) to the United States, Canada, and Mexico.⁴ However, this cooperation was later discontinued, reportedly at Remington’s initiative due to its own financial difficulties. Zastava then sought new US mediators, such as EA Armory, to maintain its presence in the US market prior to forming Zastava Arms USA.⁵⁸
Key Export Markets and Contracts: Asia, Africa, and the United States are consistently cited as major destinations for Zastava’s products.⁴ Historically, Zastava rifles like the M48 were exported to countries including Burma, Egypt, Indonesia, Iraq, Syria, Algeria, and Chad.¹¹ More recent specific export deals mentioned in news reports include contracts with Armenia ⁵⁹ and a large announced contract for hunting and sporting arms to the US valued at $235 million (reported in 2021).⁶⁰ In a notable instance of military aid, Canada supplied 35,000 Zastava M70 assault rifles to Ukraine in 2022 as part of support efforts during the Russo-Ukrainian War.⁶²

Recent Developments, Financial Status, Achievements, and Challenges

Zastava Arms navigates a complex environment characterized by its strategic importance, historical legacy, financial pressures, and the demands of a competitive global market.

Financial Situation and Government Support: The company has faced persistent financial challenges. As far back as 2013, it was reported to owe over 80 million euros in unpaid taxes, the largest debt among Serbian defense industry companies.4 By June 2019, its total debt was estimated at around 145 million euros.4 A 2014 article in Privredni pregled (Привредни преглед, Economic Review) noted that Zastava Oružje was operating with significant losses.63 More recently, the Serbian news outlet Nova Ekonomija (Нова Економија, New Economy) reported in November 2023 that the factory had accumulated losses exceeding seven billion dinars (approximately 60 million euros) over the preceding six years under a controversial supervisory board.64
Despite these financial burdens, the Serbian government continues to provide support, recognizing Zastava’s strategic role. An investment of 9.7 million euros was made in 2017 for factory modernization to meet defense industry needs.4 The Serbian state remains a major shareholder (the Wikipedia entry from May 2025 lists the Government of Serbia as 48% owner 4, although a 2025 company document regarding a shareholders’ meeting mentions a more complex structure involving social capital shares 66).
Production and Sales Performance: Notwithstanding its financial difficulties, Zastava Arms has reported periods of strong production and sales. For instance, firearm production reportedly increased by 20% in 2020, with deals concluded that year valued at $95 million, primarily with buyers from Asia, Africa, and the United States.⁴ The aforementioned $235 million US export contract announced in 2021 also points to significant market activity.⁶⁰
Controversies and Allegations of Mismanagement: Zastava Arms has not been immune to controversy. Reports from Serbian media, including Nova Ekonomija 64, and discussions on international forums referencing articles from the Serbian weekly NIN (Недељне информативне новине, Weekly Informational Newspaper) 67, have detailed serious allegations of mismanagement by past leadership. These allegations include claims of unfavorable export contracts, particularly with Zastava Arms USA, where fixed prices for firearms were reportedly maintained despite sharply rising material and energy costs, to the detriment of the Kragujevac factory.⁶⁷ There were also accusations of questionable deals with domestic private companies, resulting in further financial losses for Zastava Arms.67
The Independent Trade Union at Zastava Arms filed criminal charges against the former president of the supervisory board, Ivica Marjanović, citing abuse of official position and responsibility for the factory’s decline.64 Concerns have also been voiced by users and observers about the condition of some of the factory’s machinery being worn out and an underpaid workforce potentially leading to occasional quality control issues in production, although export samples for the US market are often perceived to be of better finish.68 The entire supervisory board was eventually replaced in late 2023.64
Achievements and Ongoing Activities: Despite its challenges, Zastava Arms’ enduring legacy of over 170 years in continuous operation is a significant achievement in itself. It maintains a substantial export reach and continues to develop new products, such as the M19 Modular Rifle ⁵⁴, to meet contemporary demands. The company remains a cornerstone of the Serbian defense industry.⁴ Zastava Arms actively participates in major international arms fairs, including SHOT Show in Las Vegas, USA, and IWA OutdoorClassics in Nuremberg, Germany, showcasing its products to a global audience.⁷ Recent company news includes the reopening of its “Old Gun Foundry” museum in Kragujevac in November 2023, emphasizing its rich heritage ⁶⁹, and its participation in the “Zastava 2024” military capability display of the Serbian Army in June 2024.⁷⁰

Zastava Arms appears to operate in a precarious yet persistent balance: it is a strategically vital state-supported defense asset with an remarkable historical lineage, yet it is simultaneously burdened by significant accumulated debt and the shadow of past mismanagement allegations. Its future trajectory will likely depend on a confluence of factors: continued and effective state backing, successful and profitable penetration of competitive export markets (especially the US), and sustained improvements in internal governance and operational efficiency.

Conclusion: Zastava Arms – A Legacy Forged in Steel

The history of Zastava Arms is a compelling narrative of industrial ambition, technological adaptation, and national identity, forged over more than 170 years in the heart of Serbia. From its humble beginnings as the Topolivnica in Kragujevac, casting its first cannons for a nascent Principality of Serbia intent on self-reliance, the factory has evolved into a globally recognized arms manufacturer. Its journey mirrors the tumultuous history of the Balkan region and Serbia itself—a saga of nation-building, devastating wars, profound political transformations from monarchy through socialism to a modern republic, economic booms, and periods of acute crisis including sanctions and foreign bombardment.

Throughout these epochs, Zastava Arms has demonstrated remarkable resilience. It armed Serbian and later Yugoslav forces through the Balkan Wars, two World Wars, and the tragic conflicts accompanying the dissolution of Yugoslavia. It assimilated and adapted technologies from both West and East, reflecting Yugoslavia’s unique non-aligned stance during the Cold War, producing iconic firearms like the Mauser-pattern M48, the MG42-derived M53 Šarac, and the Kalashnikov-based M70 family. This ability to absorb, modify, and mass-produce diverse weaponry underscores a deep-seated engineering capability and a pragmatic approach to fulfilling national defense needs.

In the 21st century, Zastava Arms continues to be a pivotal entity in the Serbian defense industry and a significant exporter. The establishment of Zastava Arms USA signifies a strategic commitment to directly engage with its largest and most demanding civilian market, aiming to enhance its brand presence and profitability. However, the company also contends with substantial challenges. A legacy of financial debt and recent allegations of mismanagement have cast shadows, necessitating ongoing restructuring and a reliance on state support. The competitive nature of the global arms market demands continuous innovation, stringent quality control, and agile business practices.

The story of Zastava Arms is, in many ways, a microcosm of Serbia’s own historical trajectory—a narrative defined by a persistent quest for sovereignty and agency on the world stage, often in the face of formidable external pressures and internal complexities. The inherent tension between its role as a strategically vital, state-influenced national asset and the commercial imperatives of the global arms market—including financial sustainability, technological competitiveness, and the ethical considerations of arms exports—will undoubtedly continue to shape Zastava’s path forward. Its enduring legacy, however, is already forged in steel: a symbol of Serbian industrial heritage and a testament to the enduring human endeavor of arms making.

Image Sources

The main photo is from Wikimedia and here’s how the author described it (translated into English from Serbian): “The SM-1 Zastava NTV drone command vehicle of the Serbian Armed Forces exhibited at the “Colonel Pilot Milenko Pavlović” military airport on the occasion of the “Zastava 2024″ display of the capabilities of the Serbian Armed Forces.” Author is Srdjan Popovic.

The Kragujevac Cannon Foundry in its working days, originally built in 1856. The drawing is from Wikimedia – the exact date and author are unknown. It was contributed to Wikimedia by SimonKTemplar

Yugoslavian M1924 Mauser. Photo obtained from Wikimedia. Author is The Swedish Army Museum.

The M53 Šarac Machine Gun. Image obtained from Wikimedia. The Author is Aleksej fon Grozni.

Afghan Local Police (ALP) candidates practice basic rifle marksmanship at a Coalition Forces site in Arghandab district, Kandahar province, Afghanistan, Oct. 16, 2012. The candidates undergo a three-week course which covers basic marksmanship, patrolling, improvised explosive device recognition and security techniques. The ALP program allows Afghans to provide security for their home villages and districts. Note: These are a variant of the M70 rifle as they do not have the grenade launching sight found on the Yugoslav-era M70B1 rifles. Photo obtained from Wikimedia. The author is Petty Officer 2nd Class Ernesto Hernandez Fonte.

Zastava M92 semi automatic rifle on display at “Partner 2011” military fair. Obtained from Wikimedia. Author is Srđan Popović.

Zastava M-93 Black Arrow, 12.7 mm. Obtained from Wikimedia. Author is Marko M.

Zastava М21 rifle of Serbian Gendarmerie. Photo obtained from Wikimedia. The author is Boksi.

Zastava M12 Black Spear on display during Partner 2013 arms fair, Belgrade. Photo obtained from Wikimedia. The authors is Proka89.

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Yugoslavia’s AK Path: The Venerable M72 RPK

May 16, 2025 RoninsGrips

If you’ve ever held a military era Yugo M70B1, you know it’s heavy for an AK. If you thought that was heavy, now lift an M72B1 … now’s that’s heavy. The M70B1 and M72B1 are my favorite AK variants. I’ve owned and sold M76s, M77s, M92s and just keep returning to the M70B1 and M72B1. No, I’m not an underfolder fan so I am specifically talking about the fixed stock rifles. At any rate, let’s look into the history of the M72 specifically.

1. Introduction: Yugoslavia’s Squad Automatic Weapon

In the decades following World War II, the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia embarked on an ambitious program to establish a self-sufficient domestic arms industry. Spearheaded by the state-owned Zastava Oružje (Zastava Arms) factory in Kragujevac, Serbia, early efforts involved experimenting with captured German designs like the StG 44 before turning towards the globally influential Kalashnikov pattern.¹ While Zastava initially faced challenges in reverse-engineering early AK-47 samples, their persistence laid the groundwork for a unique family of Yugoslav small arms.¹

Within the tactical doctrine of the Jugoslovenska Narodna Armija (JNA or Yugoslav People’s Army), a clear need emerged for a weapon capable of delivering sustained, accurate suppressive fire at the squad level. This requirement mirrored the Soviet military’s thinking, which led to the development of the RPK (Ruchnoy Pulemyot Kalashnikova or Kalashnikov Handheld Machine Gun) as a companion weapon to the standard AKM assault rifle. Yugoslavia’s answer to this challenge was the Zastava M72 Puškomitraljez (Light Machine Gun).² Developed in the late 1960s and entering service around 1973, the M72 was undeniably rooted in the Kalashnikov operating system but, true to Zastava’s emerging tradition, incorporated distinct features reflecting Yugoslavian design priorities and manufacturing capabilities.² The creation of the M72 was more than just filling a tactical niche; it was a statement of Yugoslavia’s growing industrial independence and its approach of adapting, rather than simply replicating, foreign weapon designs to meet its own specific military requirements.

2. Foundation: From the M64 to the M70

The journey to the M72 LMG begins with Zastava’s earlier work on Kalashnikov-type assault rifles. The M64 Automatska Puška (Automatic Rifle), Zastava’s first serious attempt at a domestic AK, served as a crucial, albeit limited-production, developmental stepping stone.¹ Though not adopted in large numbers by the JNA, the M64 introduced several features that would become hallmarks of Yugoslav Kalashnikov derivatives. These included a milled receiver, heavily based on the Soviet AK Type 3 but with cosmetic differences like a raised step on the left side, a thicker (though not chrome-lined) barrel, and, significantly, an integral folding grenade sight mounted on the gas block.¹ This sight, when raised, also acted as a gas cut-off, safely disabling the gas system for launching rifle grenades – a capability the JNA valued highly. Other M64 innovations included a unique latch mechanism to prevent the dust cover from being dislodged by grenade recoil and, on some prototypes, a bolt hold-open device.¹

Building on the M64 experience, Zastava developed the AP M70 (Automatska Puška Model 1970), which was formally adopted by the JNA in 1970.¹ The M70 represented a refinement and simplification of the M64 design for mass production. While the complex bolt hold-open mechanism within the receiver was removed to cut costs, Zastava introduced proprietary magazines with follower plates designed to hold the bolt open after the last round, achieving a similar function.¹

The enlarged left lobe of the follower catches the bolt and locks the action open thus signalling the rifle is empty.

Crucially, the M70 retained the vital grenade launching sight and gas cut-off system. Early M70s featured milled receivers like the M64, but production soon shifted towards using pressed and pinned barrels and, eventually, receivers made from stamped sheet steel.¹ These stamped receiver models, designated M70B1 (fixed stock) and M70AB1/AB2 (underfolding stock), featured receivers notably thicker (1.5mm) than the standard Soviet AKM (1.0mm) and incorporated a distinctive bulged front trunnion.⁶ This added reinforcement was widely seen as necessary to withstand the repeated stresses of launching rifle grenades.¹ The M70B1 also introduced a longer wooden handguard with three cooling slots, another visual identifier of Yugoslav AK variants.⁶

The M70, particularly in its robust stamped receiver M70B1 configuration, provided the direct technical foundation upon which the M72 LMG was built.² The M72 inherited the M70’s basic operating mechanism, receiver construction principles, and general layout. The emphasis on receiver strength in the M70, driven largely by the requirement to handle rifle grenades, inadvertently created an exceptionally sturdy platform. This inherent robustness proved highly advantageous when adapting the design for the M72’s intended role as a light machine gun, a role demanding durability under the heat and stress of sustained automatic fire, even though the M72 itself would dispense with the grenade launching capability.²

3. The Birth of the M72: Adapting the RPK Concept

Zastava’s objective in developing the M72 was clear: create a light machine gun based on the M70 assault rifle, mirroring the relationship between the Soviet AKM and RPK.² Such an approach offered significant logistical advantages, ensuring commonality of ammunition (7.62x39mm M67), operating principles, and many internal parts between the standard issue rifle and the squad’s light support weapon. This simplified training, maintenance, and supply lines for the JNA.

To fulfill the LMG role, Zastava incorporated several features standard to the RPK concept:

Longer, Heavier Barrel: The M72 was fitted with a significantly longer and heavier barrel than the M70 – typically cited as 542mm (approximately 21.3 inches) compared to the M70’s 415mm (16.3 inches).¹ This increased the muzzle velocity from the M70’s 720 m/s to 745 m/s for the M72, enhancing effective range, and provided greater mass to absorb and dissipate heat during sustained fire.²
Integral Bipod: A folding bipod was mounted near the muzzle, providing a stable firing platform when deployed.²
Reinforced Receiver: The M72 utilized the robust receiver design principles established with the M70, whether milled in early versions or the heavy-gauge stamped type in later models.⁴
Modified Stock: While Soviet RPKs featured a distinct “clubfoot” stock for better support, early Zastava M72s used a fixed wooden stock shaped similarly to the standard AKM/M70 rifle.⁴

However, Zastava did not merely copy the RPK. The M72 incorporated distinctive Yugoslav elements:

Barrel Cooling Fins: The most visually striking and functionally significant Yugoslav innovation was the inclusion of prominent cooling fins machined into the exposed portion of the barrel, just forward of the handguard.² These fins increased the barrel’s surface area, promoting more efficient air cooling during prolonged automatic fire sequences. This feature, absent on Soviet or Romanian RPKs, suggests that Zastava’s engineers specifically identified potential barrel overheating under sustained fire as a critical area for improvement in the LMG role and implemented a proactive engineering solution, even though it added complexity to barrel manufacturing. It points towards an independent design assessment focused on enhancing practical performance beyond simply adding barrel mass.
Omission of Scope Rail: Unlike many contemporary LMGs and later RPK variants, the standard M72 series typically lacked the side-mounted scope rail common on many Kalashnikov-pattern weapons.⁴ Optical sights required optional mounts.
No Grenade Launching Capability: In a departure from its M70 parent, the M72 design omitted the rifle grenade launching sight and the associated gas cut-off mechanism.² This simplified the gas block and front sight assembly, focusing the weapon solely on its machine gun role. Also, the top cover lock found on the M70 series was not needed either.

Early development reports also suggest that Zastava experimented with quick-change barrels for the M72, a feature common on heavier machine guns, but ultimately abandoned this complexity in favor of a simpler, fixed-barrel design for the production models.²

4. The Milled Receiver M72: The First Generation

The initial production version of the Zastava M72, entering service around 1973, featured a receiver machined from a solid block of steel, following the manufacturing techniques used for the M64 and early M70 rifles.² These milled receivers adhered to the Zastava pattern, likely heavier than their Soviet counterparts and incorporating subtle differences in geometry.¹ Evidence suggests there might have been minor variations even among these early milled M72s, sometimes retrospectively distinguished as M72A (potentially using M64-style receivers with threaded barrels and remnants of bolt-hold-open provisions) and M72B (using slab-sided receivers with pressed/pinned barrels).¹⁰ Common characteristics of this first generation included the heavy, finned 542mm barrel, a fixed wooden stock shaped like that of the M70, an integral folding bipod, standard adjustable iron sights graduated to 1000 meters, and chambering for the 7.62x39mm cartridge.² The weight was substantial, around 5.0 to 5.5 kg empty.²

Compared to the Soviet RPK of the era, the milled M72 stood apart due to its unique receiver details, the distinctive cooling fins, and the lack of the RPK’s characteristic clubfoot stock.⁴ Compared to its M70 sibling, the M72 was easily identified by its much longer and heavier finned barrel, the bipod, and the absence of the grenade sight.² The decision to launch the M72 with a milled receiver likely stemmed from Zastava’s existing production infrastructure and perhaps an initial design emphasis on maximum possible durability, a common attribute associated with milled Kalashnikovs. The subtle variations noted within the milled production run hint at ongoing refinement and potential manufacturing adjustments even before the major shift towards stamped receivers occurred.⁷

5. Evolution: The Stamped Receiver M72B1 and M72AB1

Mirroring the global evolution of Kalashnikov manufacturing seen in the transition from the AK-47 to the AKM, Zastava eventually shifted M72 production from milled receivers to stamped sheet steel receivers. This move resulted in the M72B1, which became the most common and widely produced variant of the Yugoslav LMG.² The primary drivers for this change were economic and logistical: stamped receivers are significantly faster and less expensive to manufacture than milled ones, allowing for higher production volumes.¹

Despite the shift to stamping, Zastava maintained a focus on robustness. The M72B1’s receiver was formed from a thicker 1.5mm steel sheet, compared to the 1.0mm standard for Soviet AKM and RPK rifles.⁶ It also incorporated the heavy, bulged front trunnion characteristic of the M70B1 assault rifle, providing extra support at the critical barrel-receiver interface.⁷ This commitment to heavier construction ensured the stamped M72B1 retained a high degree of strength and durability suitable for its role, even without the solid steel receiver block. Other features remained largely consistent with the earlier milled M72: the signature finned heavy barrel, fixed wooden stock (typically AKM/M70 pattern), and usually a fixed folding bipod.²

Zastava M72B1 exhibited at the Partner 2015 show. The author is Srđan Popović. The photo is from Wikimedia.

