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The Cognitive Contest: Deconstructing China’s ‘Military Brain’ and Forging America’s Path to AI Supremacy

The strategic competition between the United States and the People’s Republic of China (PRC) is increasingly defined by the race for artificial intelligence (AI) supremacy. This contest extends far beyond technological one-upmanship, representing a fundamental clash of military doctrines, organizational structures, and philosophical visions for the future of warfare. This report provides a comparative analysis of China’s multi-faceted military AI initiatives—collectively termed the “Military Brain”—and the United States’ efforts to secure a decisive technological edge. While the U.S. currently maintains a foundational lead in key technologies such as advanced semiconductors and aggregate computing power, China possesses a more cohesive, expansive, and arguably more revolutionary strategic vision. Beijing’s approach is not merely to field new weapons but to fundamentally alter the character of conflict, shifting the central arena from the physical battlefield to the cognitive domain. This presents a unique and asymmetric challenge that U.S. strategy, currently focused on achieving “decision advantage” within existing warfighting paradigms, is not yet fully configured to meet. Overcoming this requires the United States to not only accelerate its own technological integration but also to broaden its strategic vision to compete and win in the cognitive contest that has already begun.


I. Deconstructing the ‘China Military Brain’: From Cognitive Warfare to Intelligentization

The concept of a “China Military Brain” is not a single, monolithic program but rather a strategic constellation of advanced doctrine, ambitious technology projects, and novel operational concepts. It represents a “whole-of-society” endeavor aimed at achieving a revolutionary leap in military affairs, moving beyond the physical and informational to target the cognitive faculties of an adversary. This holistic vision is underpinned by a new warfighting paradigm, specific technological pursuits in brain-machine science, a focus on cognitive dominance, and a state-directed system for harnessing national innovation.

The Doctrine of Intelligentized Warfare (智能化战争): Charting the PLA’s New Paradigm

The People’s Liberation Army (PLA) is formally charting a new military paradigm centered on AI, viewing it as a historical shift on par with mechanization and informatization.1 PLA theorists conceptualize this evolution as a progression of military enhancement: mechanization extended the military’s “limbs,” informatization sharpened its “senses” (eyes and ears), and intelligentization will now augment its “brain”.4 This is not seen as a mere technological upgrade but as a fundamental change in the character of war.

Core to this doctrine is the concept of “intelligentized warfare” (智能化战争), which PRC writers describe as a new stage of conflict based on the extensive use of AI and autonomy, creating a hybrid of human and machine intelligence.1 This paradigm is built on three pillars: data, which is considered the “new oil”; algorithms, which will turn warfare into a contest between competing code; and massive computing power.5 In this vision, intelligent systems are expected to augment and, in some cases, partially replace human command functions to achieve unprecedented speed and efficiency.6

This doctrine extends into highly advanced theoretical constructs. One such concept, articulated by China’s Ministry of Defense, is “Dissipative Warfare” (耗散战). This framework views future conflict as a comprehensive, integrated confrontation across the physical, information, and cognitive domains.7 It explicitly merges military offense and defense with political maneuvering, economic competition, and cultural conflict, shifting the strategic center of gravity from an adversary’s military forces to its entire social system.7 This reveals a holistic approach to national power where victory is achieved by inducing systemic collapse in an opponent.

The ultimate culmination of this thinking is what PLA theorists call “Meta-War” (元战争). This concept links the physical battlefield with a parallel virtual battlefield and, most critically, the “brain battlefield” (头脑战场) of human perception and cognition.2 In this framework, human soldiers and their weapons function as “dual entities,” existing simultaneously in the physical world and as digital twins in a virtual space, able to switch between these realities to simulate, predict, and engage in combat.2

The China Brain Project (中国脑计划): The Technological Pillars

The technological heart of this strategic vision is the “China Brain Project” (中国脑计划), a 15-year national initiative approved in 2016.9 Its structure is deliberately dual-use, described as “one body, two wings.” The “body” is the core scientific goal of understanding the fundamental principles of the human brain. The “two wings” represent the project’s co-equal applications: treating brain disorders and developing brain-machine intelligence technologies.10 This structure provides a benign, publicly acceptable facade for research that directly feeds advanced military capabilities. By framing half of the initiative around medical benefits, Beijing gains access to international scientific collaboration and talent that a purely military program could not, while its Military-Civil Fusion strategy ensures all breakthroughs are immediately evaluated for defense applications. This represents a strategically shrewd approach to pursuing paradigm-shifting asymmetric capabilities.

The project is focused on three key research areas:

  1. Brain-Inspired Artificial Intelligence (BI-AI, 类脑智能): This research seeks to move beyond current machine learning by emulating the actual neuronal functioning and architecture of the biological brain, not just mimicking its behavioral outputs. The goal is to create AI that is far more efficient and capable of the high-order tasks that humans perform effortlessly.9
  2. Connectomics (“Brain Mapping,” 人脑连接组): This involves the empirical and computational effort to map and replicate the brain’s complex structure and functioning. AI is used both to test the resulting simulations and to interpret the vast amounts of data generated from imaging brain sections.9
  3. Brain-Computer Interfaces (BCI, 脑机接口): This is the most direct military application, aiming to create high-bandwidth pathways between the human brain and external machines.9 PLA-affiliated writings describe using BCIs to allow soldiers to control drones and other robotic systems with their thoughts, to have their sensory perception augmented with digital sensor data (achieving “千里眼,” or thousand-mile eyes), and even to enable a form of battlefield “telepathy” for silent, covert communication in high-risk environments.2

Cognitive Domain Operations: The War for the Mind

Perhaps the most ambitious and potentially disruptive element of China’s strategy is its explicit focus on the cognitive domain. The ultimate goal is to achieve “mind dominance” 12 by “controlling the brain” of an adversary to subdue their will to fight, thereby realizing Sun Tzu’s ancient ideal of winning without a single battle (“不战而屈人之兵”).8

This effort is a supercharged extension of the PLA’s long-standing “Three Warfares” doctrine, which targets public opinion, psychological states, and legal frameworks.8 AI and big data are seen as the catalysts that can elevate these concepts to a new level of precision and scale. By harvesting and analyzing massive datasets on populations, the PLA aims to conduct cognitive warfare at a granular level, crafting influence operations at machine speed that are tailored to specific demographics, groups, or even key individuals to shape perceptions, sow discord, and disrupt societal cohesion.8

This ambition extends to the development of what U.S. intelligence and PLA writings refer to as “neuro-strike” or “brain-control weaponry” (脑控武器).13 While the technological maturity of such concepts is uncertain, the clear intent is to research capabilities that can directly interfere with human cognitive functions, disrupt leadership decision-making, and demoralize entire populations. This represents a profound asymmetric threat that seeks to bypass conventional military strength entirely.

Military-Civil Fusion (MCF): The Engine of Advancement

The engine driving this entire enterprise is China’s national strategy of Military-Civil Fusion (MCF, 军民融合). Personally overseen by Xi Jinping, MCF is a state-directed, whole-of-society effort to eliminate all barriers between China’s civilian research institutions, its commercial technology sector, and its military-defense industrial base.16 The explicit goal is to ensure that any and all national innovation, particularly in dual-use fields like AI, directly serves the PLA’s modernization.19

Under MCF, the PLA is able to leverage China’s unique advantages, including its vast, state-accessible data resources for training AI models 21, and to tap into the dynamism of its private technology companies.19 The strategy also facilitates the acquisition of foreign technology and expertise through a variety of means, both licit and illicit, including talent recruitment programs, academic collaboration, and outright theft.16 While MCF faces its own internal bureaucratic and cultural hurdles 23, its top-down, state-directed nature provides a powerful mechanism for mobilizing national resources toward a singular strategic goal, creating a stark contrast with the U.S. innovation model.


II. The American Pursuit of Decision Advantage

The United States’ approach to military AI is philosophically and structurally distinct from China’s. It is rooted in a more pragmatic, capability-focused vision aimed at empowering the human warfighter rather than fundamentally redefining the nature of war. This vision is being pursued through a massive networking initiative, foundational research programs focused on trustworthiness, and a unique public-private innovation ecosystem that is both a source of immense strength and significant friction.

The JADC2 Imperative: A Networked Vision of Warfare

The central organizing concept for the U.S. military’s AI-enabled future is the pursuit of “Decision Advantage”.25 The core premise is that in a future conflict against a peer adversary, victory will belong to the side that can most rapidly and effectively execute the decision cycle: sensing the battlefield, making sense of the information, and acting upon it.27

The primary vehicle for achieving this is Joint All-Domain Command and Control (JADC2). JADC2 is not a single weapon system but a broad, conceptual approach to connect sensors, platforms, and personnel from all branches of the military—Army, Navy, Air Force, Marines, and Space Force—into a single, unified, AI-powered network.29 The goal is to break down traditional service stovepipes and deliver the right information to the right decision-maker at the “speed of relevance,” enabling commanders to act inside an adversary’s decision cycle.27 This effort is being built upon service-specific contributions, including the Army’s Project Convergence, the Navy’s Project Overmatch, and the Air Force’s Advanced Battle Management System (ABMS).29 Recognizing the importance of coalition warfare, the concept is evolving into

Combined JADC2 (CJADC2), which aims to integrate the command and control systems of key allies and partners into this network architecture.31

The U.S. approach is thus focused on perfecting its existing doctrine of joint, all-domain operations by developing a new set of technological capabilities. Where China’s doctrine speaks of a new conceptual state of being (“intelligentized warfare”), the U.S. focuses on a measurable, operational outcome (“decision advantage”). This makes the U.S. vision more pragmatic and quantifiable, but also potentially less strategically ambitious than China’s revolutionary aims.

Foundational Programs: From Maven to DARPA’s Moonshots

The technological underpinnings of JADC2 are driven by several key initiatives. Project Maven, officially the Algorithmic Warfare Cross-Functional Team, has served as a critical pathfinder for operationalizing AI.33 Its initial focus was on applying machine learning and computer vision to autonomously detect and classify objects of interest from the massive volume of full-motion video and imagery collected by ISR platforms.34 Project Maven has demonstrated real-world utility, having been used to support the 2021 Kabul airlift and to provide intelligence to Ukrainian forces, proving its value in turning data into actionable intelligence.33

While Maven operationalizes existing AI, the Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency (DARPA) pushes the technological frontier. DARPA’s multi-billion-dollar “AI Next” campaign was designed to move the field beyond the limitations of current (second-wave) machine learning toward a third wave of AI capable of “contextual reasoning,” with the goal of transforming AI from a mere tool into a true partner for human operators.36 Building on this, the subsequent

“AI Forward” initiative has pivoted to address what the Department of Defense (DoD) sees as the most critical barrier to widespread adoption: the need for trustworthy AI.38 This effort focuses on developing AI that is explainable, robust, and reliable, with an emphasis on foundational theory, rigorous AI engineering, and effective human-AI teaming.38 This deep institutional focus on trust and explainability represents a core philosophical divergence from China’s approach, which prioritizes performance and political control.