Recognizing the need for a more compact weapon for specialized troops, Zastava also developed the M72AB1 variant.² The defining feature of the M72AB1 was its sturdy, steel underfolding stock, patterned after the one used on the M70AB2 assault rifle.² This allowed the overall length of the weapon to be significantly reduced for easier storage and maneuverability within vehicles or for airborne operations.³ The M72AB1 is often noted as being quite unique, potentially the only mass-produced RPK-type light machine gun to utilize this style of underfolding stock, which is more commonly associated with assault rifles.² Some sources also suggest that the bipod on the M72AB1 variant was designed to be detachable, unlike the typically fixed bipod of the M72 and M72B1, further enhancing its adaptability.⁴

The evolution from the milled M72 to the stamped M72B1 and M72AB1 showcases Zastava’s ability to adapt modern manufacturing techniques for cost-effectiveness while preserving the core Yugoslavian design philosophy emphasizing robustness, evidenced by the heavy-gauge receiver and bulged trunnion. The development of the M72AB1 further demonstrates a tailoring of the basic design to meet specific operational requirements of the JNA, adding versatility to the M72 family.

6. Foreign Production: The Iraqi Al Quds

The Zastava M72’s reputation for robustness and reliability extended beyond Yugoslavia’s borders. Around 1978, Iraq secured a license from Zastava to manufacture the M72 domestically.² Production was undertaken by the state-run Al-Qadissiya Establishments.² The Iraqi-produced versions were designated Al Quds (Arabic: القدس), meaning “The Holy,” a reference to Jerusalem.²

Iraq manufactured licensed copies corresponding to both the fixed-stock M72B1 and the underfolding-stock M72AB1 Yugoslav models.³ The Al Quds became a standard issue LMG within the Iraqi armed forces and saw extensive service. This licensing agreement stands as the most significant instance of foreign production for the M72 design. It not only highlights the international regard for the Yugoslav weapon’s qualities but also underscores the maturity and export success of Yugoslavia’s arms industry during that period. Yugoslavia, under Josip Broz Tito, cultivated relationships with many Non-Aligned Movement nations, including Iraq, positioning itself as an alternative arms supplier to the major Cold War blocs. The selection of the Zastava M72 design for licensed production, potentially over the Soviet RPK itself, may reflect specific Iraqi preferences for the M72’s features (like the cooling fins or heavier receiver) or simply more favorable terms offered by Zastava. The Al Quds production significantly contributed to the proliferation of the M72 pattern, particularly throughout the Middle East.²

I think he is holding an Al Quds. When I zoomed into the rear sight block, there appears to be a good deal of script on it even though I can’t read it – more than I would expect to see on a Zastava manufactured M72B1. The image is from Wikimedia and the description is “Iraqi army soldiers assigned to 3rd Battalion, 52nd Brigade, 14th Iraqi Army prepare to assault an objective during a live fire exercise on Tealeaf Island near Basra, Iraq, Oct. 25, 2010. Iraqi forces conducted live fire exercises to better prepare them for real world situations with U.S. soldiers with 1st Infantry Division on hand to provide advice and assistance in support of Operation New Dawn.” The author is SSgt Michael Casteel.

This Iraqi soldier is carrying a M72AB1 pattern rifle. Whether an Al Quds or a Zastava, I am not sure. Most likely an Al Quds. What is unknown is the barrel – it may just be the lighting but I am not sure there were the typical cooling fins between the handguard and the gas block. The photo was obtained from Wikimedia and the photo is attributed to James McCauley. Junly 17, 2005. The author noted “The Iraqi soldiers liked the idea of passing out teddy bears to kids. So, they attached them to their helmets like we did.”

7. Comparative Overview: The M72 Family

The Zastava M72 evolved through several distinct variants, primarily differing in receiver construction and stock configuration. While all shared the core LMG features of a long, heavy, finned barrel and bipod, understanding their key differences clarifies their development path and intended roles.

The following table summarizes the main characteristics of the primary Yugoslav M72 variants:

Zastava M72 Family Variants Comparison

Feature	M72 (Milled)	M72B1 (Stamped, Fixed Stock)	M72AB1 (Stamped, Folding Stock)
Receiver Type	Milled Steel	Stamped Steel (1.5mm thickness)	Stamped Steel (1.5mm thickness)
Stock Type	Fixed Wood (AKM/M70 style)	Fixed Wood (AKM/M70 style)	Underfolding Metal (M70AB2 style)
Barrel	Heavy Profile, Finned, ~542mm	Heavy Profile, Finned, ~542mm	Heavy Profile, Finned, ~542mm
Bipod Type	Fixed Folding	Fixed Folding	Detachable Folding (often cited)
Approx. Weight	~5.5 kg	~5.0 kg	~5.0 kg
Overall Length	~1025 mm	~1025 mm	~1025 mm (extended) / ~765 mm (folded)
Key Identifiers	Solid milled receiver; fixed stock	Stamped receiver, bulged trunnion; fixed stock	Stamped receiver, bulged trunnion; underfolding stock

Note: Weights and exact bipod configurations can vary slightly based on specific production runs and sources. ²

This comparison highlights the M72 family’s clear lineage. The initial model prioritized ultimate durability via milling. The subsequent M72B1 adopted more efficient stamped construction while retaining robustness through heavier materials and design features like the bulged trunnion. The M72AB1 adapted this stamped platform for portability, catering to specialized military units. Throughout this evolution, the core concept – a squad automatic weapon built on the Yugoslav Kalashnikov pattern, distinguished by its heavy, finned barrel – remained consistent.

8. Legacy and Conclusion

The Zastava M72 proved to be a durable and effective light machine gun. It served as the standard squad automatic weapon for the Jugoslovenska Narodna Armija and continued in service with the armed forces of the successor states formed after Yugoslavia’s dissolution.⁴ Its ruggedness ensured its appearance in numerous conflicts across the globe, from the Balkan wars of the 1990s to conflicts in Iraq, Afghanistan, and various parts of Africa, often wielded by both state militaries and non-state armed groups.⁴

Generally regarded as a high-quality Kalashnikov derivative, the M72 earned a reputation for reliability and solid construction.⁶ Its unique features, particularly the barrel cooling fins, set it apart visually and functionally from its Soviet RPK counterpart and other RPK-pattern LMGs. While perhaps heavier than some contemporaries due to its robust build, this contributed to its perceived durability under harsh conditions and sustained fire.

In the vast family tree of Kalashnikov weapons, the Zastava M72 represents a significant and distinct branch. It exemplifies Yugoslavia’s successful approach to adapting a proven foreign design, enhancing it with unique engineering solutions born from independent assessment and national manufacturing capabilities. The M72 was not merely an RPK clone; it was a Yugoslav Puškomitraljez, tailored to meet specific requirements and built to last. Its enduring presence on battlefields decades after its introduction is a testament to the fundamental soundness of its Zastava M70-derived design, enhanced for the demanding role of a light machine gun, and a lasting symbol of Zastava Oružje‘s Cold War-era prowess in small arms development.

Image Sources

The main photo was obtained from Wikipedia and the exposure increased to show the M72 a bit better. The description of the photo is “U.S. Marine Corps Lance Cpl. Branden G. Cooper, left, with Security Cooperation Task Force Africa Partnership Station 2012, receives familiarization training on a foreign weapon system at Marine Corps Base Camp Lejeune, N.C., May 18, 2012. The training was designed to educate the Marines in order to work effectively with foreign host nations during deployment. Africa Partnership Station is an international security cooperation initiative facilitated by Commander, U.S. Naval Forces Europe-Africa aimed at strengthening global maritime partnerships through training and collaborative activities in order to improve maritime safety and security in Africa.” The Author is SSgt Jemssy Alvarez Jr.

Zastava M72B1 exhibited at the Partner 2015 show. The author is Srđan Popović. The photo is from Wikimedia.

“Iraqi army soldiers assigned to 3rd Battalion, 52nd Brigade, 14th Iraqi Army prepare to assault an objective during a live fire exercise on Tealeaf Island near Basra, Iraq, Oct. 25, 2010. Iraqi forces conducted live fire exercises to better prepare them for real world situations with U.S. soldiers with 1st Infantry Division on hand to provide advice and assistance in support of Operation New Dawn.” The author is SSgt Michael Casteel. The image is from Wikimedia

This Iraqi soldier is carrying a M72AB1 pattern rifle. Whether an Al Quds or a Zastava, I am not sure. Most likely an Al Quds. The photo was obtained from Wikimedia and the photo is attributed to James McCauley. Junly 17, 2005. The author noted “The Iraqi soldiers liked the idea of passing out teddy bears to kids. So, they attached them to their helmets like we did.”

Works cited

Zastava M70 assault rifle – Wikipedia, accessed May 12, 2025, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Zastava_M70_assault_rifle
Zastava M72 | Weaponsystems.net, accessed May 12, 2025, https://weaponsystems.net/system/377-Zastava+M72
Zastava M72 — Википедија, accessed May 12, 2025, https://sr.wikipedia.org/sr-el/%D0%97%D0%B0%D1%81%D1%82%D0%B0%D0%B2%D0%B0_%D0%9C72
Zastava M72 – Wikipedia, accessed May 12, 2025, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Zastava_M72
Застава М72 | Wiki | S.T.A.L.K.E.R Новая Зона. Amino, accessed May 12, 2025, https://aminoapps.com/c/stalkernovai873/page/item/zastava-m72/aPJM_6pc8IEXVBeWmrDqXez6r4bBnlgxr
Zastava M70 | Weaponsystems.net, accessed May 12, 2025, https://weaponsystems.net/system/376-Zastava+M70
What are the Differences between the yugo milled and stamped RPK other than the receivers? (Only yugo rpk) : r/ak47 – Reddit, accessed May 12, 2025, https://www.reddit.com/r/ak47/comments/98wdmy/what_are_the_differences_between_the_yugo_milled/
Zastava M72 | Weaponsystems.net, accessed May 12, 2025, https://development.weaponsystems.net/system/377-Zastava%20M72
The Zastava M72 has arrived as per email from ZUSA. : r/ak47 – Reddit, accessed May 12, 2025, https://www.reddit.com/r/ak47/comments/1hixbvo/the_zastava_m72_has_arrived_as_per_email_from_zusa/
Was the zastava m72 ever produced in a milled version? It’s an original early M72? – Reddit, accessed May 12, 2025, https://www.reddit.com/r/ak47/comments/sjejgv/was_the_zastava_m72_ever_produced_in_a_milled/
Застава М72 — Википедија, accessed May 12, 2025, https://sr.wikipedia.org/wiki/%D0%97%D0%B0%D1%81%D1%82%D0%B0%D0%B2%D0%B0_%D0%9C72
Югославская автоматическая винтовка «Застава» – боевой и гражданский варианты, accessed May 12, 2025, https://www.militaryplatform.ru/10307-jugoslavskaja-avtomaticheskaja-vintovka-zastava-boevoj-i-grazhdanskij-varianty.html
Just picked up the new M72 (low serial #). Here are my initial impressions. : r/zastavaarms101 – Reddit, accessed May 12, 2025, https://www.reddit.com/r/zastavaarms101/comments/1hx06ru/just_picked_up_the_new_m72_low_serial_here_are_my/

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Yugoslavia’s AK Path: The M70 Family of Rifles

May 15, 2025 RoninsGrips

Really, my experience with Yugo rifles began with the stamped M70 series. We’ve spent these last few posts providing the backstory, but how did Zastava move from the M64 to the M70 series? Let’s find out.

1. Introduction: Yugoslavia’s Independent Path to the Kalashnikov

In the complex geopolitical landscape following World War II, the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, under the leadership of Marshal Josip Broz Tito, charted a course distinct from both the Western NATO alliance and the Soviet-led Warsaw Pact.¹ This policy of non-alignment fostered a unique national identity but also necessitated a high degree of self-sufficiency, particularly in defense production.¹ Central to this effort was the state-owned Zastava Arms (Zastava oružje) factory located in Kragujevac, Serbia. With roots tracing back to a cannon foundry established in the 1850s ², Zastava oružje possessed a long and storied history of arms manufacturing for Serbia and later Yugoslavia.²

As the nature of warfare evolved in the mid-20th century, the limitations of traditional bolt-action rifles, like the Mauser patterns previously produced by Zastava ¹, became apparent. Yugoslav military planners and engineers recognized the need for a modern assault rifle chambered for an intermediate cartridge. Early research in the 1950s involved studying captured German StG 44 rifles ¹, but the future clearly lay with the design rapidly proliferating across the Eastern Bloc: the Kalashnikov AK-47.

However, due to the political rift between Belgrade and Moscow, Yugoslavia could not simply acquire a license to produce the AK-47, as many other nations did.¹ Instead, Zastava embarked on an ambitious path of independent development through reverse engineering. The process began in earnest after 1959, when two Albanian border guards defected to Yugoslavia carrying Soviet-made AK-47s.¹ These initial samples, while valuable, provided insufficient data for full reproduction. The effort received a significant boost when Yugoslavia covertly purchased a batch of 2,000 AK rifles from an unnamed African nation, which had originally received them as Soviet military aid.¹ This allowed Zastava’s engineers – a team including Božidar Blagojević, Major Miloš Ostojić, Miodrag Lukovac, Milutin Milivojević, Milan Ćirić, Stevan Tomašević, Predrag Mirčić, and Mika Mudrić – to meticulously study the design and develop their own manufacturing processes.¹

This independent development program, known as FAZ (Familija Automatika Zastava – Family of Zastava Automatic Weapons) ¹, aimed to create a whole family of firearms based on the Kalashnikov operating principle. The culmination of the initial phase was the M64 series of prototypes. Building directly upon the lessons learned from the M64, Zastava refined the design to create the Automatska Puška M70 (AP M70), or Automatic Rifle Model 1970. Officially adopted that year, the M70 became the standard infantry weapon of the Jugoslovenska Narodna Armija (JNA – Yugoslav People’s Army) and represented a uniquely Yugoslavian interpretation of the Kalashnikov, distinct from its Soviet progenitor and other licensed copies.⁷

2. From Prototype to Production: The M64’s Legacy and the Birth of the M70

The Zastava M64, though never mass-produced in its original forms, served as the crucial stepping stone to the M70. The late M64 prototypes established several features that would become characteristic of the Yugoslav AK family. These included a robust milled receiver, heavily based on the Soviet AK Type 3 but featuring unique cosmetic differences like a distinctive raised step on the left side.⁷ The barrels were threaded into the receiver, similar to the early Soviet AKs, but were slightly thicker and, notably, were not chrome-lined.⁷

From the very beginning, Yugoslav engineers designed their Kalashnikov variant with the capability to launch rifle grenades, a feature deemed essential.¹ The M64 incorporated an integral flip-up grenade sight, typically mounted on the gas block, which also functioned as a gas cut-off mechanism. When raised for firing grenades, the sight would block the gas port, preventing gas from cycling the action and ensuring all propellant force was directed to launching the grenade.¹ Other distinctive M64 features included longer wooden handguards with three cooling vents instead of the usual two found on Soviet AKs ⁵, a unique hollow cylindrical charging handle borrowed from the Yugoslav M59 SKS rifle ¹, and, on the M64B folding stock variant, an underfolding stock adapted from the M56 submachine gun.¹

A particularly interesting feature of the M64 was its internal bolt hold-open (BHO) mechanism, housed within the receiver.⁷ This device automatically locked the bolt to the rear after the last round was fired, providing a clear visual and tactile indication that the weapon was empty. However, this internal BHO required specially modified AK magazines with a specific cut to function correctly.¹¹

Despite satisfactory performance in field trials, the JNA did not adopt the M64 in large quantities.⁷ Military thinking, however, was evolving. Initial reluctance among some senior officers towards issuing automatic weapons to every soldier ¹ gradually gave way, potentially influenced by observations of conflicts like the 1968 Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia, where Soviet troops were universally equipped with AK-pattern rifles.¹ The push for a domestically produced automatic rifle gained momentum, leading the JNA to formally approve the Zastava design for serial production in 1970, designated as the AP M70.⁷

To prepare the design for mass production, Zastava implemented several key changes compared to the M64 prototypes. The most significant alteration was the removal of the M64’s internal, receiver-mounted bolt hold-open mechanism.⁷ While functionally desirable, the internal BHO added complexity and cost to receiver manufacturing. Zastava opted for a simpler, more cost-effective solution: transferring the BHO function entirely to the magazine. They designed proprietary M70 magazines equipped with follower plates that had flat rear edges. After the last round was fired, this flat edge on the follower would physically block the bolt from closing, achieving the hold-open function without requiring the complex internal linkage of the M64.⁷ This decision represented a classic engineering trade-off, prioritizing the efficiency and cost-effectiveness of rifle production by simplifying the receiver, while accepting the need for specific, slightly more complex magazines – a consumable item – to retain the desired BHO capability.

Many other features from the M64 were carried over directly into the initial M70 production models. These included the milled receiver construction, the integral grenade sight and gas cut-off system, the distinctive 3-slot handguards, and the non-chrome-lined barrel.⁷ The unique method of securing the dust cover using a locking recoil spring guide, crucial for preventing it from being dislodged during grenade launching, was also retained.⁷

3. The Milled Era: Early M70 Variants (M70, M70A, M70A1, M70B, M70AB)

The first Zastava rifles to enter widespread service with the JNA in 1970 were built on robust milled receivers.⁷ These early variants established the foundation of the M70 family:

M70: The baseline model featured the milled receiver and a traditional fixed wooden stock.⁷
M70A: This variant offered increased portability for airborne troops or vehicle crews by incorporating an underfolding metal stock, again paired with the milled receiver.⁷

These initial production M70 and M70A rifles shared the core characteristics inherited from the M64 program. Their milled receivers were patterned after the Soviet Type 3 AK-47 but possessed distinct Yugoslav features, most notably the smooth left side lacking the large lightening cut found on Soviet and many other milled AKs.⁷ Zastava also engraved serial numbers just above the magazine well, rather than on the front trunnion as was common Soviet practice.⁷ Initially, these rifles featured barrels that were threaded into the receiver ⁷, a strong but relatively labor-intensive method. They retained the integral grenade launching sight/gas cut-off, the 3-slot handguards, the non-chrome-lined barrels, and the unique locking dust cover system.⁷

Recognizing the growing importance of night vision and optical sights, Zastava soon introduced a variant specifically designed to accommodate them:

M70A1: This model was essentially an M70A (milled receiver, underfolding stock) equipped with a factory-installed scope rail riveted to the left side of the receiver, allowing for the mounting of various optical or night sights.⁷

Shortly after the M70 series entered production, Zastava implemented a significant change to streamline manufacturing, even while still using milled receivers. They transitioned from the time-consuming process of threading barrels into the receivers to the faster and cheaper method of pressing the barrels into the receiver trunnion and securing them with a cross-pin.⁷ This change mirrored the production techniques already used for the Soviet AKM. Rifles produced with this updated barrel attachment method received new designations:

M70B: Milled receiver, fixed stock, with a pressed-and-pinned barrel.⁷
M70AB: Milled receiver, underfolding stock, with a pressed-and-pinned barrel.⁷

This relatively rapid adoption of pressed-and-pinned barrels, occurring before the eventual switch to stamped receivers, demonstrates Zastava’s proactive approach to optimizing production efficiency. It suggests that engineers were continuously evaluating and implementing cost-saving measures, likely learning from the initial M70 production runs or analyzing contemporary Soviet AKM manufacturing techniques, which had long utilized the press-and-pin method. This incremental optimization occurred even within the constraints of the more complex milled receiver production line.

4. The Stamped Revolution: The M70B1 and M70AB2

By the mid-1970s, seeking further reductions in production time and cost to meet military demands, Zastava followed the path previously taken by the Soviet Union and transitioned from milled receivers to stamped sheet metal receivers for the M70 family.⁷ However, the Yugoslav approach to the stamped receiver resulted in a design significantly different and more robust than the standard Soviet AKM.

The defining characteristic of the Zastava stamped receiver was its thickness. Instead of using the 1.0mm thick sheet steel common to the AKM and most of its derivatives, Zastava opted for a heavier 1.5mm thick stamping.¹¹ Compounding this increase in strength, Zastava incorporated a front trunnion design based on the one used in the RPK light machine gun.⁷ The RPK trunnion is substantially larger and more robust than a standard AKM trunnion, designed to withstand the stresses of sustained automatic fire. To accommodate this larger RPK-style trunnion within the stamped receiver, Zastava introduced distinctive bulges on the forward section of the receiver, just ahead of the magazine well.⁷ These “bulged trunnion” receivers became a visual hallmark of the later M70 series and related weapons like the M72 RPK.

This combination of a 1.5mm thick receiver and an RPK-style bulged front trunnion resulted in an exceptionally durable rifle, significantly stronger and more rigid than a standard AKM.²⁰ The decision to adopt this heavier construction for the standard infantry rifle, not just the squad automatic weapon, strongly suggests a deliberate design philosophy prioritizing extreme robustness and the ability to reliably handle the stresses of repeated rifle grenade launching, which remained a core requirement.⁷ This “overbuilding” came at the cost of increased weight compared to other AKM derivatives ⁹, but clearly aligned with Yugoslav military preferences.

The two primary variants featuring this heavy-duty stamped receiver construction became the workhorses of the JNA and subsequent forces:

M70B1: Featured the 1.5mm stamped receiver with the bulged RPK-style trunnion and a fixed wooden stock.⁷ The stock on the M70B1 was often noted for being slightly longer than typical Warsaw Pact AKM stocks and frequently included a thick rubber buttpad, enhancing shooter comfort, particularly when launching grenades.¹⁰
M70AB2: Combined the 1.5mm bulged trunnion stamped receiver with the practicality of an underfolding metal stock.⁷ This became one of the most widely produced and recognizable M70 variants.

Both the M70B1 and M70AB2 typically included flip-up night sights integrated into the standard iron sight blocks. These sights utilized either tritium vials (which glow continuously) or phosphorescent paint (which needs to be charged by a light source) for low-light aiming.⁷ They retained the integral grenade launching ladder sight and gas cut-off mechanism on the gas block ⁷ and continued the practice of using non-chrome-lined barrels for standard military production.⁷ The standard Yugoslav fire selector markings were present on the right side of the receiver: “U” for Ukočeno (Safe), “R” for Rafalna (Automatic fire), and “J” for Jedinačna (Semi-automatic fire).⁷

This is a replica M70 receiver from Childer’s Guns. It does give us a chance to see a few defining characteristics of a Yugo model. Starting at the top left is the hole for the top cover receiver lock. Zastava introduced the lock to prevent the cover from popping off under the heavy recoil of a rifle grenade launch. Moving to the right, you can see the URJ selector markings. Note, while there is a position for “R” Rafalna (Automatic fire), the receiver is actually only configured for semi-automatic as it lacks the third fire control group hole where the pin that holds the full auto sear would go. Thus, no third hole, means this is semi-auto only. Lastly, you can see the the bulge for the bulged RPK trunnion.

Here you can see the RPK-style front trunnion. We can see it was a M70B1 (fixed stock) and the year was 1983. The serial number is on the right. Note, the ATF requires serial numbers to be on the receiver. The Childer’s receivers have their information on the bottom.

The persistent use of non-chrome-lined barrels throughout the main production run for the JNA stands in contrast to Soviet practice, where chrome lining was standard for AKMs to enhance barrel life and corrosion resistance. This Yugoslav decision was likely driven by cost considerations and potentially an established maintenance doctrine that emphasized frequent and thorough cleaning by soldiers, mitigating the risks of corrosion.⁹ However, this lack of chrome lining could lead to issues, particularly with corrosive ammunition or in humid environments if cleaning was neglected, a problem noted with exported rifles and the Iraqi-made Tabuk copies.⁹ Indeed, even rifles from various Balkan conflicts arrived in the US aftermarket with heavy bore erosion that would likely have been reduced had there been a sufficient hard chrome lining. It wasn’t until around 2020, largely driven by the demands of the commercial export market (particularly the US ZPAP series), that Zastava began consistently chrome-lining the barrels of its M70 pattern rifles.¹⁸

5. Further Specialization: Later Stamped Variants

As military tactics and technology evolved, Zastava continued to adapt the robust M70 stamped receiver platform to meet new requirements, leading to several specialized variants:

Building upon the M70B1 and M70AB2, versions were developed with factory-installed side rails to facilitate the mounting of optical sights and night vision devices:

M70B1N: This variant combined the stamped 1.5mm bulged receiver and fixed stock of the M70B1 with an added scope rail on the left receiver wall.⁷
M70AB2N: Similarly, this model added the optics rail to the underfolding stock M70AB2 platform.⁷

Another line of development focused on integrating dedicated underbarrel grenade launchers (UBGLs), offering potentially greater range, accuracy, and variety of munitions compared to standard rifle grenades. For these models, the original flip-up rifle grenade sight and gas cut-off were typically removed, replaced by a 40mm UBGL, likely the Yugoslav BGP 40 mm:

M70B3: This model featured the stamped receiver and fixed stock, but was configured for use with an underbarrel grenade launcher, omitting the standard rifle grenade sight.⁷
M70AB3: The underfolding stock equivalent, this variant also removed the rifle grenade sight assembly to accommodate the UBGL.⁷

This is a M70AB3 – “AB” designating and underfolder and the “3” that there is a under barrel grenade launcher (UBGL).

The emergence of these ‘N’ (optics-ready) and ‘3’ (UBGL-equipped) variants demonstrates the M70’s inherent adaptability. Zastava successfully modernized the core design to incorporate technologies and meet tactical demands that evolved beyond the original concept focused heavily on integrated rifle grenade capability. This allowed the M70 platform to remain relevant and effective, extending its service life and operational utility by providing specialized tools for enhanced sighting and auxiliary firepower integration.

The success and robustness of the M70 design led to its use as a foundation for other important firearms within the Zastava portfolio, creating a true family of related weapons:

M72 RPK: Serving as the squad automatic weapon counterpart to the M70 rifle, the Zastava M72 Light Machine Gun shares the same 7.62x39mm caliber and operating principles. Crucially, it utilizes the same heavy-duty 1.5mm stamped receiver with the bulged RPK-style front trunnion found on the later M70 rifles.⁷ Key differences include a longer, heavier barrel (often featuring cooling fins to aid heat dissipation during sustained fire), a standard integral bipod, and sometimes modified rear sights.⁸ The shared receiver construction underscores the inherent strength Zastava built into their AK platform.
M92 Carbine: For roles requiring a more compact weapon, such as for vehicle crews, special forces, or close-quarters battle, Zastava developed the M92 carbine.⁷ Essentially a shortened version of the M70AB2, the M92 retains the 7.62x39mm chambering, gas operation, and underfolding stock. Its most defining feature is its significantly shorter barrel, typically around 10 inches (254mm) long.⁸ To manage the increased muzzle blast from the short barrel, the M92 is usually fitted with a distinctive conical flash hider or muzzle booster.³¹ Despite the shorter barrel, the 7.62x39mm cartridge retains much of its effectiveness at typical carbine engagement ranges.³¹
The Iraqi Connection: Tabuk The M70’s influence extended beyond Yugoslavia’s borders through a significant technology transfer agreement with Iraq. In the late 1970s and early 1980s, Zastava provided machinery and technical assistance to Iraq’s Al-Qadissiya Establishments to set up domestic production of AK-pattern rifles.⁹ The resulting Iraqi rifles were collectively known as the Tabuk.

The standard Iraqi Tabuk assault rifle was essentially a direct copy of the Zastava M70B1.⁷ Early production Tabuks faithfully replicated the M70B1’s features, including the 1.5mm stamped receiver with bulged trunnion, 3-slot handguards, and the integral grenade launching sight (though this was omitted on later, simplified versions).⁹ Critically, they also copied the non-chrome-lined barrels, which proved problematic in Iraqi service due to harsh conditions and potentially less rigorous cleaning discipline compared to the JNA.⁹
Iraq also produced the Tabuk Sniper Rifle, a designated marksman rifle (DMR) based not on the M70 rifle, but on the Zastava M72 RPK.⁷ While visually similar to an RPK, the Tabuk DMR featured a longer, but thinner, barrel than the M72, was modified for semi-automatic fire only, included an optics rail on the receiver, and sported a distinctive skeletonized wooden buttstock with a cheek rest.²⁴ It retained the 7.62x39mm chambering, making it effective out to intermediate ranges (around 600 meters) but lacking the reach of true sniper rifles chambered in full-power cartridges.²⁴
Iraqi production quality reportedly declined over time, especially after the Iran-Iraq war and subsequent sanctions.⁹

The development of the M72 LMG and M92 carbine, alongside the licensed production of Tabuk rifles in Iraq, highlights the M70’s significance as more than just Yugoslavia’s standard rifle. It served as a versatile and robust foundational platform adaptable to various infantry roles and was successfully exported, demonstrating Zastava’s capabilities as an arms manufacturer and technology partner during the Cold War era. The shared heavy-duty receiver across the M70B1/AB2, M72, and Tabuk variants became a defining characteristic of this branch of the Kalashnikov family tree.

7. Zastava M70 Family Variations: A Comparative Overview

The following table summarizes the key characteristics and differences between the main variants within the Zastava M70 family, tracing their evolution from the late M64 prototype stage through the various milled and stamped receiver models, as well as related designs.

Zastava M70 Family Variations Summary

Model Designation	Receiver Type	Trunnion	Barrel Attachment	Stock Type	Grenade Sight/Gas Cutoff	Optics Rail	Key Distinguishing Features
M64 (late proto)	Milled	Standard	Threaded	Fixed Wood (A) / Underfolding (B)	Yes	No	3-slot HG, Internal BHO, Grenade sight, M59/M56 parts (handle/stock)
M70	Milled	Standard	Threaded	Fixed Wood	Yes	No	First production model, 3-slot HG, Grenade sight, Dust cover lock, Smooth left receiver
M70A	Milled	Standard	Threaded	Underfolding Metal	Yes	No	Folding stock version of M70
M70A1	Milled	Standard	Threaded	Underfolding Metal	Yes	Yes	M70A with added optics rail
M70B	Milled	Standard	Pressed & Pinned	Fixed Wood	Yes	No	M70 with pressed/pinned barrel
M70AB	Milled	Standard	Pressed & Pinned	Underfolding Metal	Yes	No	M70A with pressed/pinned barrel
M70B1	Stamped (1.5mm)	Bulged RPK-style	Pressed & Pinned	Fixed Wood	Yes	No	First stamped model, Bulged trunnion, Night sights, Rubber buttpad (often)
M70AB2	Stamped (1.5mm)	Bulged RPK-style	Pressed & Pinned	Underfolding Metal	Yes	No	Folding stock version of M70B1, Bulged trunnion, Night sights
M70B1N	Stamped (1.5mm)	Bulged RPK-style	Pressed & Pinned	Fixed Wood	Yes	Yes	M70B1 with added optics rail
M70AB2N	Stamped (1.5mm)	Bulged RPK-style	Pressed & Pinned	Underfolding Metal	Yes	Yes	M70AB2 with added optics rail
M70B3	Stamped (1.5mm)	Bulged RPK-style	Pressed & Pinned	Fixed Wood	Replaced by UBGL	No	M70B1 adapted for UBGL (grenade sight removed)
M70AB3	Stamped (1.5mm)	Bulged RPK-style	Pressed & Pinned	Underfolding Metal	Replaced by UBGL	No	M70AB2 adapted for UBGL (grenade sight removed)
M72 (RPK)	Stamped (1.5mm)	Bulged RPK-style	Pressed & Pinned	Fixed Wood (RPK)	No	No	LMG version, Heavy/finned barrel, Bipod, RPK sights
M92 (Carbine)	Stamped (1.5mm)	Bulged RPK-style	Pressed & Pinned	Underfolding Metal	No	No	Shortened M70AB2, Muzzle booster/flash hider
Tabuk Rifle	Stamped (1.5mm)	Bulged RPK-style	Pressed & Pinned	Fixed Wood	Yes (early) / No (late)	No	Iraqi copy of M70B1
Tabuk DMR	Stamped (1.5mm)	Bulged RPK-style	Pressed & Pinned	Fixed Skeletonized	No	Yes	Iraqi DMR based on M72, Semi-auto only, 7.62x39mm, Optics rail, Skeleton stock

Note: Barrel lining refers to original military production; modern commercial Zastava ZPAP M70 variants imported into the US typically feature chrome-lined barrels.¹⁸ HG = Handguard.

This table provides a clear, side-by-side comparison, highlighting the evolution of receiver types, barrel attachment methods, stock configurations, and specialized features across the Zastava M70 lineage, fulfilling the need for a consolidated overview of the family’s variations.

8. In Service: The M70 in Yugoslavia and Beyond

Formally adopted in 1970, the Zastava M70 quickly became the standard infantry rifle of the Jugoslovenska Narodna Armija (JNA), gradually replacing older firearms like the Zastava M59/66, itself a Yugoslav derivative of the Soviet SKS carbine.⁷ For over two decades, the M70, particularly the robust stamped M70B1 and M70AB2 variants, served as the primary armament for Yugoslav soldiers.

The rifle’s most prominent and tragic service came during the brutal Yugoslav Wars of the 1990s. As the federation violently disintegrated, the vast stockpiles of JNA weaponry, including millions of M70 rifles, fell into the hands of all warring factions.⁶ The M70 became a ubiquitous sight on the battlefields of Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Kosovo, wielded by soldiers and paramilitaries on all sides, making it an enduring, somber symbol of those conflicts.⁷

Following the wars, the M70 remained in service with the armed forces of the newly independent successor states, including Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, North Macedonia, and Slovenia.⁶ While some nations, like Croatia (which donated its stocks to Ukraine ⁷) and Slovenia, have largely transitioned to NATO-standard firearms, the M70 continues to serve in various capacities across the former Yugoslavia.

Beyond the Balkans, the Zastava M70 achieved significant global proliferation through both official exports and the illicit arms trade fueled by the Yugoslav Wars.¹⁰ Zastava Arms exported the rifle widely during the Cold War and after, with known users including Iraq (which also produced the Tabuk copy), Cyprus, Jordan, Lebanon, Palestine (PLO and PNA), and numerous African nations such as Angola, Burkina Faso, Liberia, Libya, Rwanda, South Sudan, Yemen, and Zaire (used by Serbian mercenaries).⁷ M70s captured from Iraq were even used by Iran.⁷ Rifles from former Yugoslav stocks have surfaced in conflicts across the globe, including the War in Afghanistan (provided as US military aid to Afghan forces), the Syrian Civil War, the conflict in Mali, and most recently, the Russian invasion of Ukraine, where M70s were donated by Croatia and purchased by the UK for training Ukrainian troops.⁶ The rifle’s presence in European terror attacks, sourced from Balkan black markets, underscores the dangerous legacy of weapons proliferation from the Yugoslav conflict.³³

Ramadi police officer with either a Zastava M70 or an early model Tabuk wherein they retained the grenade sight, 2008. Given this photo was taken in Iraq, it is most likely to be an early model Tabuk but we’d need more detail than the photo can give, notably the markings. (obtained from Wikimedia – the author submitted it to the Arabic Wikipedia and used the author name of: هــشـام or “Hisham” in Roman script)

A French soldier from the Military Instruction Advisory Detachment (IMAD) of the 5th Regiment International Army Overseas (RIAOM) trains Somali policemen on the assembly and disassembly of the AK-47 assault rifle in Baidoa. The French were providing training for the Somalian police in Baidoa and Buurhakaba. (Obtained from Wikimedia and the author was Staff Sgt. Jeffrey T Brady)

Iraqi policemen from the Dhi Qar province pull security during an air assault training event with Soldiers of the 2nd Battalion, 12th Cavalry Regiment, 4th Brigade Combat Team, 1st Cavalry Regiment, at Camp Cedar, Iraq, March 2. Date: 02.25.2009. The rifle appears to be a M70AB – zooming in I can see the “URJ” Yugoslav selector markings vs. arabic script that a Tabuk would have. (Obtained from Wikimedia and the author was DVIDSHUB)

The sheer scale of the M70’s production, estimated at around 4 million units ⁷, combined with its inherent durability and the chaos surrounding the JNA’s dissolution, ensured its widespread and lasting presence. Its appearance in conflicts decades after its introduction speaks volumes about its robust design, the vast quantities produced, and the long-lasting impact of regional instability on global arms trafficking. The rifle’s legendary toughness undoubtedly contributes to its longevity in the harsh conditions often found in these conflict zones.

9. Conclusion: The Enduring Legacy of the Yugoslav AK

The Zastava M70 family stands as a significant and distinct chapter in the global story of the Kalashnikov rifle. Born from Yugoslavia’s unique geopolitical position and drive for self-reliance, it represents an independent, unlicensed development path that resulted in a firearm tailored to specific national requirements.¹ Its defining characteristics – the emphasis on extreme robustness evident in the thicker 1.5mm stamped receivers and RPK-style trunnions, the integral grenade launching capability that was a design priority from the outset, the evolution of the bolt hold-open feature, the distinctive three-slot handguards, and the long-standing use of non-chrome-lined barrels in military production – set it apart from its Soviet AKM contemporaries and most other licensed variants.⁷

While often praised for its exceptional durability and reliability, sometimes considered superior to other AKM derivatives ¹, this robustness came at the cost of increased weight.⁹ The M70 proved itself adaptable, evolving from early milled receiver models to the ubiquitous stamped variants, and later incorporating features like optics rails and underbarrel grenade launchers to meet modern tactical needs.⁷ Its foundational design spawned a successful family of weapons, including the M72 LMG and M92 carbine, and served as the basis for Iraqi Tabuk production.⁹

From its decades of service as the standard rifle of the JNA, through its tragic ubiquity in the Yugoslav Wars, to its continued use by successor states and proliferation across global conflict zones, the Zastava M70 has carved an undeniable legacy.⁶ Its enduring presence is further cemented by continued production and popularity in the civilian market, particularly in the United States with the ZPAP M70 line.¹³ The Zastava M70 remains a highly regarded, distinctively durable, and historically significant member of the vast Kalashnikov family, a testament to Yugoslav engineering and a tangible link to a complex period of European history.