The Public-Private Ecosystem: Harnessing Commercial Innovation

The U.S. military AI strategy relies heavily on leveraging the nation’s world-leading commercial technology sector, a stark contrast to China’s state-centric MCF model.21 Programs like Project Maven have been built through partnerships with private industry leaders such as Palantir, Microsoft, and Amazon Web Services.33 This model provides the DoD with access to cutting-edge innovation, a dynamic and competitive ecosystem, and a massive advantage in private R&D investment, which dwarfed China’s by nearly a factor of ten in 2023 ($67.2 billion vs. $7.8 billion).21

However, this reliance on the private sector also introduces unique challenges. The cultural and ethical divides between Silicon Valley and the Pentagon can create friction, as exemplified by the employee protests that led Google to withdraw from Project Maven.33 It necessitates new and flexible partnership models, such as the General Services Administration’s landmark agreement to provide OpenAI’s enterprise tools across the federal government, to bridge these gaps.42

Implementation Realities: The Hurdles to a Unified Network

Despite its technological strengths, the full realization of the JADC2 vision is hindered by significant, primarily non-technological, barriers. The central U.S. challenge is not a lack of innovation but a persistent difficulty with integration. The DoD’s vast, federated structure has proven resistant to the kind of top-down, unified approach that JADC2 requires.

Key implementation hurdles include:

  • Inter-service Stovepipes: Deep-seated cultural and budgetary divisions between the military services have led to each developing its own interpretation of JADC2, resulting in a lack of alignment, common standards, and true interoperability.43
  • Data Governance and Sharing: A pervasive culture of “data ownership” within individual services and agencies prevents the free flow of information that is the lifeblood of JADC2. Shifting to an enterprise-wide “data stewardship” model has proven to be a major cultural and policy challenge.43
  • Bureaucratic and Acquisition Inertia: The DoD’s traditional, slow-moving acquisition system is ill-suited for the rapid, iterative development cycles of software and AI. Overcoming this inertia and moving away from legacy systems is a persistent struggle.45
  • Over-classification: The tendency to over-classify information creates unnecessary barriers to sharing data both within the joint force and with crucial international partners, directly undermining the goals of CJADC2.44

Reports from the Government Accountability Office confirm that the DoD remains in the early stages of defining the detailed scope, cost, and schedule for JADC2, underscoring the immense difficulty of implementing such a sweeping vision across a complex and often fragmented organization.46 This reveals the core asymmetry of the competition: the United States excels at creating superior individual components but struggles to integrate them into a coherent whole, whereas China’s state-directed model is designed for integration but faces challenges in innovating those foundational components.


III. Comparative Assessment: A Tale of Two Visions

A direct comparison of U.S. and Chinese military AI efforts reveals a complex landscape of asymmetric advantages. The question of “who is more advanced” cannot be answered with a single verdict; rather, it requires a multi-layered assessment of technology, data, integration, and strategic vision. The two nations are not simply running the same race at different speeds; they are pursuing fundamentally different goals, driven by divergent philosophies of warfare and national power.

Who is More Advanced? A Multi-Layered Analysis

The leadership in military AI is contested and varies significantly depending on the metric of evaluation:

  • Foundational Technology (Advantage: USA): The United States maintains a decisive lead in the most critical enabling technologies. This includes a multi-generational advantage in high-end semiconductor design and fabrication, a critical bottleneck for China.48 Furthermore, the U.S. possesses a substantial lead in aggregate compute capacity, which is essential not only for training advanced AI models but also for deploying and integrating them at scale across the military enterprise.49 While Chinese models are rapidly closing the gap on performance benchmarks, America’s underlying hardware and systems integration capacity provide a more durable and comprehensive advantage.49
  • Data Resources (Advantage: China): China possesses a significant advantage in the sheer volume of data available for training AI models. Its large population, centralized data collection systems, and lax privacy regulations create a vast reservoir of information, particularly for developing surveillance and recognition algorithms that have direct military applications in intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance (ISR) and automated targeting.21
  • Operational Integration and Procurement (Advantage: Contested/Leaning China): Analysis from the Center for Security and Emerging Technology (CSET) suggests the PLA has made “extraordinary progress” in procuring AI systems for combat and support functions, with annual spending estimated to be on par with that of the U.S. military.51 China’s state-directed MCF model may enable faster and more focused adoption of specific capabilities, such as drone swarms and autonomous undersea vehicles, compared to the bureaucratically encumbered U.S. JADC2 effort.50 However, some Chinese defense experts express their own concerns that the PLA remains behind the U.S. in fielding and effectively using AI-enabled systems, indicating this is a highly contested area.53
  • Doctrinal Absorption (Advantage: China): The PLA appears to be more deeply and holistically integrating AI-centric concepts into its highest levels of military doctrine and strategic thought.1 Concepts like “intelligentized warfare” are central to the PLA’s vision of the future. In contrast, the U.S. is still largely focused on fitting new AI capabilities into its existing doctrinal frameworks, wrestling with the organizational changes required for true transformation.46

Breadth and Logic of Vision: Holistic Transformation vs. Decisive Advantage

The most significant divergence lies in the scope and ambition of each nation’s strategic vision.

  • China’s Vision (Broader): China’s vision is a “whole-of-society” endeavor that is demonstrably broader and more holistic.20 It fuses military objectives with economic, political, and cognitive strategies, aiming not just for battlefield victory but for “mind dominance” and the systemic paralysis of an adversary.7 The logic is totalistic: to leverage every instrument of national power, amplified by AI, to achieve strategic goals and reshape the international order.15 Its primary strength is this top-down strategic alignment; its potential weakness is the rigidity and fragility inherent in a system dependent on a single point of political control.
  • U.S. Vision (More Focused): The U.S. vision is more focused, pragmatic, and centered on a military-operational problem: achieving “decision advantage” to win on the future battlefield.26 The logic is to use superior technology to sense, process, and act on information faster than an adversary, empowering human commanders to make better, quicker decisions.27 Its strength lies in its alignment with democratic values, its emphasis on human agency, and its ability to harness a dynamic commercial innovation base. Its primary weakness is its potential narrowness, which risks underestimating and failing to prepare for the broader cognitive and political dimensions of the competition that China is actively prioritizing.

The Ethical Divide: Political Control vs. Principled Responsibility

The ethical frameworks governing military AI in each country represent a fundamental and strategic point of contrast.

  • China’s Approach: The PLA’s primary ethical consideration is internal and political: how to reconcile the operational necessity of AI autonomy with the Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) non-negotiable demand for absolute political control over all military assets.55 The PLA’s approach is highly pragmatic and opaque; “ethical” behavior is ultimately defined as that which aligns with Party guidance and maintains Party control.55 While China engages in international discussions on AI ethics, its core driver remains political reliability, not abstract principle.57
  • U.S. Approach: The DoD has publicly adopted a formal, principles-based framework for Responsible AI (RAI).59 This framework is explicitly grounded in pre-existing legal commitments, including the Law of War, and established ethical norms.60 It emphasizes concepts such as meaningful human control over lethal force, transparency, traceability, and accountability. The United States is actively promoting this framework on the world stage, seeking to establish it as a global standard for responsible military innovation.62

The question of which nation has the “best” or most logical vision is therefore contingent on one’s theory of future great power conflict. If that conflict remains primarily a contest of military force where the speed and precision of effects are decisive, the U.S. vision is well-calibrated. However, if future conflict is primarily a cognitive and political struggle where societal cohesion and the will to fight are the main targets, China’s doctrine is more explicitly designed for this reality. A truly resilient and logical strategy must be able to compete and win in both arenas. Currently, China’s vision is more comprehensive in its definition of the problem, creating a strategic imperative for the United States to broaden its own.

Table 1: Comparative Framework of U.S. and Chinese Military AI Strategies

AttributePeople’s Republic of ChinaUnited States
Overarching DoctrineIntelligentized Warfare / Meta-WarDecision Advantage / JADC2
Core VisionHolistic transformation of warfare; achieving “mind dominance”Empowering human decision-makers; achieving speed and precision
Key National ProgramChina Brain Project (BI-AI, BCI)DARPA AI Next / AI Forward (Trustworthy AI)
Organizational ModelMilitary-Civil Fusion (State-Directed)Public-Private Partnership (Commercially-Led)
Primary FocusCognitive domain, BCI, swarm autonomy, systems destructionNetworked C2, data fusion, human-machine teaming, ISR
Ethical FrameworkPragmatic; driven by the need for CCP political controlFormalized Responsible AI (RAI); driven by legal/ethical principles
Key StrengthsTop-down strategic alignment; rapid resource mobilization; vast data accessFoundational tech leadership (chips); superior compute; dynamic innovation ecosystem
Key WeaknessesTechnological chokepoints (chips); potential for systemic rigidity; the paradox of controlBureaucratic hurdles to adoption; inter-service stovepipes; integration challenges

IV. The Path Forward: A Five-Year Strategy for the United States

To counter China’s comprehensive strategy and secure a durable advantage in the AI era, the United States must pursue a multi-pronged strategy over the next five years. This strategy must address its primary internal weaknesses in integration while simultaneously expanding its asymmetric strengths and broadening its strategic vision to meet the full scope of the cognitive challenge.

Recommendation 1: Solidify the Foundations – Win the JADC2 Battle at Home

The most significant impediment to U.S. military AI dominance is the failure to effectively integrate its superior technological components. This internal challenge must be the first priority.

Actions:

  • Empower a JADC2 Authority: Establish a JADC2 “czar” or a fully empowered joint program office with genuine budgetary and requirements authority over the services’ JADC2-related programs. This body must be empowered to enforce common standards, break down stovepipes, and ensure true interoperability.43
  • Mandate Enterprise-Wide Data Sharing: The Secretary of Defense should issue a directive mandating a shift from a culture of “data ownership” to one of “data stewardship.” This must be enforced by a central DoD data governance body with the authority to compel services to make data assets visible, accessible, and intelligible across the joint force.43
  • Reform AI Acquisition: Aggressively expand the use of agile acquisition pathways, such as Other Transaction Authority (OTA), for all AI and software-intensive programs. This will create streamlined mechanisms to rapidly transition cutting-edge commercial innovation from the private sector to the warfighter, bypassing legacy bureaucratic hurdles.45

Recommendation 2: Expand the Asymmetric Advantage – Compute, Talent, and Alliances

The U.S. must widen its lead in the foundational elements of AI power where China remains most vulnerable and where the U.S. holds a distinct advantage.