Image Source

The main photo is of a Zastava M70-AB3 from Wikimedia. It was taken on July 1, 2011 by Соколрус
https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Zastava_Arms_M70-AB3.jpg

Ramadi police officer with either a Zastava M70 or an early model Tabuk wherein they retained the grenade sight, 2008. Given this photo was taken in Iraq, it is most likely to be an early model Tabuk but we’d need more detail than the photo can give, notably the markings. (obtained from Wikimedia – the author submitted it to the Arabic Wikipedia and used the author name of: هــشـام or “Hisham” in Roman script)

A French soldier from the Military Instruction Advisory Detachment (IMAD) of the 5th Regiment International Army Overseas (RIAOM) trains Somali policemen on the assembly and disassembly of the AK-47 assault rifle in Baidoa. The French were providing training for the Somalian police in Baidoa and Buurhakaba. (Obtained from Wikimedia and the author was Staff Sgt. Jeffrey T Brady)

Iraqi policemen from the Dhi Qar province pull security during an air assault training event with Soldiers of the 2nd Battalion, 12th Cavalry Regiment, 4th Brigade Combat Team, 1st Cavalry Regiment, at Camp Cedar, Iraq, March 2. Date: 02.25.2009. The rifle appears to be a M70AB – zooming in I can see the “URJ” Yugoslav selector markings vs. arabic script that a Tabuk would have. (Obtained from Wikimedia and the author was DVIDSHUB)

Works cited

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Yugoslavia’s AK Path: Where Did the 2,000 Russian AK-47 Rifles Come From

May 14, 2025 RoninsGrips

So far, we have covered the history of Yugoslavian and Soviet relations and then the two Albanian defectors and early Yugo AK development leading to the M64 but we glossed over an enduring mystery that deserves its own post. In this artice, we dive into the riddle of what third world nation Yugoslavia purchased 2,000 Soviet AK-47 rifles from to reverse engineer and why it had to be covert.

A. The Core Question and Its Significance

This report addresses the question of the identity of the “Third World nation” from which the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia secretly procured approximately 2,000 Soviet-designed AK-47 assault rifles in 1959. This transaction, a relatively obscure event in the annals of Cold War arms proliferation, was nonetheless of considerable importance for Yugoslavia’s military development. The acquisition of these rifles proved pivotal for Zastava Arms, Yugoslavia’s premier weapons manufacturer, in its ambitious endeavor to independently develop and produce a domestic version of the Kalashnikov rifle. This effort culminated in the Zastava M70, a weapon that would become a mainstay of the Yugoslav People’s Army (JNA) and a significant export item.¹

The clandestine nature of this purchase and the persistent anonymity of the supplier nation underscore the intricate geopolitical landscape of the late 1950s. Yugoslavia, under Marshal Josip Broz Tito, navigated a complex path of non-alignment, maintaining independence from both the NATO and Warsaw Pact blocs. This unique position influenced its foreign policy and its methods of military procurement, often necessitating unconventional approaches to acquire advanced weaponry.

B. Methodology and Scope

The analysis herein is based on an examination of available research materials, encompassing English, Russian, Serbian, and Arabic language sources. A central piece of evidence for this specific arms deal is C.J. Chivers’ comprehensive work, The Gun: The AK-47 and the Evolution of War.¹ This report will critically assess the claim made by Chivers, situating it within the broader context of Soviet arms export policies of the era and Yugoslavia’s diplomatic and military relations. The objective is to evaluate the plausibility of potential candidate nations and, if the evidence permits, to identify the most likely intermediary.

C. Unraveling the Layers of Secrecy

The clandestine nature of the 1959 rifle purchase points towards a multi-faceted diplomatic maneuver. Yugoslavia, due to its political estrangement from the Soviet Union following the 1948 Tito-Stalin split, could not openly or directly procure sensitive military technology like the AK-47 from Moscow.¹ The term “secret purchase” strongly implies a deliberate effort to bypass official channels and to shield the transaction from public scrutiny, particularly from Soviet intelligence. A “Third World nation” already receiving Soviet military aid would have had legitimate access to such weapons. This intermediary role could have offered benefits to all parties: the supplier nation might have gained financially or strengthened its diplomatic ties with Yugoslavia; Yugoslavia would secure the much-needed rifles for its reverse-engineering program. The Soviet Union itself might have tacitly approved such a transfer if it served a broader, albeit unstated, strategic objective, such as subtly bolstering a non-aligned nation’s defense capabilities against Western influence without direct Soviet commitment. Alternatively, the Soviets might have been unaware of, or unable to prevent, a relatively small diversion of arms.

The specified quantity of “approximately 2,000” rifles is a critical detail. This number is substantial enough to provide a sufficient sample base for detailed reverse engineering, including disassembly, metallurgical analysis, live-fire testing, and comparison of components – a significant step up from the mere two rifles acquired earlier from Albanian defectors which proved insufficient.¹ Simultaneously, a batch of 2,000 units is arguably small enough to have been diverted from a larger consignment of Soviet military aid, or siphoned from existing stockpiles within the recipient nation, without triggering immediate alarm or major geopolitical fallout. Soviet aid packages to favored client states, such as Egypt or Iraq, were often extensive.² Diverting such a quantity, especially if oversight and record-keeping for every individual small arm were not meticulously stringent, would be more feasible and less likely to provoke a severe diplomatic crisis than, for example, the unauthorized transfer of tanks or combat aircraft.

II. Yugoslavia’s Pursuit of the Kalashnikov: A Non-Aligned Nation’s Arms Dilemma

A. The Political Context: Independence and Necessity

Yugoslavia’s foreign policy under President Tito was characterized by a resolute commitment to independence and non-alignment. This stance meant a refusal to join the Warsaw Pact, leading to periods of significant political tension with the Soviet Union, particularly in the aftermath of the 1948 Informbiro period.¹ While relations with Moscow experienced thaws and freezes, Yugoslavia could not depend on the Soviet Union for direct, licensed production of critical military hardware such as the AK-47 assault rifle.¹ Consequently, the nation adopted a pragmatic approach to arms procurement, seeking weaponry and military technology from both Eastern and Western sources as opportunities arose.⁶ The inability to secure technical specifications for the AK-47 directly from the USSR compelled Zastava Arms, the national arsenal, to embark on the challenging path of reverse engineering.¹

B. Early Steps: The Albanian Defectors’ Rifles

A significant, albeit insufficient, breakthrough occurred in 1959 when two Albanian soldiers defected to Yugoslavia, bringing with them their Soviet-manufactured AK-47s.¹ These weapons were promptly handed over to Zastava engineers for detailed examination. While the engineers were able to create metal castings from these two samples, they quickly realized that this limited number of rifles did not provide enough technical data to fully understand the design intricacies, material specifications, or manufacturing processes required to reproduce the weapon or its components accurately.¹ This initial encounter with the Kalashnikov highlighted the pressing need for a larger quantity of rifles to complete the reverse-engineering process successfully.

C. The Imperative for More Samples: The Road to the Zastava M70

The development of what would become the Zastava M70 assault rifle took place between 1962 and 1968, with the rifle officially entering service with the Yugoslav People’s Army (JNA) in 1970.¹ The acquisition of a more substantial batch of AK-47s in late 1959 would have been a critical enabler for this development timeline, providing Zastava’s engineers with the necessary physical examples for comprehensive study and analysis. The Zastava M70 was ultimately an unlicensed derivative, closely based on the Soviet AK-47 Type 3 variant.¹ The AK-47 Type 3, which featured a milled receiver, was produced by the Soviet Union from 1955 until 1959, when it began to be phased out in favor of the modernized, stamped-receiver AKM.⁸ This transition in Soviet production could have made surplus Type 3 models more readily available through third-party channels.

Russian AK-47 Type III (Photo by Gunrunner123 shared on Wikimedia)

Yugoslavia’s unique non-aligned status presented both challenges and opportunities. It constrained direct access to Soviet military technology but simultaneously allowed Belgrade to cultivate a wide network of relationships with numerous “Third World” nations, many of which were emerging from colonial rule or navigating their own paths between the Cold War blocs. Several of these nations became recipients of Soviet military assistance as Moscow sought to expand its global influence.² Yugoslavia’s prominent role within the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM), of which it was a founding member ⁴, provided a diplomatic framework that could facilitate discreet arms deals and technology transfers that would have been impossible through conventional East-West channels. This network of non-aligned partners became an invaluable asset for Yugoslavia’s unconventional procurement strategies.

The sequence of events in 1959 – the arrival of the Albanian defectors’ rifles early in the year, the rapid assessment by Zastava that these were insufficient, and the subsequent “secret purchase” of approximately 2,000 additional AKs “by the end of the year” ¹ – suggests a swift and opportunistic response by Yugoslav intelligence and arms procurement agencies. Once the limitations of the initial two samples became clear, an active search for more examples was likely initiated, leveraging existing diplomatic or intelligence contacts, or rapidly activating networks to locate and secure a larger quantity of the desired rifles. This was not a passive waiting game but a proactive effort to seize any available opportunity.

III. The 1959 Transaction: Corroborating the “Secret Purchase”

A. C.J. Chivers’ “The Gun” as the Primary Source

The specific assertion that “by the end of the year , however, the Yugoslav government had obtained more early pattern AKs from an unidentified Third World nation that was receiving Soviet military aid” is directly attributed to C.J. Chivers’ book, The Gun, published in 2011, on pages 250-251.¹ Chivers, a former Marine officer and Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist, produced a work generally acclaimed for its meticulous research into the history of automatic weapons, with a particular focus on the Kalashnikov.¹² His book meticulously documents the origins, global proliferation, and multifaceted impact of the AK-47 and its variants. The information provided indicates that this 1959 purchase was crucial, furnishing Zastava Arms with a sufficient number of AK-47s to “study and effectively reverse engineer the weapon type”.¹

B. Contextualizing the Purchase in Zastava’s M70 Development

The timeline and technical details surrounding the development of the Zastava M70 lend credence to Chivers’ account. The Zastava M64, an early prototype that directly led to the M70, incorporated design features heavily based on the Soviet AK-47 Type 3, which utilized a milled receiver.¹ Soviet production of the Type 3 AK-47 spanned from 1955 to 1959.⁸ This aligns perfectly with the claim that Yugoslavia acquired “early pattern AKs” in 1959, as these would likely have been Type 3 models. The successful reverse-engineering effort, facilitated by this larger batch of rifles, enabled Zastava to commence unlicensed production of its AK-47 derivative in 1964.¹ This production start date is consistent with a 1959 acquisition followed by several years of intensive research, development, and tooling.

The fact that the Soviet Union began to replace the AK-47 with the modernized AKM (Avtomat Kalashnikova Modernizirovanniy) in 1959 is also significant.⁸ The AKM featured a stamped sheet-metal receiver, making it lighter and cheaper to mass-produce than the milled-receiver AK-47 Type 3. This transition in Soviet small arms production could have rendered existing stocks of AK-47 Type 3s obsolescent in Soviet eyes, or at least less critical. Consequently, Soviet client states that had received Type 3s might have found it easier to re-transfer a portion of their inventory, perhaps in anticipation of receiving newer AKM models. Such a re-transfer, especially of older models, might have been viewed as less diplomatically sensitive by the Soviets or easier for the intermediary nation to justify. Thus, the “early pattern AKs” mentioned by Chivers were likely Type 3s, a plausible type of weapon to be involved in a clandestine deal of this nature at that specific time.

The absence of other readily available public sources explicitly naming the “Third World nation” involved in this specific 1959 transaction is noteworthy. This suggests that C.J. Chivers may have had access to unique primary sources, such as declassified intelligence reports, internal Zastava documents, or interviews with individuals directly or indirectly involved, which are not yet in the public domain or widely known to other researchers. Alternatively, the details of this transaction may remain obscure precisely because of the success of the secrecy that originally enveloped it. The conclusions drawn in this report must, therefore, rely on interpreting Chivers’ historically credible claim within the broader framework of circumstantial evidence regarding Soviet arms recipients and Yugoslav foreign relations during this period.

IV. Identifying Potential Supplier Nations: Soviet Arms in the “Third World”

A. Overview of Soviet Military Aid and AK-47 Proliferation (Late 1950s)

During the Cold War, the Soviet Union strategically employed military aid as a key instrument of its foreign policy, aiming to expand its influence, support ideologically aligned regimes, and counter Western power.¹⁰ The AK-47 assault rifle, renowned for its simplicity, reliability, and ruggedness, became a ubiquitous symbol of this policy. It was widely supplied to “developing countries,” nations espousing communist ideals, and various national liberation movements that Moscow sought to cultivate as allies or proxies.¹¹ By the late 1950s, a significant number of “Third World” nations across the Middle East, Asia, and Africa had become recipients of Soviet military assistance, which often included consignments of AK-47s.² The AK-47 (Type 3) was the standard Soviet rifle until the introduction of the AKM in 1959, meaning that AK-47s were already in circulation through Soviet supply lines to these recipient states prior to or during that year.⁸

B. Egypt: A Prime Candidate

Soviet-Egyptian Arms Deals: Egypt, under Gamal Abdel Nasser, emerged as a major recipient of Soviet bloc weaponry following the landmark Egyptian-Czechoslovak arms deal announced in September 1955.²⁵ This agreement, valued at over $83 million, effectively ended the Western monopoly on arms supplies to the Middle East and signaled a significant geopolitical shift.² The 1955 deal explicitly included small arms and munitions.²⁵ While the initial manifests detailed in the provided material do not itemize AK-47s specifically, subsequent Soviet military aid to Egypt was extensive and continuous. By 1966, the total value of Soviet military equipment extended to the United Arab Republic (UAR), of which Egypt was the dominant part, reached $1.16 billion, with approximately 90% of this aid reportedly delivered by that time.² This substantial aid program commenced in 1955.² Given the AK-47’s status as the standard Soviet infantry rifle during this period, it is highly probable that significant quantities were supplied to the Egyptian armed forces well before 1959. Russian sources confirm deliveries of various Soviet armaments to Egypt between 1955-1957, including tanks, artillery, and aircraft, though specific numbers for AK-47s are not provided in these particular texts.²⁶ The AK-47 was indeed being developed into the AKM by 1959, implying its prior establishment.²⁷
Yugoslav-Egyptian Relations: Relations between Yugoslavia and Egypt were exceptionally close during this period. Both countries were founding and influential members of the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM), sharing a common vision of independence from superpower blocs.⁴ Diplomatic ties strengthened considerably following the 1948 Soviet-Yugoslav split and the 1952 Egyptian Revolution.⁴ The year 1959, the precise timeframe of the AK-47 purchase, was marked by high-level diplomatic exchanges: President Tito visited Egypt in February 1959, and President Nasser visited Yugoslavia in November 1959.²⁹ Such frequent top-level interactions indicate a robust and trusting political relationship, conducive to arranging sensitive, clandestine transactions. Furthermore, there is a documented instance from 1954 where Egypt is believed to have supported Yugoslav efforts to arm Algerian National Liberation Front (FLN) rebels by nominally purchasing Yugoslav-made weapons, which were then discreetly transferred to Algeria.⁴ This historical precedent suggests a pattern of cooperation in complex, covert arms movements involving both Egypt and Yugoslavia, making Egypt a very strong candidate.

The first ever meeting between Josip Broz Tito and Gamal Abdel Nasser – onboard the Yugoslav ship Galeb in the Suez Canal (1955). (Photo from the Online Museum of Syrian History, Shared on Wikimedia.

President Gamal Abdul Nasser and Yugoslavian President Josip Tito in Aleppo in 1959 / From left to right: United Arab Republic Vice President Akram al-Hawrani, the Aleppo industrialist Sami Saem al-Daher, director of Egyptian Intelligence Salah Nasr, President Josip Tito, his wife Jovanka Broz, President Gamal Abdul Nasser. The photo was taken in the home of Sami Saeb al-Daher, who was nationalized by President Nasser and left in bankrupcy in 1960 (Photo from the Online Museum of Syrian History, Shared on Wikimedia.

C. Iraq: A Plausible Alternative

Soviet-Iraqi Arms Deals: Iraq emerged as another significant recipient of Soviet military assistance following the 14 July Revolution in 1958, which overthrew the Hashemite monarchy and established a republic under Abd al-Karim Qasim.³⁰ The new Iraqi regime quickly pivoted away from Western alliances and sought closer ties with the Soviet bloc and non-aligned nations. In February 1959, the Soviet Union extended a substantial loan of $137.5 million to Iraq for economic and technical development, which likely included provisions for military hardware.³² The USSR became a major arms supplier to Iraq commencing in 1958.³ While specific quantities of AK-47s delivered to Iraq between 1958 and 1959 are not detailed in the available materials, it is highly probable that these rifles formed part of the initial arms packages supplied to the new revolutionary government. Later Iraqi consideration of replacing Kalashnikovs with M16s implies prior widespread adoption of the Soviet rifle.³³
Yugoslav-Iraqi Relations: Diplomatic relations between Yugoslavia and Iraq were formally established in 1958, in the immediate aftermath of the Iraqi revolution.³⁰ Crucially, a Trade and Cooperation Agreement between Yugoslavia and Iraq was signed and came into force on February 19, 1959.³⁰ This development aligns perfectly with the timeframe of the secret AK-47 purchase later that year. Yugoslavia would go on to become a major arms exporter to Iraq, particularly during the Iran-Iraq War in the 1980s ³⁰, indicating the foundation of a long-standing military-technical relationship that may have had its early, discreet origins in transactions like the one in question. The new Iraqi regime, eager to assert its independence and forge new international partnerships, might have been willing to facilitate such a transfer to Yugoslavia to build goodwill, for financial considerations, or as part of its broader realignment.

D. Other “Third World” Recipients (Brief Assessment)

Syria: Syria had been a recipient of Soviet military aid since the early 1950s.³⁴ However, early arms supplies from other Eastern Bloc countries like East Germany sometimes consisted of WWII surplus before transitioning to more modern Soviet-pattern weapons like the AK-47, typically in later periods (e.g., post-1967 for significant AK-47s from GDR).³⁴ While direct Soviet supply lines to Syria for AK-47s would have existed by 1959, the available information does not highlight the same degree of intimate political alignment or specific diplomatic activity with Yugoslavia in 1959 that is evident with Egypt or the nascent relationship with Iraq.
Indonesia: Indonesia began receiving Soviet arms, with initial deliveries noted in 1958 (such as GAZ-69 military vehicles).³⁵ The extent to which AK-47s were delivered and available in sufficient quantity for a 2,000-unit re-transfer by late 1959 is not clearly established by the provided sources.
India: India started to receive Soviet military technology and arms, including licenses for local manufacture, primarily in the 1960s, although some foundational agreements may have been laid earlier.²² The timeline for substantial AK-47 deliveries to India that could have been re-transferred by 1959 appears less probable compared to Middle Eastern recipients.
Cuba: The Cuban Revolution, led by Fidel Castro, triumphed in January 1959. Significant Soviet military assistance to Cuba commenced in the early 1960s, notably escalating around the time of the Bay of Pigs invasion and the Cuban Missile Crisis.³⁶ It is therefore highly unlikely that Cuba would have been in a position to act as a supplier of Soviet-made AK-47s to Yugoslavia in 1959.
African Nations (e.g., Angola, Ethiopia, Mozambique): While the Soviet Union did provide arms to various African states and liberation movements ³⁷, the large-scale proliferation of AK-47s to these specific sub-Saharan African nations is generally associated with independence struggles and post-colonial conflicts of the 1960s and 1970s, rather than a 1959 timeframe for re-export.

The political ideologies and strategic alignments of these potential Third World suppliers are crucial factors. A nation deeply enmeshed within the Soviet ideological sphere might have been less inclined to engage in an unauthorized or clandestine re-transfer of Soviet-supplied arms. However, many “Third World” recipients of Soviet aid, while benefiting from Moscow’s support, pursued their own distinct national interests. Egypt under Nasser, for instance, adeptly navigated the Cold War currents, leveraging relations with both East and West to its advantage.²⁵ Such a nation, particularly one like Egypt that shared leadership with Yugoslavia in the Non-Aligned Movement, might have viewed a discreet arms deal as a means of strengthening its own non-aligned credentials, assisting a fellow NAM state, or gaining diplomatic or economic leverage, even if it involved Soviet-origin weaponry. Iraq, with its new revolutionary government, was in a phase of actively seeking new international partnerships and asserting its autonomy, which could have provided a motive for such a transaction.