Actions:

  • Dominate the Semiconductor Race: Double down on policies like the CHIPS and Science Act and coordinate with allies to not only onshore manufacturing but to accelerate R&D into next-generation semiconductor design and advanced packaging. The goal should be to maintain a multi-generational technological lead in the hardware that powers AI.21
  • Launch a National Defense AI Talent Initiative: Create a concerted national effort to attract and retain the world’s best AI talent. This should include streamlining security clearance processes for AI experts, establishing new talent exchange programs between the DoD and private industry, and reforming immigration policies to create a fast track for top-tier global AI researchers.16
  • Operationalize CJADC2 as a Diplomatic Priority: Elevate the “Combined” aspect of CJADC2 from a technical goal to a core diplomatic effort. This involves deepening collaborative AI R&D, establishing common data and ethical frameworks, and conducting regular, large-scale joint exercises with key allies (e.g., the Five Eyes, Japan, South Korea, and key NATO partners) to build a deeply integrated, networked coalition that China cannot replicate.31

Recommendation 3: Counter the Cognitive Threat

The U.S. must develop a comprehensive national strategy to defend against and deter China’s cognitive warfare operations, an area where current defenses are dangerously inadequate.

Actions:

  • Establish a National Cognitive Security Center: Create a new, inter-agency center co-led by the DoD, the Intelligence Community, and the Department of Homeland Security. Its mission would be to coordinate the detection, analysis, and countering of foreign, AI-driven disinformation and influence operations targeting the U.S. military and public.8
  • Spur Counter-Influence Technology: Launch a DARPA-led grand challenge to develop advanced, real-time technologies for detecting and attributing AI-generated deepfakes, synthetic media, and coordinated inauthentic behavior online.
  • Build Societal Resilience: Invest in public education and media literacy programs to inoculate the American populace against the divisive narratives that are the primary weapons of cognitive warfare, thereby strengthening the nation’s cognitive defenses from the ground up.

Recommendation 4: Beyond Decision Advantage – Crafting a Broader American Vision

To effectively compete with China’s holistic strategy, the U.S. must evolve its own military doctrine to formally recognize and address the broader dimensions of modern conflict.

Actions:

  • Develop a Doctrine for Integrated Cognitive-Domain Operations: The Joint Staff, in coordination with the National Security Council, should initiate a formal process to develop a U.S. doctrine for operations in the cognitive domain. This would recognize the human mind as a contested battlefield and articulate how the instruments of national power—diplomatic, informational, military, and economic (DIME)—can be integrated to defend against and conduct cognitive operations in a manner consistent with democratic principles.
  • This new doctrine must explicitly address the role of AI in both defending against and, where necessary and lawful, conducting influence and psychological operations to deter aggression and shape the strategic environment.

Recommendation 5: Weaponize Responsibility – Leveraging the Ethical High Ground

The U.S. commitment to Responsible AI should be transformed from a perceived constraint into a potent strategic advantage that distinguishes the U.S. and its allies from their authoritarian rivals.

Actions:

  • Lead on International Norms: Launch a major diplomatic initiative to build upon the U.S. Political Declaration on Responsible Military Use of AI, with the goal of making its principles the foundation for a binding international treaty or a widely adopted set of norms among the world’s democracies.62
  • Condition AI Sales and Transfers: In all foreign military sales and technology-sharing agreements involving AI-enabled systems, require partner nations to adopt and adhere to RAI principles as a condition of the transfer. This will help build a global military AI ecosystem based on U.S. standards of safety, ethics, and reliability.
  • Highlight the Authoritarian Contradiction: Use public diplomacy and strategic communications to consistently expose the fundamental weakness in China’s approach: the impossibility of guaranteeing safe, reliable, or ethical AI when a system’s ultimate arbiter is not objective law or principle, but the shifting political imperatives of the CCP.55

V. Conclusion

The contest for military AI supremacy between the United States and China is a competition between two profoundly different systems. The United States currently holds a critical advantage in foundational technology, talent, and innovation, but this lead is fragile. China’s broader, more cohesive, and more revolutionary strategic vision—which integrates technological development with a “whole-of-society” mobilization and a doctrine aimed at cognitive dominance—poses a long-term threat that cannot be countered by superior microchips alone.

China is preparing for a future war fought not just on land, at sea, and in the air, but in the virtual space of networks and the cognitive space of the human mind. The U.S., while building a formidable technological arsenal, is still primarily focused on winning a faster and more efficient version of the last war. The nation with the best vision for the future will not be the one with the single best algorithm, but the one that can most successfully integrate its technological prowess, its organizational structure, and its guiding principles into a coherent and resilient whole. The five-year strategy outlined in this report is designed to ensure that nation is the United States, by first fixing its critical internal integration challenges while simultaneously broadening its strategic vision to compete and win in every domain—physical, virtual, and, most decisively, cognitive.


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Enter the Battleverse: China’s Pursuit of Intelligentized Warfare in the Metaverse

This report provides a comprehensive intelligence assessment of the People’s Republic of China’s (PRC) strategic endeavor to develop a military-specific metaverse, termed the “battleverse” (战场元宇宙). Analysis of authoritative Chinese military-technical literature and procurement data indicates that this initiative is not a speculative or isolated technological pursuit, but a core component of the People’s Liberation Army’s (PLA) future warfighting doctrine and a key project within the PRC’s national “Digital China” (数字中国) grand strategy. The battleverse is the logical and necessary culmination of the PLA’s concept of “Intelligentized Warfare” (智能化战争), the designated successor to modern “informatized” conflict.

The PLA envisions the battleverse as a persistent, high-fidelity, virtual-real fused environment that will fundamentally revolutionize military operations across all domains. Its primary purpose is to enable the PLA to achieve “cognitive dominance” over an adversary by seamlessly integrating the physical, virtual, and cognitive (“brain battlefield”) dimensions of conflict. While the comprehensive battleverse remains a future objective, its foundational technologies—particularly Artificial Intelligence (AI) and Digital Twins—are being actively researched, developed, and procured. The most mature applications are currently in advanced training and simulation, where VR/AR systems and AI-driven “Blue Army” adversaries are enhancing training realism and accelerating tactical development.