Furthermore, a secret arms purchase of this nature would necessitate a degree of trust and established communication channels. Yugoslavia, as a key architect and proponent of the Non-Aligned Movement, actively cultivated diplomatic, economic, and intelligence relationships with a wide array of nations within this group.⁴ This favors nations with which Yugoslavia had demonstrably active and positive diplomatic interactions in or before 1959, such as Egypt, and the rapidly developing ties with post-revolution Iraq.

Table 1: Assessment of Potential “Third World” Nations for the 1959 AK-47 Transfer to Yugoslavia

Candidate Nation	Recipient of Soviet Military Aid (incl. AK-47s) by 1959? (Evidence & Likelihood)	Nature & Strength of Yugoslav Relations by 1959 (Political, Diplomatic, Military)	Specific Chronological Markers Supporting/Contradicting 1959 Transfer	Plausibility as the “Unnamed Nation”	Key Supporting Snippets
Egypt	Yes. Major recipient since 1955. Highly likely to possess AK-47s in quantity.	Very Strong. Founding NAM members, frequent high-level visits (Tito Feb ’59, Nasser Nov ’59). Precedent of arms facilitation.	Supports: Close ties in 1959. Soviet arms flow well established.	High & Most Likely	²
Iraq	Yes. Recipient since 1958 revolution. Likely included AK-47s in early packages.	Developing. Diplomatic relations established 1958. Trade/Cooperation agreement effective Feb 1959.	Supports: New regime seeking partners. Trade agreement in place.	High, but second to Egypt	³
Syria	Yes. Recipient since early 1950s.	Moderate. Established relations, but less intimacy highlighted for 1959 specifically compared to Egypt/Iraq.	Possible, but less direct evidence of specific 1959 impetus.	Medium	³⁴
Indonesia	Yes. Initial Soviet arms deliveries in 1958.	Moderate.	Less clear if AK-47s available in sufficient quantity for re-transfer by late 1959.	Low-Medium	³⁵

V. The “Unnamed Nation”: Deciphering the Secrecy

A. Motivations for Anonymity

The enduring anonymity of the supplier nation in most historical accounts points to a convergence of interests in maintaining secrecy:

Yugoslavia’s Perspective: For Yugoslavia, discretion was paramount. The country meticulously maintained a delicate geopolitical equilibrium between the Eastern and Western blocs. Openly acknowledging a clandestine arms deal involving Soviet-origin weapons, even if acquired through a third party, could have unnecessarily strained its already complex relationship with the USSR. It might also have compromised its carefully cultivated image as a genuinely non-aligned nation, potentially inviting suspicion or pressure from either superpower.
The Supplier Nation’s Perspective: The intermediary country would have had strong reasons to ensure the transaction remained covert. Re-transferring military aid, particularly weapons as significant as assault rifles, without the explicit consent or knowledge of the original supplier (the Soviet Union) could have invited serious repercussions. These could range from a curtailment of future Soviet aid to diplomatic censure or other punitive measures. Protecting its own ongoing diplomatic and trade relationships with both the USSR and Yugoslavia, as well as other international actors, would have been a key concern.
Soviet Perspective (if aware or subsequently discovered): Even if Soviet intelligence became aware of the transfer, Moscow might have preferred the matter to remain quiet. If the USSR tacitly approved the deal for its own strategic reasons – for instance, to subtly aid Yugoslavia’s independent defense posture without direct involvement, thereby keeping it from leaning too heavily towards the West – publicity would be counterproductive. Conversely, if the transfer occurred without Soviet knowledge or approval, publicizing it would reveal a potentially embarrassing lack of control over its arms exports and the actions of its client states.

B. Weighing the Evidence: Egypt vs. Iraq

When comparing the two strongest candidates, Egypt and Iraq, both present compelling arguments:

Arguments for Egypt:

By 1959, Egypt had a well-established, deep, and multifaceted relationship with Yugoslavia. This included close personal ties between President Nasser and President Tito, shared leadership in the Non-Aligned Movement, and frequent high-level diplomatic consultations, including visits by both leaders to each other’s countries in 1959.⁴ Such a strong foundation of trust and mutual understanding would be highly conducive to arranging a secret arms transfer.
Egypt was a very significant recipient of Soviet arms from 1955 onwards and would have possessed substantial stocks of AK-47s by 1959.²
The precedent of Egypt reportedly facilitating the transfer of Yugoslav arms to Algerian rebels in 1954 demonstrates a historical willingness and capability to engage in complex, discreet arms movements in cooperation with Yugoslavia.⁴
Arguments for Iraq:

Iraq’s relationship with Yugoslavia was newer but developing rapidly in the crucial 1958-1959 period. The establishment of diplomatic relations in 1958 was quickly followed by a Trade and Cooperation Agreement that came into force in February 1959.³⁰ This formal framework for interaction was in place at the time of the AK-47 deal.
Following its 1958 revolution, Iraq became a recipient of Soviet arms and was actively seeking to diversify its international partnerships beyond its former Western patrons.³ A deal with a prominent non-aligned country like Yugoslavia would fit this new foreign policy orientation.
The new revolutionary government in Baghdad might have been motivated by political solidarity, financial gain, or a desire to quickly establish Iraq as an independent actor on the regional stage.

While both nations are strong candidates, Egypt appears to hold a slight edge. The depth and maturity of its political relationship with Yugoslavia by 1959, coupled with the precedent for cooperation in sensitive arms transfers, make it a particularly compelling possibility. However, the confluence of Iraq’s recent political transformation, its immediate embrace of Soviet military aid, and the formalization of ties with Yugoslavia in early 1959 make it an almost equally plausible source. The critical factors are the combination of access to Soviet-supplied AK-47s and a motive or willingness to transfer approximately 2,000 of them to Yugoslavia under conditions of secrecy.

Logistical considerations, though not detailed in the available materials, would also have played a role. The transfer of 2,000 rifles and their ammunition is not a trivial undertaking. Both Egypt and Iraq, being Middle Eastern nations, share maritime proximity with Yugoslavia via the Mediterranean Sea. Existing trade routes (e.g., Yugoslav timber for Egyptian cotton mentioned in ⁴, or the general trade agreement with Iraq ³⁰) could have provided cover for such shipments, perhaps disguised as other goods or moved through less scrutinized channels.

C. Limitations of the Provided Material

It is crucial to acknowledge that the available research documentation, while extensive, does not contain a definitive, explicit statement from an undeniable primary source (such as a declassified Yugoslav, Soviet, Egyptian, or Iraqi government document or a direct admission from a key participant) that unequivocally names the country involved in this specific 1959 AK-47 transfer to Yugoslavia. The identification process relies heavily on interpreting C.J. Chivers’ well-regarded but singular claim regarding this transaction, and then constructing a circumstantial case based on the known patterns of Soviet arms supplies and Yugoslav foreign relations during the specified period.

The successful execution of this secret purchase likely had a reinforcing effect on Yugoslavia’s broader strategy of acquiring foreign military technology through various means, including reverse engineering. It would have demonstrated the feasibility of such clandestine operations and underscored the value of cultivating diverse international relationships to achieve strategic defense objectives, ultimately contributing to the growth and capabilities of its significant domestic arms industry.⁶

VI. Conclusion: Assessing the Probabilities and the Lingering Mystery

A. Summary of Findings

The evidence strongly supports the claim, primarily advanced by C.J. Chivers, that in late 1959, Yugoslavia secretly purchased approximately 2,000 “early pattern” Soviet AK-47 assault rifles from an unnamed “Third World nation” that was itself a recipient of Soviet military aid.¹ This acquisition was a critical step for Zastava Arms, providing the necessary physical examples to successfully reverse-engineer the Kalashnikov design, leading directly to the development and subsequent mass production of the Zastava M70 assault rifle, a cornerstone of Yugoslav military armament.

B. The Most Plausible Candidate(s)

Based on a comprehensive analysis of Soviet arms distribution patterns in the late 1950s, Yugoslav foreign relations, and specific chronological markers, Egypt emerges as the most plausible candidate for the role of the unnamed intermediary.

Key factors supporting this assessment include:

Its status as a major recipient of Soviet weaponry, including AK-47s, by 1959.²
The exceptionally close political and diplomatic ties between Yugoslavia and Egypt, exemplified by their joint leadership in the Non-Aligned Movement and reciprocal presidential visits in 1959.⁴
A documented precedent of Egypt facilitating complex arms transfers involving Yugoslavia.⁴

Iraq stands as another strong contender. The 1958 revolution brought a new regime to power that rapidly sought Soviet military assistance and established diplomatic and trade relations with Yugoslavia in early 1959, making the timeline and political context feasible for such a transaction.³ The new Iraqi government may have seen this as an opportunity to solidify new alliances or gain other advantages.

Without more explicit, declassified documentary evidence directly naming the nation in the context of this specific 1959 AK-47 transaction, a definitive identification remains an educated deduction based on the available circumstantial evidence rather than an absolute certainty.

C. The Enduring Nature of the “Unnamed” Nation

The continued anonymity of the supplier nation in most historical accounts, with Chivers’ work being a notable exception in detailing the event itself, underscores the initial success of the secrecy surrounding the deal. This secrecy was vital for all parties involved: Yugoslavia needed to protect its non-aligned stance and its complex relationship with the USSR; the supplier nation needed to avoid Soviet repercussions for re-transferring arms; and the USSR itself may have preferred the transaction to remain unpublicized. This episode highlights the intricate and often opaque nature of Cold War diplomacy, where non-aligned nations frequently resorted to clandestine means to achieve their strategic security objectives while navigating the treacherous currents between the superpowers.

D. Implications for Yugoslav Arms Self-Sufficiency

This successful, albeit covert, acquisition of a significant quantity of AK-47s was a landmark achievement for Yugoslavia’s burgeoning defense industry. It directly enabled Zastava Arms to overcome the hurdles of reverse engineering and eventually mass-produce the Zastava M70. This rifle not only equipped the Yugoslav People’s Army but also became a notable export product, reflecting Yugoslavia’s determined pursuit of military self-reliance and its capacity for indigenous arms development.¹

The very fact that this inquiry is prompted by a specific passage in a relatively recent historical work (Chivers’ The Gun, published in 2011) suggests that this particular detail of Cold War arms proliferation may still be emerging from historical obscurity. The Cold War was characterized by extensive secrecy, and archives from that period are continually being declassified and re-examined by historians. It is plausible that the “unnamed” status of the intermediary nation persists simply because the specific documents, testimonies, or archival records that could provide definitive confirmation have not yet entered the public domain or been widely analyzed. Future archival research in Yugoslav (now Serbian and other successor states’), Russian, Egyptian, Iraqi, or other relevant national archives could one day yield a conclusive answer.

Ultimately, the story of Yugoslavia’s 1959 secret AK-47 purchase serves as a compelling microcosm of the broader phenomenon of Kalashnikov proliferation. It illustrates that the global spread of this iconic weapon was not solely due to direct state-to-state transfers from the Soviet Union or licensed production by its allies. Secondary and tertiary movements of these arms, through various overt and covert channels and involving a diverse range of state and non-state actors, played a crucial role in the AK-47 achieving its unparalleled global ubiquity.¹⁰ This particular transaction demonstrates the resourcefulness of a non-aligned state in securing vital defense technology and the complex, often hidden, networks that facilitated the movement of arms during the Cold War.

Author’s Comment

This question intrigued me because Yugoslavia needed more AK-47 Type III samples to reverse engineer their milled M70s. To investigate this question, I ran a number of searches and scenarios and it is my opinion based on what I found that the most likely country was Egypt with Iraq being a less likely second. To be clear, I can’t guarantee it, but the odds favor Egypt given the factors indentified. I was once told that “It’s surprising how little history we really know” and this is an example of an event in recent history where we may never know the details.

Image Sources

The map of the Middle East in 1959 was generated by the author using Sora. The intent was to mainly show Egypt, Saudia Arabia, Iraq and Iran to give some geographical context.

Russian AK-47 Type III (Photo by Gunrunner123 shared on Wikimedia)

The first ever meeting between Josip Broz Tito and Gamal Abdel Nasser – onboard the Yugoslav ship Galeb in the Suez Canal (1955). (Photo from the Online Museum of Syrian History, Shared on Wikimedia.

President Gamal Abdul Nasser and Yugoslavian President Josip Tito in Aleppo in 1959 / From left to right: United Arab Republic Vice President Akram al-Hawrani, the Aleppo industrialist Sami Saem al-Daher, director of Egyptian Intelligence Salah Nasr, President Josip Tito, his wife Jovanka Broz, President Gamal Abdul Nasser. The photo was taken in the home of Sami Saeb al-Daher, who was nationalized by President Nasser and left in bankrupcy in 1960 (Photo from the Online Museum of Syrian History, Shared on Wikimedia.

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القوة البرية العراقية – ويكيبيديا, accessed May 11, 2025, https://ar.wikipedia.org/wiki/%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%82%D9%88%D8%A9_%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%A8%D8%B1%D9%8A%D8%A9_%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B9%D8%B1%D8%A7%D9%82%D9%8A%D8%A9
Syrian Civil War: WWII weapons used – wwiiafterwwii – WordPress.com, accessed May 11, 2025, https://wwiiafterwwii.wordpress.com/2017/06/27/syrian-civil-war-wwii-weapons-used/
Russia’s arms exports to Indonesia top USD 2.5 billion over 25 years – Army Recognition, accessed May 11, 2025, https://armyrecognition.com/news/army-news/army-news-2018/russia-s-arms-exports-to-indonesia-top-usd-2-5-billion-over-25-years
THE SOVIET-CUBAN CONNECTION IN CENTRAL AMERICA AND THE CARIBBEAN – CIA, accessed May 11, 2025, https://www.cia.gov/readingroom/docs/CIA-RDP88B00745R000100140026-6.pdf
Soviet Arms Transfers to Sub-Saharan Africa: What are they Worth in the United Nations? – DTIC, accessed May 11, 2025, https://apps.dtic.mil/sti/tr/pdf/ADA212065.pdf
YUGOSLAVIA, MIDDLE EAST AND CREATION OF THE NON-ALIGNED MOVEMENT Текст научной статьи по специальности – КиберЛенинка, accessed May 11, 2025, https://cyberleninka.ru/article/n/yugoslavia-middle-east-and-creation-of-the-non-aligned-movement
The World’s Most Popular Gun – The New Atlantis, accessed May 11, 2025, https://www.thenewatlantis.com/publications/the-worlds-most-popular-gun

AK & Related Rifles, History

Yugoslavia’s AK Path: The Launch of the Zastava Family of Automatic Weapons and the M64

May 13, 2025 RoninsGrips

In the last post, we reviewed the political climate and how the USSR did not want to share their revolutionary AK-47 design with Yugoslavia. At this point, we need to look at the ambitious 1959 launch of the project “Familija Automatskog Oružja Zastava” (FAZ), or the Zastava Family of Automatic Weapons and how the Yugoslav’s worked around the Soviets to create their own version of the AK.

Forging Their Own Path: Yugoslavia’s Independent Rifle

In the fractured landscape of post-World War II Europe, the Socijalistička Federativna Republika Jugoslavija (Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia – SFRJ) charted a uniquely independent course. Initially aligned with the Soviet Union, Yugoslavia’s relationship with Moscow ruptured dramatically following the Tito-Stalin split in 1948. This political schism cast Yugoslavia adrift from the burgeoning Eastern Bloc, leading to its refusal to join the Warsaw Pact and forcing it into a precarious non-aligned position during the Cold War.¹ Wary of potential aggression from both NATO and the Soviet sphere, Belgrade recognized that national survival depended on military self-sufficiency.²

This drive for independence created a significant arms dilemma. The break with Moscow severed access to the latest Soviet military technology and, crucially, the licenses to produce advanced weaponry like Mikhail Kalashnikov’s revolutionary AK-47 assault rifle.¹ While Yugoslavia remained a socialist state, its ideological divergence and independent streak meant Western powers were equally hesitant to provide significant military aid or technology transfers.² The Jugoslovenska Narodna Armija (Yugoslav People’s Army – JNA), still largely equipped with World War II-era weapons including locally produced Mauser M48 bolt-action rifles, faced the challenge of modernization alone.²

Yugoslav planners understood the changing nature of warfare. As early as 1952, the defense industry began experimenting with automatic rifle designs, initially drawing inspiration from captured German StG 44 assault rifles, large numbers of which had fallen into Yugoslav Partisan hands during the war.¹ This early research underscored the awareness within the JNA of the need for an intermediate-caliber automatic rifle, but the path to acquiring or developing such a weapon remained blocked by geopolitical realities. The quest for a domestic Kalashnikov variant, therefore, was not merely a technical undertaking; it was a direct manifestation of Yugoslavia’s defiant assertion of independence and its commitment to self-reliance in a world dominated by two opposing superpowers. The rifle project became intrinsically linked to the nation’s unique political identity under Marshal Josip Broz Tito.

Glimpses of the Future: Acquiring the Kalashnikov

The first crucial breakthrough came unexpectedly in 1959. Two Albanian border guards, armed with Soviet-made AK-47 rifles, defected across the border into Yugoslavia.¹ This event provided the Yugoslav military establishment with its first tangible examples of the weapon they desperately sought to understand. The captured rifles, believed to be the milled-receiver Type 3 variant which was then standard Soviet issue, were promptly handed over to engineers at the renowned Zastava arms factory (then operating as Crvena Zastava, or Red Banner) located in the city of Kragujevac, Serbia.¹

While this windfall was invaluable, the two rifles presented significant limitations. Engineers at Zastava meticulously studied the weapons, even making metal castings of components using sulfur to understand their form.² However, two samples were simply insufficient to reverse-engineer the design effectively. Critical information regarding manufacturing tolerances, precise material specifications, and the intricacies of heat treatment remained elusive.¹ Reproducing the rifle reliably based solely on these examples proved impossible. A technical impasse had been reached, threatening to stall the project before it truly began.

Overcoming this obstacle required intervention from the highest levels of the Yugoslav state. By the end of 1959, or shortly thereafter, the government managed to secure a much larger quantity of AK-47s.¹ Accounts suggest that Marshal Tito himself played a direct role during a state visit to an unnamed non-aligned nation.² This country, possibly Egypt, Indonesia, or India, was a recipient of Soviet military aid.³ Through discreet negotiations, Yugoslavia arranged the clandestine purchase of approximately 2,000 AK rifles from a batch supplied by the USSR.² This covert acquisition, bypassing official channels and Soviet oversight, provided Zastava with the critical mass of samples needed for thorough analysis. The fact that such a significant acquisition required top-level political maneuvering underscores the project’s importance as a national priority, essential for breaking the technical deadlock and enabling the engineers to finally unlock the secrets of the Kalashnikov.

The question of which country they bought those 2,000 AKs from has never been formally answered but I have a real strong hunch and that will be the next blog post.

Unlocking the Kalashnikov: The Zastava Challenge

With a substantial number of Soviet AKs now available for study, the engineers at Crvena Zastava, which translates into English approximately as “Red Flag” works, in Kragujevac could finally begin the complex process of reverse engineering in earnest.¹ This historic arms factory, the heart of Serbian and later Yugoslav weapons manufacturing, became the crucible for Yugoslavia’s Kalashnikov ambitions.²

In 1959, the effort was formalized under the project designation FAZ – Familija automatskog oružja Zastava (Family of Automatic Weapons Zastava).² This name itself revealed a strategic vision extending beyond merely cloning the AK-47. The goal was to develop an integrated family of infantry weapons tailored to the JNA’s needs, encompassing not only an assault rifle but also potentially a self-loading rifle and, significantly, a light machine gun (LMG).² This mirrored the Soviet small arms doctrine (which featured the SKS carbine alongside the AK rifle and RPD/RPK machine guns) but aimed for entirely domestic design and production. This indicated a comprehensive, long-term strategy for infantry armament, rather than a simple stopgap measure.

The FAZ project was a collaborative effort, spearheaded by a team of talented Zastava engineers and designers. Key figures included Božidar Blagojević (who would later design the CZ99 pistol), Major Miloš Ostojić, Miodrag Lukovac, Milutin Milivojević, Stevan Tomašević, Predrag Mirčić, and Mika Mudrić, with engineer Milan Čirić leading the project.² Their task was immense: to meticulously disassemble, measure, analyze materials, and create complete technical drawings for a weapon system they had no license or official documentation for.¹ Every dimension, tolerance, and material property had to be painstakingly deduced through careful examination of the acquired Soviet rifles.

The First Yugoslavian AK: Enter the M64

By 1964 and 1965, the intensive work at Zastava bore fruit. The first prototypes of a distinctly Yugoslavian Kalashnikov emerged, designated the M64A (featuring a fixed wooden stock) and M64B (equipped with an underfolding metal stock).¹ Alongside these rifles, prototypes for a companion light machine gun, the M65A and M65B (featuring a quick-detach barrel), were also developed, though these LMGs would ultimately not see mass production.²

While based on the Soviet Type 3 AK-47, the M64 prototypes incorporated several unique features and modifications, reflecting both Yugoslav ingenuity and specific JNA requirements. This early design demonstrated that Zastava‘s engineers were not content with mere replication; they sought to adapt and potentially improve upon the Kalashnikov design. Key differences included:

Milled Receiver: Like its Soviet progenitor, the M64 utilized a robust milled steel receiver. However, the Yugoslav receiver had distinct geometry: the characteristic lightning cut above the magazine well was present only on the right side, while the left side featured a unique profile incorporating a visible pin intended to retain the bolt hold-open mechanism.⁵
Bolt Hold-Open (BHO): Perhaps the most significant innovation was a fully functional bolt catch mechanism. This device locked the bolt to the rear after the last round was fired from the magazine, offering a potential tactical advantage by speeding up reloads and providing immediate visual confirmation of an empty weapon. However, this system required specially modified magazines featuring a unique cutout on the follower or feed lip.¹
Integrated Grenade Launching Capability: Reflecting a strong emphasis in JNA doctrine, the M64 was designed from the outset to launch rifle grenades. It featured a built-in, flip-up grenade sight mounted on the gas block and incorporated a gas cut-off mechanism, allowing the rifle’s gas system to be shut off to safely propel grenades.² This was a notable difference from standard Soviet AKs, where grenade launching often required separate attachments.
Distinct Furniture: The M64 sported longer wooden handguards compared to the Soviet AK, giving it a different profile. These handguards were not interchangeable with standard AK parts.¹ The M64B underfolding stock was borrowed directly from the existing Yugoslav M56 submachine gun, showcasing resourcefulness in utilizing existing production lines.²
Modified Sights and Charging Handle: The rear sight was positioned further back on the receiver compared to the standard AK placement on the rear sight block (though some very early prototypes experimented with receiver cover mounting), providing a longer sight radius for potentially improved aiming accuracy.¹ Additionally, engineers pragmatically adopted the hollow cylindrical charging handle design from the domestically produced M59 rifle (Yugoslavia’s licensed SKS variant, known colloquially as the Papovka), again leveraging existing manufacturing capabilities.²

These modifications highlight a design philosophy that blended adaptation to specific military needs (grenade launching), innovation (BHO), and practical resource management (reusing existing parts). The M64 was clearly shaping up to be more than just a copy; it was becoming a uniquely Yugoslavian interpretation of the Kalashnikov system.

Feature Comparison: Soviet AK-47 Type 3 vs. Zastava M64 Prototype

Feature	Soviet AK-47 (Type 3)	Zastava M64A/B Prototype	Snippet Reference(s)
Receiver Type	Milled	Milled (Yugoslav pattern)	⁶
Bolt Hold-Open	No	Yes (requires modified magazine)	¹
Grenade Sight/Gas Cut-off	No (added later/separate)	Yes (integrated)	²
Handguards	Standard length	Longer, unique design	¹
Rear Sight Location	Standard (rear sight block)	Further rearward on receiver	¹
Charging Handle	Standard AK	Hollow cylindrical (from M59 SKS)	²
Folding Stock (M64B)	N/A (AKS was different)	Underfolder (from M56 SMG)	²

Towards a Standard: Trials, Tribulations, and Transition

Despite the successful development of the M64 prototypes and reportedly satisfactory performance during initial field trials ¹, the path to mass adoption by the JNA was not immediate. A degree of conservatism existed within the military leadership; some senior officers remained skeptical about the utility and cost-effectiveness of equipping every infantry soldier with a fully automatic rifle, fearing it would lead to excessive ammunition expenditure.² Yugoslavia had, after all, only recently standardized its licensed version of the semi-automatic SKS, the Zastava M59.⁸

This institutional hesitation was significantly challenged by external events. The Warsaw Pact invasion of Czechoslovakia in August 1968 served as a stark demonstration of modern Soviet military doctrine, where entire infantry units were equipped with Kalashnikov assault rifles. Witnessing the effectiveness of massed automatic fire likely swayed opinions within the JNA command structure, highlighting the urgent need for a comparable domestic capability.² The geopolitical situation acted as a catalyst, pushing the JNA to overcome its previous reservations and accelerate the process of adopting a modern assault rifle. Interestingly, around this period, warming relations with Moscow led Yugoslavia to briefly enter negotiations to purchase Soviet AKs directly, primarily for special forces units.² This development undoubtedly put pressure on Zastava and proponents of the domestic FAZ program to prove their rifle was ready.²

However, the M64 faced a critical technical hurdle on the path to standardization: its innovative bolt hold-open mechanism. While potentially useful, the BHO necessitated the use of proprietary magazines, incompatible with the standard AK magazines that were becoming increasingly common worldwide.⁶ From a logistical perspective, introducing a non-standard magazine for the army’s main service rifle presented significant challenges. The JNA leadership ultimately prioritized interoperability and logistical simplicity, deciding that the new standard rifle must be compatible with commonly available AK-pattern magazines.⁶ This pragmatic decision, favoring ease of supply and potential use of captured magazines over a unique but non-standard feature, sealed the fate of the M64’s BHO system.

As the design moved towards finalization for mass production, the Vojnotehnički institut Beograd (Military Technical Institute Belgrade – VTI) likely played an increasingly important role.¹⁰ While Zastava engineers had driven the initial design and prototyping of the M64 ², the VTI, as the JNA’s central research and development body, would have been involved in refining the technical requirements based on trial results, overseeing final testing protocols, and preparing the definitive technical documentation for the production rifle.² This included incorporating the mandated changes, most notably the removal of the bolt hold-open feature, paving the way for the weapon that would become Yugoslavia’s standard assault rifle.

Conclusion: On the Brink of the M70

The journey from Yugoslavia’s post-war isolation to the verge of mass-producing its own Kalashnikov variant was a testament to national determination, engineering skill, and political will. Blocked from acquiring licensed Soviet technology due to the Tito-Stalin split, Yugoslavia embarked on a challenging path of independent development.¹ The opportunistic acquisition of initial AK-47 samples via Albanian defectors in 1959 provided the crucial spark.¹ Overcoming the limitations of these few examples required high-level political intervention to secure a larger batch of rifles through clandestine channels, enabling Zastava engineers to undertake a comprehensive, unlicensed reverse-engineering effort under the ambitious FAZ program.¹

The resulting M64 prototypes were far more than simple copies. They represented an innovative adaptation of the Kalashnikov design, incorporating features tailored to JNA doctrine, such as integrated grenade-launching capabilities, alongside novel additions like the bolt hold-open mechanism and resourceful use of existing domestic components.¹ However, trials, evolving military thought spurred by events like the 1968 Czechoslovakia invasion, and pragmatic logistical considerations—specifically the need for standard magazine compatibility—led to crucial design revisions.²

These are photos of M64 prototypes overlaid on a map of Yugoslavia

This is a photo of a Zastava M64B (B designating that it is an underfolder model) shared on Wikimedia by AZ2001

By 1970, the culmination of over a decade of effort was at hand. The lessons learned from the M64 program, the strategic decisions made by the JNA leadership, and the collaborative work between Zastava and the VTI had refined the design into a production-ready rifle. In that year, the Yugoslav government formally approved this modified design for serial production, designating it the Automatska Puška Model 1970 (Automatic Rifle Model 1970), or AP M70.¹ The stage was set for the introduction of Yugoslavia’s first mass-produced Kalashnikov, a rifle born from political necessity and forged through ingenuity and perseverance. The detailed story of the M70 itself would be a new chapter, but its foundations were now firmly laid in the experiences chronicled here.

Image Source

The rifles were uploaded to Wikimedia by TheLokov. And the Yugoslavian map is also from Wikimedia and was shared by the UN. The author created the combined image.
https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Zastava_M-64_prototypes.png
https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Former_Yugoslavia_Map.png

The M64B image is from Wikimedia also and was shared by AZ2001.
https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:ZastavaM64B.jpg

Works cited

Zastava M70 assault rifle – Wikipedia, accessed May 12, 2025, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Zastava_M70_assault_rifle
Zastava M64. Part 1. The Unusual History of Yugoslavian AKs …, accessed May 12, 2025, https://www.thefirearmblog.com/blog/2024/05/07/zastava-m64-part-1-unusual-history-yugoslavian-aks/
Zastava M70 (автомат) — Википедия, accessed May 12, 2025, https://ru.wikipedia.org/wiki/Zastava_M70_(%D0%B0%D0%B2%D1%82%D0%BE%D0%BC%D0%B0%D1%82)
Is the Yugoslav, Zastava M-70, the best licensed built Ak-47 and maybe the best Ak-47 variant to this day? : r/ak47 – Reddit, accessed May 12, 2025, https://www.reddit.com/r/ak47/comments/10r4iq9/is_the_yugoslav_zastava_m70_the_best_licensed/
Guns in Movies, TV and Video Games – Zastava M70 – Internet Movie Firearms Database, accessed May 12, 2025, https://www.imfdb.org/wiki/Zastava_M70
Zastava AKs, Part 2. M70 – The First Mass-Produced Yugoslavian …, accessed May 12, 2025, https://www.thefirearmblog.com/blog/2024/05/14/zastava-aks-part-2-m70-first-mass-produced-yugoslavian-kalashnikov/
How Does The Yugoslavian Zastava M70 Compare To Other Ak-47 Variants? – GunCreed, accessed May 12, 2025, https://guncreed.com/2024/08/17/how-does-the-yugoslavian-zastava-m70-compare-to-other-ak47-variants/
My Complete Yugoslavian Smallarms Collection History (Zastava Trek VIII: Communist First Contact) – YouTube, accessed May 12, 2025, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kzJ5v_HREt0
A country’s weapons can be a good indication of whether they wanted to be a Soviet puppet state : r/NonCredibleDefense – Reddit, accessed May 12, 2025, https://www.reddit.com/r/NonCredibleDefense/comments/17jukc7/a_countrys_weapons_can_be_a_good_indication_of/
PROCEEDINGS, accessed May 12, 2025, https://scindeks-clanci.ceon.rs/data/pdf/proc-0018/OTEH_2024.pdf
Војнотехнички институт — Википедија, accessed May 12, 2025, https://sr.wikipedia.org/wiki/%D0%92%D0%BE%D1%98%D0%BD%D0%BE%D1%82%D0%B5%D1%85%D0%BD%D0%B8%D1%87%D0%BA%D0%B8_%D0%B8%D0%BD%D1%81%D1%82%D0%B8%D1%82%D1%83%D1%82
ПОЛИТИКА ОДБРАНЕ ЈУГОСЛАВИЈЕ (1945–1958): ИДЕЈЕ И ПРАКСА, accessed May 12, 2025, https://nardus.mpn.gov.rs/bitstream/id/143356/Disertacija_12293.pdf
Zakon o Opasnim Materijama | PDF – Scribd, accessed May 12, 2025, https://www.scribd.com/document/395551284/Zakon-o-Opasnim-Materijama

AK & Related Rifles, History

Yugoslavia’s AK Path: The USSR Would Not Share Their AK-47 Rifles or Designs With Yugoslavia

May 12, 2025 RoninsGrips

I’ve owned and built a number of AK-47 pattern rifles over the years and slowly one of my favorite series are the ones from Zastava when they were part of Yugoslavia partly because they are unique. Now, that opens the door – why were they unique? There is some very interesting history behind that and so let’s dive into this further. This first piece will set the stage by explaining why the Soviets didn’t share their AK-47 rifles or designs with Yugoslavia so let’s dive in.

I. Introduction: A Strained Fraternity and a Strategic Weapon

In the shadow of World War II, a brotherhood forged in shared ideology between the Soviet Union (СССР – Soyuz Sovetskikh Sotsialisticheskikh Respublik) and the newly minted Federal People’s Republic of Yugoslavia (ФНРЈ – Federativna Narodna Republika Jugoslavija) was destined for a dramatic unraveling. What began as a seemingly tight-knit alliance, cemented by the fight against fascism, quickly soured, descending into a bitter schism by 1948. A cautious, often fraught, attempt at reconciliation in the post-Stalin years would follow, but the scars of division ran deep.¹ This turbulent political saga inevitably cast a long shadow over every aspect of their relationship, particularly in the sensitive arena of military cooperation.

At the heart of the Soviet Union’s rapidly expanding military and geopolitical might lay a revolutionary piece of hardware: the Avtomat Kalashnikova obraztsa 1947 goda (Автомат Калашникова образца 1947 года), the AK-47. Officially entering service in 1949, this assault rifle didn’t just arm Soviet soldiers; it became a potent symbol of Moscow’s technological prowess and a key instrument of its foreign policy.³ The Kremlin wielded the AK-47, and especially the rights to produce it, with calculated precision, using its distribution to reward allies and exert influence.⁴ Whether a nation received this coveted weapon, or its blueprints, became a telling barometer of its standing in Moscow’s eyes.

Yugoslavia, by the close of 1959, found itself on the outside looking in, denied both the AK-47 and its designs. This wasn’t a simple oversight. It was the culmination of a complex web of factors, chief among them the deep-seated animosity stemming from the 1948 Tito-Stalin split. That seismic event saw Yugoslavia unceremoniously booted from the Cominform (Информбиро / Informbiro – Информационное бюро коммунистических и рабочих партий / Informatsionnoye byuro kommunisticheskikh i rabochikh partiy), the Soviet-led bloc of communist parties, and subjected to a barrage of political and economic pressure.¹ This rupture forced Belgrade to chart a new course.

The plot thickened as Yugoslavia embraced an independent, non-aligned stance on the world stage, a move that saw it increasingly reliant on military aid from the West, particularly the United States. Moscow, meanwhile, maintained a tight grip on its arms exports, prioritizing nations that toed the ideological line. Adding another layer to this complex dynamic was Yugoslavia’s own burgeoning ambition to build its own weapons, a drive that would eventually see the Zastava (Застава Оружје / Zastava Oružje) arms factory successfully reverse-engineer the very AK-47s it couldn’t officially obtain. The story of the unshared rifle is thus a tale of clashing ideologies, geopolitical chess, and one nation’s determined, and ultimately successful, quest for self-reliance in a world divided.

II. From Alliance to Animosity and Uneasy Reconciliation: Soviet-Yugoslav Political Dynamics (1945-1959)

A. Post-War Comradeship and Emerging Fissures (1945-1948)

The early days after World War II painted a picture of camaraderie between Moscow and Belgrade. United by communist ideology and their recent joint struggle against the Axis, the Soviet Union and the Federal People’s Republic of Yugoslavia seemed natural partners. A formal Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation, inked in Moscow (Москва / Moskva) on April 11, 1945, by delegations headed by Josip Broz Tito (Јосип Броз Тито) himself, appeared to seal this bond.¹ The USSR officially recognized the new Yugoslav state on December 19, 1945, and Belgrade even became the headquarters for the Cominform in 1946, further underscoring the initial closeness.¹

Soviet aid flowed into war-torn Yugoslavia: vital food supplies, assistance in repatriating prisoners of war, and the deployment of Soviet technical and military advisors.⁸ Soviet experts even helped organize Tito’s personal security detail.⁸ On the economic front, joint ventures like the “Juspad” (пароходство «Юспад») shipping company and the “Justa” (ЮСТА – Югославско-советское акционерное общество гражданской авиации / YUSTA) civil aviation firm were launched, aimed at fostering economic growth and integration.⁸ For the Yugoslav leadership, who had largely liberated their nation through their own partisan efforts, the Soviet Union was initially seen as an indispensable ally and a blueprint for building a socialist society.⁹

But beneath this veneer of cooperation, cracks were beginning to show. Tito, a leader with his own strong vision, harbored ambitions for Yugoslavia that didn’t always align with Moscow’s grand strategy. He envisioned Yugoslavia as a dominant force in the Balkans, pursuing plans for a Balkan Federation (Balkanska federacija) that might draw in Bulgaria (Бугарска / Bugarska) and Albania (Албанија / Albanija; Albania – Russian), and he actively backed communist insurgents in the Greek Civil War.² These moves, often made without Moscow’s full blessing, were viewed by Joseph Stalin (Иосиф Сталин) as potentially reckless and disruptive, especially concerning delicate relations with Western powers.¹ Moscow also eyed Yugoslavia’s assertive territorial claims – against Italy over Trieste (Трст / Trst) and Austria (Аустрија / Austrija) regarding Carinthia (Корушка / Koruška; Каринтия / Karantiniya – Russian) – with a degree of apprehension.¹

Stalin expected unwavering loyalty from the Eastern European communist states, seeing them as a vital buffer zone and an extension of Soviet might.² Tito, however, having led a successful indigenous liberation, saw Yugoslavia as an equal partner, not a subordinate.² This fundamental clash of perspectives was starkly illustrated in November 1945 when Tito, speaking to The Times, declared that while Yugoslav friendship with the Soviet peoples was deep, there was “nothing exclusive about it,” firmly asserting his nation’s independence.¹ Even the early Soviet aid, including the presence of advisors, likely served as an intelligence channel for Moscow. As Yugoslavia began to assert its own path, these points of contact may have become sources of friction, with Soviet officials in Belgrade reportedly sending dispatches to Moscow accusing the Yugoslav leadership of ideological straying and “leaderism” (вождизм / vozhdizm).⁸ The initial “comradeship,” it seemed, was built on shaky ground, with Moscow perhaps viewing its assistance as an investment that demanded Yugoslav compliance, making Belgrade’s subsequent divergence all the more galling to the Kremlin.