Concurrently, the PLA is aggressively exploring advanced conceptual frameworks for “Meta-War,” a new form of conflict waged within and through the battleverse. These concepts include combat conducted by virtual avatars, by remotely operated robotic “simulacrums,” and by human soldiers who exist as “dual entities” in both the physical and virtual worlds. This theoretical work, combined with tangible technological progress, presents a significant long-term challenge to the military-technological superiority of the United States and its allies. The PLA’s approach is distinguished by its top-down, doctrine-driven integration and its exploration of higher levels of AI-driven autonomy, creating a potential divergence in the character of future warfare.

This report assesses the strategic drivers behind the battleverse, deconstructs its conceptual architecture, details its current and future applications, provides a comparative analysis with U.S. efforts, and evaluates the associated challenges and strategic implications. The PLA’s pursuit of the battleverse signals a determined effort to master a new form of warfare, one that could provide significant asymmetric advantages in a future conflict, particularly in a scenario involving Taiwan.

I. The Strategic Imperative: From Informatization to Intelligentization

The PLA’s ambition to construct a battleverse is not an ad-hoc reaction to a technological trend. It is the product of a deliberate, decades-long strategic modernization effort, guided by a clear doctrinal vision for the future of warfare and supported by a whole-of-nation grand strategy. Understanding this context is critical to appreciating the depth and seriousness of the battleverse initiative.

The PLA’s Three-Step Modernization Framework

The PLA’s contemporary modernization is structured around a three-phase strategic framework articulated by senior leadership, including PRC President Xi Jinping.1 These overlapping phases are mechanization, informatization, and intelligentization.1

  • Mechanization (机械化), the process of incorporating advanced machinery, vehicles, and conventional platforms, was the primary focus through the early 21st century and was intended to be largely completed by 2020.1
  • Informatization (信息化), the current phase, involves the introduction of networks, information systems, and data into all facets of military operations, from command and control (C2) and intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance (ISR) to cyber operations.1
  • Intelligentization (智能化), first formally mentioned in 2019, is the PLA’s vision for the future. While still pursuing the goals of informatization, the PLA is doctrinally and technologically pivoting toward this next phase, which it sees as a new Revolution in Military Affairs.1 Intelligentization is defined by the transformative impact of emerging technologies—specifically Artificial Intelligence (AI), big data, quantum computing, virtual and augmented reality (VR/AR), autonomous systems, and the Internet of Things (IoT)—on 21st-century warfare.1

Recent PLA writings explicitly describe the culmination of this intelligentization phase as leading to “Metaverse War” or “Meta-War,” making the battleverse a defining feature of this future conflict paradigm.1

Defining “Intelligentized Warfare” (智能化战争)

Intelligentized warfare is the PLA’s core warfighting theory for the 21st century. It represents a fundamental shift in the character of conflict, driven primarily by the maturation of AI.3 PLA theorists draw a clear distinction between this new stage and its predecessors based on the human functions they augment. Whereas mechanized warfare enhanced the physical capabilities of the soldier—their “hands and feet”—and informatized warfare enhanced their sensory capabilities—their “ears and eyes”—intelligentized warfare is conceived as enhancing the cognitive function of the commander and the force itself—the “brain”.6 This enhancement is to be achieved through advanced brain-computer interaction and AI-human teaming.6

The central tenets of this doctrine reveal why a battleverse is not merely useful, but essential:

  • Shift to Cognitive Dominance: The primary objective in intelligentized warfare shifts from achieving information superiority to seizing “cognitive dominance” (制智权).6 This is a more profound concept, focused on fundamentally disrupting, degrading, and manipulating the adversary’s decision-making processes. The goal is to render the opponent cognitively paralyzed, effectively turning them into an “idiot” in the battlespace, unable to process information or make sound judgments.6
  • Expansion of the Battlefield: The domains of conflict expand beyond the traditional physical realms of land, sea, air, and space. Intelligentized warfare explicitly incorporates the virtual space and, most critically, the “cognitive domain” or “brain battlefield” (头脑战场) of commanders, soldiers, and even national leaders as primary arenas for confrontation.1 Victory in the virtual and cognitive spaces is seen as a prerequisite for victory in the physical world.6

This doctrinal framework, with its focus on cognitive paralysis and the fusion of physical and non-physical domains, creates a clear and compelling military requirement for a persistent, integrated, virtual-real environment. The PLA is not simply adopting metaverse technology because it is available; it is pursuing the technology because its pre-existing theory of victory demands it. This doctrinal pull, rather than a simple technological push, indicates a far more deliberate and strategically integrated approach, suggesting that the battleverse concept is deeply embedded in the PLA’s long-term institutional planning.