B. The 1948 Tito-Stalin Split (Raskol Tito—Staljin / Раскол Тито—Стаљин): A Bitter Divorce and the Informbiro Storm

The simmering pot of Soviet-Yugoslav tensions finally boiled over in 1948, erupting into the infamous Tito-Stalin split (Раскол Тито—Стаљин / Raskol Tito—Staljin; Советско-югославский конфликт / Sovetsko-yugoslavskiy konflikt – Russian) – a dramatic and acrimonious divorce that sent shockwaves through the communist world.⁷ The Kremlin’s patience with Yugoslavia’s independent streak had worn thin. Tito’s ambitious plans for a Balkan Federation, his assertive stance on Trieste, and his continued support for Greek communists – all actions Stalin feared might provoke a Western backlash – became intolerable to Moscow.² Stalin’s attempts to tighten his grip on Yugoslav internal affairs, from its economic blueprints to its security forces, met with staunch resistance from Tito, who commanded a loyal and powerful base within the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (КПЈ – Komunistička partija Jugoslavije) and the state apparatus.²

The crisis escalated with alarming speed in early 1948. In a clear signal of displeasure, the Soviet Union abruptly withdrew its military and civilian advisors from Yugoslavia in March.⁸ What followed was a volley of increasingly venomous letters exchanged between the Central Committees of the Yugoslav and Soviet Communist Parties. The Soviet missives were laden with accusations, painting the Yugoslav leadership as anti-Soviet, nationalistic, Trotskyite, and guilty of straying from the sacred tenets of Marxism-Leninism.⁸ The Yugoslavs, unbowed, fiercely defended their policies and their sovereign right to forge their own path to socialism.¹⁰

The conflict reached its zenith on June 28, 1948. Meeting in Bucharest (Букурешт / București), Romania (Румунија / Rumunija; Румыния / Rumyniya – Russian) – a gathering from which Yugoslav delegates were notably absent – the Cominform adopted a resolution that formally cast Yugoslavia out. The KPJ leadership was condemned for pursuing policies hostile to the USSR, for abandoning Marxism-Leninism in favor of bourgeois nationalism, and for cultivating a “terroristic regime” within its own party.¹ This act marked the dawn of the “Informbiro period” (Информбиро период), an era of intense political, economic, and psychological warfare waged by the Soviet Union and its Eastern Bloc allies against a defiant Yugoslavia.⁷

The Soviet bloc slapped a comprehensive economic embargo on Yugoslavia, hoping to bring its economy, heavily reliant on trade with these nations, to its knees.⁷ Ominous military maneuvers were conducted along Yugoslavia’s borders with Hungary (Мађарска / Mađarska; Венгрия / Vengriya – Russian), Romania, Bulgaria, and Albania, creating a very real threat of invasion.⁷ A ferocious propaganda war was unleashed, with outlets like Radio “Free Yugoslavia” (Радио Слободна Југославија / Radio Slobodna Jugoslavija), broadcasting from Bucharest, and newspapers such as “For Socialist Yugoslavia” (За социјалистичку Југославију / Za socijalističku Jugoslaviju) and “New Struggle” (Нова борба / Nova borba), relentlessly denouncing Tito and his government.⁸ Moscow also threw its weight behind anti-Tito Yugoslav émigrés and allegedly backed plots to topple the Yugoslav leadership from within, including a failed coup attempt linked to high-ranking military officer Arso Jovanović (Арсо Јовановић).¹¹

Yugoslavia’s response was one of unwavering defiance. Tito rallied the nation, framing the struggle as a defense of Yugoslav sovereignty and independence.¹ Internally, the regime unleashed a brutal crackdown on anyone suspected of Soviet sympathies. These individuals, derisively labeled “Cominformists” (информбировци / informbirovci or ибеовци / ibeovci), faced arrest, imprisonment, and horrific conditions in notorious camps like Goli Otok (Голи оток, literally “Bare Island”).⁷ Isolated from the East and staring down the barrel of potential Soviet military action, Yugoslavia had little choice but to turn to the West, primarily the United States, for economic and, critically, military lifelines.¹

The repercussions of the Tito-Stalin split were immense. It cemented Tito’s authority at home and dramatically boosted his international standing as a leader who had dared to defy Stalin.¹ It set Yugoslavia on the unique path of “Titoism” (титоизам / titoizam), a brand of socialism characterized by worker self-management and a non-aligned foreign policy.⁷ The split also triggered purges of suspected “Titoists” in other Eastern Bloc countries as Stalin moved to consolidate his control.⁷ For Yugoslavia, the immediate economic and military fallout was severe, forcing a wholesale reorientation of its foreign and defense strategies.⁷ The failure of the Informbiro campaign to unseat Tito, despite its ferocity, not only hardened Yugoslav resolve but also, ironically, spurred the development of a more self-reliant defense posture and a domestic arms industry. The very real threat of invasion, coupled with the initial uncertainty of finding alternative arms suppliers, drove home the strategic necessity for Yugoslavia to bolster its own defenses – a lesson that would profoundly shape its approach to national security, including its eventual quest to produce its own version of the AK-47, and later leading to its “Total National Defence” (Општенародна одбрана / Opštenarodna odbrana) doctrine.¹⁵

C. Navigating the Thaw: Khrushchev’s Olive Branch and Lingering Shadows (1953-1959)

The death of Joseph Stalin in March 1953 signaled a potential sea change in the icy relations between Moscow and Belgrade, ushering in a period of gradual, though decidedly cautious, normalization.¹ The new Soviet leadership, with Nikita Khrushchev (Никита Хрущёв) eventually emerging at the helm, embarked on a broader policy of de-Stalinization and sought to dial down international tensions. Mending fences with Yugoslavia was part of this new playbook.¹⁷ The Kremlin hoped to repair the rift within the socialist world and perhaps coax Yugoslavia back into a closer orbit.

A pivotal moment arrived with Khrushchev’s landmark visit to Belgrade in May-June 1955. The visit culminated in the signing of the Belgrade Declaration (Београдска декларација / Beogradska deklaracija; Белградская декларация / Belgradskaya deklaratsiya – Russian) on June 2, 1955.¹ This document was a diplomatic breakthrough, formally acknowledging the legitimacy of “different paths to socialism” and enshrining principles of mutual respect for sovereignty, independence, and non-interference in internal affairs.⁸ Diplomatic ties were fully restored, and trade agreements were struck, easing the economic vise that had squeezed Yugoslavia since 1948.¹⁷

But this thaw, while welcome, had its limits, and a deep-seated distrust lingered beneath the surface. Tito’s Yugoslavia remained fiercely committed to its non-aligned foreign policy, carefully navigating a path between the Eastern and Western blocs.¹ Tito famously quipped that Yugoslavia would receive Soviet overtures “with a grain of salt,” a clear indication of Belgrade’s enduring skepticism about Moscow’s true intentions.¹⁷ While Khrushchev harbored hopes of bringing Yugoslavia back into the Soviet-led “socialist camp” (often dubbed the “Lager“), Tito was resolute in safeguarding Yugoslavia’s hard-won independence.²² Suspicions cut both ways: Yugoslav leaders feared Moscow’s ultimate aim was to reassert dominance, while the Kremlin remained wary of Tito’s independent spirit.¹⁷

The fragility of this rapprochement became starkly clear by late 1956. The Soviet military crackdown on the Hungarian Uprising (Мађарска револуција 1956. / Mađarska revolucija 1956.) and the events of the Polish October (Пољски октобар / Polski oktobar) drew criticism from Yugoslavia, reigniting ideological clashes and chilling the recently warmed relations.¹³ Soviet accusations of Yugoslav “revisionism” resurfaced, and in a throwback to earlier pressure tactics, the USSR in 1958 postponed previously agreed-upon loans to Yugoslavia.⁸

Military relations during this period of normalization mirrored this complex dance. High-level military delegations were exchanged. Yugoslav State Secretary for National Defence, General Ivan Gošnjak (Иван Гошњак), journeyed to Moscow in June 1957, and Soviet Defence Minister Marshal Georgy Zhukov (Георгиј Жуков / Georgiy Zhukov; Георгий Жуков / Georgiy Zhukov – Russian) paid a return visit to Belgrade in October 1957.²³ These visits saw discussions on potential military cooperation and Soviet offers to showcase their latest military hardware.²³ However, a significant catch remained: the Soviets consistently tied any substantial military-technical assistance, especially the provision of modern weaponry, to Yugoslavia severing its military aid relationship with the West – a price Belgrade was unwilling to pay.²³ Since 1948, Yugoslavia had become a major recipient of US military aid, a lifeline crucial for modernizing the Yugoslav People’s Army (ЈНА – Југословенска народна армија / Jugoslovenska narodna armija).¹³ While Yugoslavia did announce the end of the US grant aid program in 1957, it continued to purchase spare parts and sought to diversify its arms suppliers, signaling no intent to become wholly reliant on Moscow.¹⁴ Adding another twist, Marshal Zhukov’s sudden ouster from his posts in late October 1957, immediately after his Yugoslav trip, further complicated and ultimately derailed the tentative military rapprochement.²³

The post-Stalin normalization, therefore, while politically important in ending the overt hostility of the Informbiro era, failed to forge deep military-technical trust, particularly when it came to advanced offensive weapons like the AK-47. Yugoslavia adeptly used the thaw to cement its non-aligned status and maintain its vital Western military connections. This independent posture, heavily reliant on Western arms, was fundamentally at odds with the Soviet Union’s strategic desire for bloc unity and tight control over its key military technologies. The “thaw,” in essence, remained more of a political maneuver than a genuine strategic military partnership that would have justified Moscow sharing its sensitive arms designs with Belgrade.

III. The Kalashnikov Doctrine: Soviet Arms Export Policy and the AK-47

A. The AK-47: Birth of an Icon (1949) and Early Years (up to 1959)

The Avtomat Kalashnikova obraztsa 1947 goda (АК-47) was born from the harsh lessons of World War II and the Soviet Union’s urgent post-war drive to modernize its infantry. Drawing inspiration from weapons like the German Sturmgewehr 44 (StG 44) and built around the new intermediate 7.62x39mm M43 cartridge, the AK-47 was the brainchild of a design team spearheaded by Mikhail Timofeyevich Kalashnikov (Михаил Калашников).³ Early prototypes, dubbed the AK-46, underwent a significant overhaul with input from Aleksandr Zaitsev (Александр Зайцев), leading to the version that would become legendary.⁴ Following successful trials, the rifle was officially adopted by the Soviet Army in 1949, earning the GRAU index 56-А-212.³ The green light for its technical documentation and initial experimental production at the Izhevsk Motozavod (Ижевский мотозавод / Izhevsk Motozavod) came from Minister of Armaments D.F. Ustinov (Д.Ф. Устинов) on January 21, 1948.²⁹

Getting the AK-47 into mass production wasn’t without its headaches. The initial design called for a receiver made from stamped sheet metal – a method ideal for churning out large numbers. However, difficulties in welding crucial components like the guide and ejector rails led to a high number of rejected units.⁴ To overcome these hurdles and speed up production, a heavier, more expensive machined (milled) receiver was temporarily adopted. These milled receiver versions, known as Type 2 (from 1951) and the later, lightened Type 3 (from 1954/55), became the standard for several years.⁴ As a result, the AK-47 didn’t reach Soviet troops in large numbers until around 1956, with the older SKS carbine continuing in production as a stopgap.⁴

The quest for a more efficient and cost-effective design didn’t stop there. By 1959, the Soviet military rolled out the AKM (Автомат Калашникова Модернизированный / Avtomat Kalashnikova Modernizirovanniy), or Modernized Kalashnikov Automatic Rifle.³ The AKM boasted a redesigned stamped sheet metal receiver that was lighter and cheaper to make, a distinctive slanted muzzle brake to counter muzzle climb, and a hammer retarder to boost reliability during automatic fire.⁴ This evolution underscores that the AK-47 platform was a top-priority, constantly developing system for the Soviet military throughout the 1950s. The rifle’s own lengthy development, early production snags, and its significant upgrade to the AKM by decade’s end suggest an intense internal focus. This, coupled with its immense strategic value, naturally meant Moscow would be extremely cautious about exporting it, especially when it came to sharing the latest designs with nations not firmly under its military and political thumb.

B. Moscow’s Armory: The Politics of Soviet Arms Transfers

During the Cold War, the Soviet Union’s arms export strategy was less about profit and almost entirely about politics and power.⁵ The Kremlin’s main goals were to bolster the socialist bloc, support nations taking an “anti-imperialist” line, cultivate allies in international arenas like the United Nations, and, crucially, to foster dependencies that would tie recipient countries closer to Moscow.⁵ This was clear in the preferential treatment given to Warsaw Pact members, who got first dibs on Soviet weaponry and were pushed to standardize their arsenals along Soviet lines to improve coalition fighting capabilities.⁵

But this didn’t mean an open tap for all military technology. The Soviets were careful, keeping a tight rein on what went where. They generally avoided sending arms to countries that might use them aggressively, destabilize a region, or whose political loyalty was shaky.⁵ Secrecy often shrouded the technical details of exported weapons, especially newer systems, to protect Soviet security and prevent sensitive information from falling into enemy hands.⁵ Notably, the export of nuclear weapons, strategic missiles, and the most cutting-edge military technologies was severely limited or outright banned for most countries, even many socialist allies.⁵ Often, arms packages included a mix of modern gear and updated, but essentially older, systems.⁵

Licensing weapon designs, like that of the AK-47, was a meticulously controlled affair, typically reserved for the most trusted allies within the Warsaw Pact or key strategic partners who showed unwavering political devotion. China, for example, received a license to produce its AK-47 variant, the Type 56, in 1956 ³, and other Warsaw Pact nations also set up their own production lines.⁶

The Khrushchev era (1953-1964) saw Moscow extend its reach to newly independent and non-aligned nations in the developing world, courting countries like India, Egypt, and Indonesia.³⁴ This was a pragmatic move to chip away at Western influence, gain Cold War allies, and project Soviet power globally. Aid, including military assistance and arms, was a key tool in this game.³⁴ However, this didn’t translate into freely sharing the most advanced Soviet military tech or production licenses with every non-aligned state. Even under Khrushchev’s more flexible foreign policy, Soviet arms exports operated on a tiered system of trust. Full licensing and transfer of top-tier infantry weapons like the AK-47 were likely kept for nations deeply embedded in the Soviet security sphere (i.e., Warsaw Pact members) or those, unlike Yugoslavia, that weren’t simultaneously cozying up to Western powers for military hardware, training, and political backing. Yugoslavia’s unique tightrope walk – a socialist state outside the Soviet bloc, actively cultivating ties with the West, and a major recipient of Western military aid – put it in a distinctly less trusted category when it came to accessing Moscow’s sensitive military technology.

C. The AK-47: A Crown Jewel in the Soviet Arsenal

The AK-47 wasn’t just another rifle for the Soviets; it was a game-changer in infantry firepower. Renowned for its straightforward design, ruggedness, reliability in the toughest conditions, and suitability for mass production, it was a weapon perfectly adapted for both conventional armies and revolutionary fighters.³ These qualities made it an incredibly valuable military asset, and Moscow was understandably careful about who got their hands on it.

The early spread of the AK-47 illustrates this cautious approach. Even a close ally like the People’s Republic of China was initially supplied with the older SKS semi-automatic carbine before eventually receiving the license to manufacture its own AK-47 version, the Type 56, in 1956.³ This points to a deliberate, phased rollout of this critical technology, even with ideologically aligned partners. The introduction of the modernized and more cost-effective AKM in 1959 only increased the strategic value of the Kalashnikov system, and the Soviets would have been keen to control the dissemination of this improved design.³

Ideologically, the AK-47 was often portrayed as the weapon for the “liberation of the proletariat” and the arming of “socialist workers and peasants.”⁶ This framing implied that any nation receiving such a weapon, particularly the know-how to make it, needed to be deemed ideologically pure and politically reliable by Moscow. Yugoslavia, after the 1948 split, was seen by the Kremlin as an ideological traitor, guilty of “revisionism” and nationalism.⁸ Despite the later political thaw under Khrushchev, this deep-seated ideological mistrust never fully evaporated.¹⁷ To provide the AK-47 or its designs to a nation that had so publicly defied Soviet authority, was charting its own “path to socialism,” and was actively building ties with the West would have flown in the face of core Soviet principles of ideological conformity and strategic control. The AK-47’s status as both a revolutionary icon and a vital military tool meant its export, especially licensing, was a decision freighted with significance. For Yugoslavia – a nation that had not only broken from the Soviet orbit but had also become a major recipient of Western military aid – the chances of getting this premier Soviet rifle or its blueprints were slim to none.

IV. Yugoslavia’s Armament Dilemma: Between Western Aid and Indigenous Ambition

A. Rearming the JNA Post-1948: A Lifeline from the West

The 1948 Tito-Stalin split threw the Yugoslav People’s Army (JNA – Југословенска народна армија / Jugoslovenska narodna armija) into a perilous situation. Suddenly facing open hostility and the looming threat of invasion from the Soviet Union and its Eastern Bloc allies, Yugoslavia was in desperate need of modernizing its armed forces.¹⁵ The JNA’s arsenal at the time was a patchwork of captured World War II weapons (German and Italian), some pre-war domestic models, and the limited Soviet aid received before the bitter divorce – hardly enough to deter a potential Soviet-led onslaught.¹

Out of necessity, Yugoslavia turned its gaze westward, primarily to the United States, for military assistance. Beginning in late 1951, under the Mutual Defense Assistance Program (MDAP), Washington began to supply substantial quantities of military hardware and provide crucial training to the JNA.¹³ This aid was a game-changer, transforming the JNA’s inventory. By 1957, when Yugoslavia requested an end to US grant aid (which officially ceased in 1959, though some purchases continued), it had received a massive infusion of military support.¹⁴

Table: Major US Military Equipment Deliveries to Yugoslavia (approx. 1951-1959)

Equipment Type	Model(s)	Approximate Quantity	Delivery Period (approx.)	Sources
Jet Fighters	F-86D Sabre, F-86E Sabre, F-84G Thunderjet	405 (total US jets)	1950s	¹⁴
Tanks	M4A3 Sherman, M-47 Patton	860 (US models)	1950s	¹⁴
Self-Propelled Guns	M7 Priest, M18 Hellcat, M36 Jackson	715	1950s	²⁵
Armored/Scout Cars	M3A1 Scout Car, M8 Greyhound	565	1950s	²⁵
Artillery Pieces	105mm, 155mm, 203mm howitzers	760	1950s	²⁵
Trainers	T-33 Shooting Star (TV-2)	70	1950s	⁴⁶
Transport Aircraft	C-47 Skytrain, DC-6	27 (C-47), 2 (DC-6)	1950s	⁴⁶
Helicopters	H-5, S-55 Whirlwind, H-23	Small numbers	1950s	⁴⁶
Naval Vessels	Minesweepers, Patrol Boats	Some	1950s	¹⁴
Small Arms & Other GFE	Various (e.g., M20 recoilless rifles)	Large quantities	1950s	⁴⁶

Note: Quantities are approximate and reflect data available for the period. “GFE” refers to Ground Forces Equipment.