Linkage to the “Digital China” Grand Strategy

The PLA’s military ambitions are inextricably linked to and enabled by a broader national strategy. The battleverse initiative is explicitly framed within PLA literature as a central component of the PRC’s societal transformation under the “Digital China” (数字中国) grand strategy.1 Described as the world’s first “digital grand strategy,” this whole-of-nation effort is personally championed by Xi Jinping and aims to “win the future” by achieving comprehensive digital supremacy.1

The “Digital China” strategy, which has roots in regional initiatives like “Digital Fujian” and “Digital Zhejiang” that Xi oversaw as a local leader, aims for the complete digital transformation of the PRC’s economy, governance, and society.8 In this context, the metaverse is seen as the next evolutionary stage of the internet and a critical new frontier for national power.9 By leading in its development, Beijing seeks to achieve several national objectives:

  • Technological Self-Reliance: Reduce dependency on foreign technology and establish “first-mover advantages” in a critical future industry.9
  • Economic Growth: Dominate what is expected to be a multi-trillion-dollar global market, further fueling China’s digital economy.9
  • Norm Shaping: Position the PRC to guide the development of international norms, standards, and governance structures for the metaverse.9
  • Sovereignty and Control: Extend state sovereignty into the virtual domain, ensuring the digital “spiritual home” of its citizens operates according to the Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) principles.9

This national-level strategic alignment creates a powerful symbiotic relationship, a prime example of the PRC’s Military-Civil Fusion (军民融合) strategy. The PLA’s demanding requirements for a high-fidelity, secure, AI-driven battleverse provide a clear strategic direction and a lucrative market for China’s civilian tech sector, driving national innovation in critical areas like AI, 5G, VR hardware, and advanced computing.11 In turn, the rapid growth of the civilian tech sector, such as China’s massive domestic VR market (estimated at 44% of the global market by late 2020), provides the PLA with a broad, resilient, and innovative industrial and R&D base from which to draw technology and talent.11 This whole-of-nation symbiosis provides a formidable strategic tailwind for the battleverse project, granting it a level of national priority and resource allocation that a purely military-siloed program could not achieve.

II. Deconstructing the Battleverse: Concept, Architecture, and Key Technologies

The PLA’s concept of the battleverse has evolved rapidly from a nascent idea into a sophisticated theoretical construct for future warfare. It is envisioned not as a single piece of software, but as a comprehensive military ecosystem with a specific architecture and a foundation built on the convergence of several key emerging technologies.

Defining the “Battleverse” (战场元宇宙)

The term “battleverse” (战场元宇宙) first entered the PLA’s public discourse in a November 2021 article in the official PLA Daily.1 Initially, the concept was framed in a defensive, soft-power context. The article proposed using the metaverse to create immersive reconstructions of historical battles to vividly depict the horrors of war, thereby deterring conflict and stimulating a desire for peace among the civilian population.1

This narrative, however, pivoted with remarkable speed. Within a matter of months, by early 2022, the discussion in official military media had shifted decisively toward building a separate, secure, and highly militarized metaverse designed explicitly to win future intelligentized wars.1 This rapid evolution from a public-facing deterrence tool to a core warfighting concept is significant. Such a fundamental shift in the official military newspaper is unlikely to be accidental; it strongly suggests that an internal consensus was reached at a high level to prioritize and accelerate the development of the metaverse as a primary warfighting domain. The initial “deterrence” framing may have served as strategic misdirection for external audiences, or it may reflect a genuine but quickly superseded initial thought.

In its current conception, the military metaverse is defined as a new and comprehensive military ecosystem that integrates the virtual and real worlds.17 It is distinguished from its civilian counterparts by a set of unique military requirements, including:

  • High Security: The system must handle highly classified information, requiring robust security protocols far beyond those of commercial platforms.17
  • High Credibility: Simulations and models must be of extremely high fidelity, based on real-world physics and validated data, to be useful for training and operational planning.17
  • Identity Determinacy: Users have pre-determined and authenticated military identities (e.g., commander, pilot, logistics officer) with clear roles and permissions.17

The Concept of “Meta-War”

Flowing from the battleverse concept is the PLA’s theory of “Meta-War.” This is defined as a new type of military activity that leverages the battleverse’s technological capabilities to achieve the strategic objective of conquering an opponent’s will.1 The architecture of Meta-War is designed to link three distinct but interconnected battlefields 1:

  1. The Physical Battlefield: The traditional domain of land, sea, air, and space where kinetic actions occur.
  2. The Virtual Battlefield: The digital space within the battleverse where simulations, cyber operations, and virtual combat take place.
  3. The “Brain Battlefield” (头脑战场): The cognitive space representing the conscious perceptions, situational awareness, and decision-making processes of soldiers and commanders.

The core function of the battleverse in Meta-War is to fuse these three domains, allowing personnel to seamlessly switch between the real-world battlefield and a virtual parallel battlefield as needed. This enables them to engage in live combat, run complex simulations of future actions, and predict outcomes in a fully immersive environment, all in real-time.1

Core Enabling Technologies

The PLA’s vision for the battleverse is predicated on the successful convergence and integration of a suite of advanced technologies.