Yugoslavia also procured limited military equipment from other Western nations, such as the United Kingdom, which supplied items like Anson aircraft, destroyers, and jet engines for Yugoslav-made aircraft.¹⁴ This massive influx of US military aid, while indispensable for Yugoslavia’s defense in the early 1950s, simultaneously widened the gulf with Moscow regarding sensitive military technology. The aid cemented a Western orientation in much of the JNA’s equipment, training, and operational thinking.¹³ Such strong Western military ties made the idea of integrating a key Soviet system like the AK-47 not only politically thorny for the USSR but also practically challenging for the JNA. Handing over AK-47s to an army largely equipped and trained by the West would have been counterproductive to Soviet goals of bloc unity and risked their top small arms technology being compromised. Yugoslavia’s termination of US grant aid in 1957 was a nod to Moscow during the normalization period, but it didn’t signal a complete break from Western military ties or a wholesale embrace of Soviet arms.¹⁴

B. Zastava Arms (Zastava Oružje / Застава Оружје): Forging an Independent Path to the AK

The Yugoslav People’s Army’s approach to small arms in the post-war era was deeply influenced by its partisan roots and the changing face of infantry warfare. Initially, the JNA fielded a diverse collection of weapons, including captured German Mauser Kar98k rifles. The Zastava factory in Kragujevac (Крагујевац / Kragujevac) began reworking these and producing its own version, the M48 bolt-action rifle.⁴⁴ Soviet-designed small arms, like the SKS carbine (later made domestically as the Zastava M59) and various submachine guns, also filled the JNA’s racks.⁴³ However, the world was moving on. The limitations of bolt-action rifles in terms of sheer firepower and the shorter reach of submachine guns were becoming increasingly obvious with the rise of intermediate-cartridge assault rifles.⁵⁵ Having witnessed the effectiveness of weapons like the German StG 44 during the war, the JNA knew it needed a modern automatic rifle.⁵⁶

As early as 1952, Zastava Arms began experimenting with automatic rifle designs, often drawing inspiration from the StG 44.⁵⁶ This early interest signaled Yugoslavia’s intent to keep pace with global military advancements.

The year 1959 became a pivotal moment in Yugoslavia’s quest for the AK-47. Shut out from official Soviet designs or licensed production due to the chilly political climate, Belgrade turned to unconventional methods. In a stroke of luck, or perhaps shrewd opportunism, two Albanian soldiers defected to Yugoslavia in 1959, carrying their Soviet-made AK-47s. These rifles were swiftly delivered to Zastava’s engineers for meticulous inspection.⁵⁶ While these initial samples provided a crucial first look and even allowed for metal castings, they weren’t enough to unlock all the secrets of the rifle’s precise technical data and manufacturing tolerances needed for full-scale reproduction.⁵⁶

Later that year, or soon after, Yugoslavia managed a more significant acquisition, secretly purchasing a batch of reportedly around 2,000 early-pattern AK-47s. Legend has it this deal was struck during one of President Tito’s visits to an unnamed African nation that was a recipient of Soviet military aid.⁵⁷ With a larger pool of rifles to dissect and study, Zastava’s engineers finally had what they needed to effectively reverse-engineer the prized weapon.

This clandestine effort culminated in the Zastava M64, Yugoslavia’s first domestically produced, unlicensed version of the AK-47.³⁰ Based on the milled receiver design of the Soviet AK Type 3, the M64 incorporated several distinctly Yugoslav features. These included modifications for launching rifle grenades – a key element of JNA doctrine – different handguard designs (often with three cooling slots instead of the Soviet two), and, on some early prototypes, a mechanism to hold the bolt open after the last round was fired.⁵⁶ The Zastava design team, featuring engineers like Božidar Blagojević (Божидар Благојевић) and Major Miloš Ostojić (Милош Остојић), worked under the “FAZ” (Фамилија Аутоматика Застава / Familija Automatika Zastava – Family of Automatic Weapons Zastava) concept, aiming to create a whole family of weapons based on the Kalashnikov system.⁵⁷

Yugoslavia’s success in acquiring AK-47s through these back channels in 1959 and then launching its own reverse-engineering program was a testament not only to its ingenuity but also to its unwavering commitment to an independent defense. This proactive stance was a direct result of the post-1948 reality, where relying on former allies had proven a dangerous game. It sent a clear message: if denied critical military technology by one bloc, Yugoslavia was ready and able to get it elsewhere, reinforcing its non-aligned position and diminishing any leverage Moscow might have hoped to exert through arms denial. This bold move set a precedent for Yugoslav technological autonomy and significantly boosted the capabilities of its burgeoning domestic arms industry.

V. The Withheld Design: Why Moscow Said No

The Soviet Union’s refusal to hand over AK-47s or their blueprints to Yugoslavia by 1959 wasn’t a simple “no.” It was a decision born from a complex cocktail of deep-seated political mistrust, cold geopolitical calculations, established arms export policies, Yugoslavia’s own determined push for military self-reliance, and the AK-47’s own development and rollout schedule.

A. The Ghost of ’48: A Chasm of Mistrust

The 1948 Tito-Stalin split wasn’t just a diplomatic disagreement; it was a seismic ideological and political earthquake that shattered the foundations of trust between Moscow and Belgrade.¹ In the Kremlin’s eyes, Tito’s defiance was nothing short of a betrayal of the socialist cause. Stalin himself reportedly harbored such intense animosity towards the Yugoslav leader that he even sanctioned assassination attempts.¹ This profound bitterness didn’t simply vanish with time. Even after Stalin’s death and Khrushchev’s attempts at reconciliation, a thick fog of suspicion hung heavy in the air between the two nations.¹⁶ Yugoslav leaders remained deeply skeptical of Soviet intentions, fearing a renewed push for dominance, while the Soviets doubted Tito’s commitment to any form of socialist solidarity that didn’t place Moscow at the top.¹⁷ The Soviet Union had, after all, publicly and vehemently denounced the Yugoslav leadership for “anti-Soviet” policies and dangerous “revisionism.”⁸ In such a poisoned atmosphere, the idea of transferring a premier military technology like the AK-47 design – a weapon that embodied Soviet military might – to a nation seen as ideologically wayward and politically untrustworthy was almost unthinkable. The essential ingredient for such a sensitive deal – mutual confidence – was conspicuously absent. Moscow simply couldn’t be sure that Yugoslavia wouldn’t share the technology with its newfound Western friends or use it in ways that undermined Soviet interests.

B. Geopolitical Chess: Yugoslavia’s Western Embrace as a Deal-Breaker

Yugoslavia’s strategic pivot to the West for military support after the 1948 schism was a game-changer in Soviet calculations. The substantial military aid flowing from the United States and other Western countries from 1951 onwards forged undeniable links – both in terms of hardware and doctrine – between the JNA and Western militaries.¹³ This wasn’t just a trickle; it was a flood of modern tanks, jet aircraft, artillery, and extensive training programs.¹⁴ Adding to Moscow’s alarm was the formation of the Balkan Pact (Balkanski pakt) in 1953-1954, a mutual defense treaty that brought Yugoslavia together with Greece and Turkey – both NATO members.¹⁰ Although Tito tried to downplay its military significance to Khrushchev, the Soviets saw it as a move that, at least indirectly, pulled Yugoslavia into a Western-aligned military orbit.²²

A fundamental rule in the Soviet arms export playbook was to prevent its advanced military technology from falling into Western hands or bolstering countries with strong Western military ties.⁵ During military discussions in 1956-1957, any Soviet offer of significant military aid, including modern weaponry, came with strings attached: Yugoslavia had to cut its military ties with the West and send the US military mission in Belgrade packing.²³ Tito, however, wasn’t willing to pay that price, as Western support remained crucial for Yugoslavia’s security and economic stability. Consequently, from Moscow’s perspective, providing AK-47s to a Yugoslav military heavily equipped, trained, and influenced by the United States would have been akin to indirectly arming a Western-leaning force. Worse, it risked the rifle’s technology being dissected, exploited, and potentially countered by NATO. The potential for technological leakage or strategic misuse far outweighed any slim chance of wooing Tito with this particular weapon, especially while Yugoslavia kept its Western military lifelines open.

C. Moscow’s Prudence: Guarding Key Tech from an Independent Outsider

The AK-47 was more than just an effective rifle; it was a cutting-edge piece of Soviet military innovation, a prized technological asset.³ Soviet policy on licensing and exporting such critical military designs was notoriously tight-fisted, generally reserved for its most loyal Warsaw Pact brethren or exceptionally close, ideologically pure states, like China in the early days of their alliance.³ Yugoslavia, an independent, non-aligned nation that had openly thumbed its nose at Moscow’s authority and carved out its own distinct foreign policy, simply didn’t fit the bill as a trusted recipient for such a crucial weapon system.¹

A general principle of Soviet arms export strategy was caution, especially with its most advanced systems. Moscow aimed to prevent uncontrolled proliferation, avoid unnecessarily inflaming regional conflicts, and maintain a degree of control over the capabilities of recipient nations.⁵ The Cold War was, in many ways, a technological arms race, and both superpowers were intensely wary of their key military innovations falling into the hands of, or being exploited by, states they couldn’t fully control. Yugoslavia, with its unique geopolitical balancing act and proven independence, was a textbook example of such a nation. Handing over AK-47 designs or large quantities of the rifle would have meant relinquishing control over a vital military technology to a state operating outside its direct sphere of influence, risking its adaptation or spread in ways that didn’t serve Soviet strategic interests.

D. Yugoslav Autonomy: Belgrade’s Go-It-Alone Spirit

The shock of the 1948 split and the subsequent Soviet-led blockade left an indelible mark on Yugoslavia’s approach to national security. It drove home the harsh lesson about the dangers of relying too heavily on a single foreign power for essential military gear.¹⁵ As a result, building a strong domestic arms industry became a top strategic priority for Belgrade. Zastava Arms in Kragujevac already had a history of arms manufacturing, churning out Mauser-pattern M48 rifles and other small arms in the post-war years.⁵¹ This existing industrial foundation provided a springboard for more ambitious endeavors.

The clandestine acquisition of AK-47 samples in 1959, followed by Zastava’s dedicated efforts to reverse-engineer the weapon and develop the M64 prototype, stands as a powerful testament to Yugoslavia’s proactive and determined pursuit of modern military technology, even without Moscow’s blessing or a license.⁵⁶ This independent streak demonstrated a clear commitment to achieving a degree of self-sufficiency in critical defense areas. It’s plausible that even if the Soviets under Khrushchev had offered the AK-47 designs or a license, the political strings or economic terms attached might have been unacceptable to a Yugoslavia fiercely protective of its sovereignty. Having already embarked on a path of diversifying its arms sources (thanks to Western aid) and nurturing its own capabilities, Belgrade might have preferred the longer, more challenging road of independent development over a Soviet deal that could have entailed unwelcome dependencies. The Soviet refusal to provide the AK-47, therefore, met a Yugoslav determination to acquire the capability one way or another. This, in turn, ultimately strengthened its military-industrial complex and reinforced its non-aligned defense posture, making Yugoslavia less vulnerable to future political pressure through arms supplies from any bloc.

E. The AK-47/AKM Timeline: A Premier System, Sparingly Shared

The AK-47’s own development and deployment timeline also played a role. Though officially adopted in 1949, getting the rifle into the hands of Soviet troops in large numbers took several years due to initial production hiccups, especially with the stamped receiver.⁴ The significantly improved and modernized AKM version, featuring a more easily mass-produced stamped receiver, only made its debut in 1959.³ This means that throughout the entire period of Yugoslav-Soviet normalization (1955-1959), the AK-47 was the USSR’s primary, relatively new assault rifle, and its definitive mass-production iteration, the AKM, was just appearing on the scene as the decade closed.

The transfer of such cutting-edge military technology, particularly its production license, typically followed a strict pecking order: first, equip your own forces, then provide it to your most trusted and strategically vital allies. Even a major communist power like China only began licensed production of its AK-47 variant, the Type 56, in 1956 – several years after the AK-47’s formal adoption by the Soviet Army.³ This points to a deliberate and controlled process for sharing AK-47 technology. Given this internal Soviet timeline for the AK-47’s own development, production refinement, and initial dissemination, Yugoslavia – with its complicated and often strained political relationship with Moscow – was simply not high enough on the priority list to receive such a sensitive and relatively new technology transfer by 1959. Even if political relations had been significantly warmer and free of the deep-seated mistrust, it’s likely that widespread licensing or export of the AK-47, let alone the just-emerging AKM, to a non-Warsaw Pact country like Yugoslavia would have been deemed premature from the Soviet strategic viewpoint, which naturally prioritized its own forces and its closest, most reliable allies. The profound political issues merely sealed a fate already influenced by the weapon’s own lifecycle and Soviet dissemination practices.

VI. Conclusion: Forging Arms and Independence

The Soviet Union’s decision to keep its AK-47 rifles and their designs out of Yugoslav hands by the end of 1959 was not a simple “no.” It was a complex verdict shaped by a potent mix of factors. The deep, lingering mistrust from the 1948 Tito-Stalin split, which painted Yugoslavia as an ideological maverick in Moscow’s eyes, set the stage.¹ This fundamental distrust was amplified by Yugoslavia’s determinedly non-aligned stance and its significant reliance on Western military aid, particularly from the United States, making any transfer of sensitive Soviet military technology to Belgrade a geopolitical non-starter for the Kremlin.¹³

Moreover, Soviet arms export policies during the early Cold War were notoriously restrictive when it came to advanced weaponry. Moscow prioritized its Warsaw Pact allies and ideologically compliant states, exercising extreme caution with nations like Yugoslavia that charted an independent foreign policy course and maintained strong Western ties.⁵ The AK-47, and its successor the AKM (which arrived in 1959), were crown jewels of Soviet military technology, and their dissemination was tightly controlled.³ The AK-47’s own development and deployment timeline meant it was still a relatively new and evolving system within the Soviet military itself, making widespread export or licensing to a country outside its immediate security bloc highly unlikely by 1959.⁴

Meanwhile, Yugoslavia, steeled by the hard lessons of the Informbiro period and driven by a powerful imperative for self-reliance, was actively building its own domestic arms industry.⁵¹ The clandestine acquisition of AK-47 samples in 1959, followed by the impressive reverse-engineering efforts at Zastava Arms that led to the M64 prototype, showcased Belgrade’s resolve to obtain modern assault rifle technology, with or without Soviet approval.⁵⁶ This bold initiative not only highlighted Yugoslav ingenuity but also underscored a deep commitment to an autonomous defense posture.

In the end, the Soviet refusal to share the AK-47 did not stop Yugoslavia from arming itself with Kalashnikov-pattern rifles. Instead, it spurred the nation’s engineers and defense industry to develop their own versions, most notably the Zastava M70 series. These rifles became a mainstay of the Yugoslav People’s Army and a significant export success in their own right. This outcome fostered a crucial degree of self-sufficiency in small arms production for Yugoslavia, a cornerstone of its independent defense doctrine and its distinctive non-aligned identity on the turbulent stage of the Cold War.

The story of the Soviet-Yugoslav AK-47 dynamic is a vivid illustration of how the intricate dance of Cold War power politics, ideological clashes, national interests, and technological ambitions shaped military relationships. It underscores that the transfer – or denial – of arms and military technology was a powerful tool of statecraft, with far-reaching consequences for industrial development, strategic autonomy, and the geopolitical paths nations chose to tread in a bipolar world. For Yugoslavia, the rifle Moscow withheld ultimately became a catalyst, driving it to forge not only its own weapons but also a more independent destiny.

The next post will explore more about the early phases of the Zastava AK program because then it gets really interesting. Click here to open a new browser tab and read about how Zastava developed the first “Yugo” AK – the M64 – that preceded the M70 series.

Image Sources

The Map of Yugoslavia was obtained from Wikimedia. Image source was “The Cartographic Section of the United Nations (CSUN) Date=2007-03-10” https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Former_Yugoslavia_Map.png

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AK & Related Rifles

Gunbusters Revisits the AK-12 but the 2023 edition this time

August 22, 2024 RoninsGrips

Okay, in 2018, Gunbusters tested an AK-12. Since then, Klashnikov Concern has done a number of enhancement so they decided to torture one again. Watch as an up-armored Gregory Gubich puts the 2023 model through his testing.

Have to love the welding gloves and K6-3 Altyn Helmet. I’d want protection too!

Here’s a cool video (with the host speaking in Russian) for you to check out:

I hope you enjoyed this.

Note – any photos extracted from the video remain the property of their owner.

I. Executive Summary

II. Introduction: The Role of Designated Marksman Rifles

III. Historical Development and Design Philosophy

A. The SVD Dragunov: Soviet Precision and Doctrine

B. The Romanian PSL: An Independent AK-Derived Solution

IV. Technical Specifications and Mechanical Differences

A. Operating Mechanism and Receiver Design

B. Barrel Characteristics

C. Magazine Design and Interchangeability

D. Optics and Mounting Systems

E. Other Key Distinctions

V. Performance Analysis: Accuracy and Operational Range

A. Accuracy at 500 meters and 1,000 meters

B. Realistic Operational Range

VI. Design Superiority and Practicality

VII. Global Adoption and Variants

A. SVD Dragunov: Military Users and Variants

B. Romanian PSL: Military Users and Variants

VIII. Summary Table of Major Features

IX. Conclusion

Works Cited

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A Tale of Two Zastavas: Arms and Automobiles

Forging an Arsenal: From Topolivnica to the Great War (1851 – 1918)

The Birth of Serbian Arms Industry in Kragujevac

Institutional Framework and Early Technological Prowess

Pioneering Firearms: From Cannons to the Kokinka Rifle

Arming the Nation: The Balkan Wars and World War I

Interwar Growth and Technological Assimilation (1919 – 1939)

Post-WWI Rejuvenation and Expansion

Strategic Alliances: FN Herstal and the Yugoslav Mauser M24

Diversification through Czechoslovakian Licenses

Nascent Automotive Activities

Under Fire: Zastava Arms in World War II (1939 – 1945)

Cessation of Operations under Occupation

Wartime Damage and Destruction

Liberation and Swift Resumption of Production

The Red Star Rises: Zavodi Crvena Zastava in SFR Yugoslavia (1945 – 1991)

A New Name for a New Era: Zavodi Crvena Zastava

Iconic Firearms Production

Development of Hunting and Sporting Arms

Technology Transfer

Weathering the Storm: Dissolution, Sanctions, and Bombing (1991 – 1999)

The Impact of the Yugoslav Wars (1991-1999)

UN Sanctions and Their Effect on Operations

NATO Intervention and Damage to the Kragujevac Facilities (1999)

Continued Product Development (Pre-Bombing/During Early Conflicts)

Rebuilding and Rebranding: Zastava Arms in the 21st Century (2000 – Present)

Restructuring and Modernization Efforts

Current Military Product Lines

Civilian Hunting and Sporting Arms

Business Partnerships and Export

Recent Developments, Financial Status, Achievements, and Challenges

Conclusion: Zastava Arms – A Legacy Forged in Steel

Works cited

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1. Introduction: Yugoslavia’s Independent Path to the Kalashnikov

2. From Prototype to Production: The M64’s Legacy and the Birth of the M70

3. The Milled Era: Early M70 Variants (M70, M70A, M70A1, M70B, M70AB)

4. The Stamped Revolution: The M70B1 and M70AB2

5. Further Specialization: Later Stamped Variants

6. The Extended Family: Related Zastava Designs

7. Zastava M70 Family Variations: A Comparative Overview

8. In Service: The M70 in Yugoslavia and Beyond

9. Conclusion: The Enduring Legacy of the Yugoslav AK

Works cited

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II. Yugoslavia’s Pursuit of the Kalashnikov: A Non-Aligned Nation’s Arms Dilemma

III. The 1959 Transaction: Corroborating the “Secret Purchase”

IV. Identifying Potential Supplier Nations: Soviet Arms in the “Third World”

V. The “Unnamed Nation”: Deciphering the Secrecy

VI. Conclusion: Assessing the Probabilities and the Lingering Mystery

Works cited

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