  • Digital Twins: This technology is the architectural linchpin of the entire battleverse concept. A digital twin is a high-fidelity, virtual replica of a physical asset, process, or even an entire environment that is continuously updated with real-time data from its real-world counterpart.17 The PLA defines it as a mapping in virtual space that reflects the full life cycle of a piece of physical equipment.18 It is the digital twin that bridges the virtual and the real. Without accurate, persistent, real-time digital twins of weapon platforms, sensors, infrastructure, and geographical terrain, the battleverse would be merely a sophisticated but disconnected simulation. The digital twin provides the essential data-driven foundation that allows for realistic training, predictive maintenance, logistics optimization, and credible mission rehearsal.18 The PLA’s progress in creating a functional battleverse can, therefore, be most accurately measured by its progress in developing and integrating digital twin technology across its forces.
  • Artificial Intelligence (AI): If the digital twin is the skeleton of the battleverse, AI is its brain. AI is envisioned to perform a multitude of functions: generating rich and dynamic virtual scenes, providing real-time battlefield object recognition, powering intelligent “Blue Army” adversaries, and offering intelligent-assisted decision-making support to commanders.3 Crucially, AI systems themselves are expected to be trained within the battleverse through processes of “self-play and confrontational evolution,” allowing them to become “strategists” for conquering the virtual cognitive space without human intervention.6
  • Extended Reality (XR): XR technologies—including Virtual Reality (VR), Augmented Reality (AR), and Mixed Reality (MR)—serve as the primary human-machine interface for the battleverse.1 VR headsets, AR glasses, and haptic feedback suits are the tools that will provide the immersive, “on-site feeling” for soldiers in training, commanders directing battles, or maintainers repairing equipment.17
  • Supporting Infrastructure: A robust technological foundation is required to support these core components. This includes high-bandwidth, low-latency networking (such as 5G and beyond) to transmit vast amounts of data between the physical and virtual worlds; advanced computing (cloud for data storage and processing, and potentially quantum for complex calculations) to run the simulations; and a ubiquitous Internet of Things (IoT) to provide the constant stream of sensor data needed to keep the digital twins synchronized with reality.1 PLA theorists also explicitly mention brain-computer interfaces (BCIs) as a potential future interface for controlling systems directly.1

III. Applications and Concepts of Operation: Waging “Meta-War”

The PLA’s development of the battleverse is not purely theoretical. It is pursuing a dual-track approach: actively implementing mature, battleverse-related technologies for near-term gains while simultaneously developing radical new concepts of operation for future, fully-realized “Meta-War.”

A. Current and Near-Term Applications (The “Practice”)

The most tangible progress in implementing battleverse technologies is evident in areas that offer immediate improvements to readiness, efficiency, and force development.

  • Training and Education: This is the most mature and widely documented application area. The PLA is leveraging immersive technologies to create training environments that are more realistic, repeatable, cost-effective, and safer than traditional methods.9
  • Skill-Based VR Training: The PLA has fielded VR systems for specific tasks, such as parachute training. These systems use virtual simulation and spatial positioning to expose new paratroopers to a range of aerial emergencies and unfamiliar environments in a risk-free setting, improving their real-world performance and adaptability.9 Similar systems are used for training operators of man-portable air-defense systems (MANPADS), allowing them to practice engaging diverse aerial targets like helicopters, cruise missiles, and fighter jets in a virtual environment.23
  • Tactical VR Training: More advanced systems are emerging for collective training. The “Wisdom Commando VR Training System,” developed by the state-owned China Electronics Technology Group Corporation (CETC), is a prime example. It uses VR helmets, haptic feedback suits, and simulated weapons to immerse a squad of soldiers in a virtual battlefield where they can train alongside both their real teammates and AI-powered virtual teammates. The system leverages key technologies like large-space positioning to allow free movement and machine learning algorithms to evaluate performance.20
  • Psychological Conditioning: The PLA is also exploring the use of VR to conduct wartime psychological training. The goal is to create hyper-realistic, high-stress virtual combat environments to better prepare soldiers for the psychological shock of real battle.24
  • Wargaming and Simulation (The “Blue Army”): The PLA has long used simulations for wargaming, but is now investing heavily in creating a next-generation, AI-driven “Blue Army”—the PLA’s term for a simulated adversary force, akin to a U.S. “Red Team”.25 The objective is to move beyond scripted, service-level simulations to a dynamic, all-element joint combat simulation platform. The AI-powered Blue Army is intended to perfectly mimic the command decision-making behavior and tactics of a potential adversary, allowing the PLA to rigorously test its own operational concepts, identify weaknesses, and discover “possible blind spots” at a pace and scale impossible in live exercises.25 This effort is augmented by research at institutions like Xi’an Technological University, where AI models like DeepSeek are being used to autonomously generate tens of thousands of potential battlefield scenarios in seconds, transforming simulation from a static, pre-programmed system into an “autonomously evolving intelligent agent”.26
  • Equipment R&D, Maintenance, and Logistics: Digital twin technology is the centerpiece of efforts to modernize the entire lifecycle of military equipment.
  • Research & Development: The PLA envisions using digital twins to dramatically shorten the R&D cycle for complex platforms like warships and aircraft.17 By creating and testing virtual prototypes in a realistic, simulated combat environment, engineers can validate designs, assess combat effectiveness, and identify flaws before any physical manufacturing begins, saving immense time and resources.17
  • Maintenance and Logistics: In the sustainment phase, a digital twin of a platform, continuously fed with real-world performance data, can enable predictive maintenance, anticipating part failures before they occur.18 In logistics, digital twins of supply chains and transportation networks can create a system of “intelligent war logistics,” allowing for a more flexible, on-demand, and resilient supply chain that can adapt to the dynamic needs of the battlefield.18
  • Procurement and Development Ecosystem: The PLA’s commitment is reflected in its procurement activities and the emergence of a specialized development ecosystem. Analysis of PLA procurement records reveals a clear focus on acquiring “smart” and “intelligent” systems, including augmented reality sandboxes for training and intelligent interactive control systems.28 A 2020 analysis showed significant purchasing in intelligent and autonomous vehicles and AI-enabled ISR, sourced from a diverse ecosystem of both traditional state-owned defense enterprises and smaller, non-traditional vendors.15 Specialized entities are also emerging, such as the “Digital Twin Battlefield Laboratory,” which offers bespoke R&D services, consulting, and the construction of digital twin test ranges, indicating a professionalization of the field.30

B. Future Combat Concepts (The “Theory of Meta-War”)

Beyond near-term applications, PLA strategists are developing highly advanced, and in some cases radical, theories for how a fully realized battleverse will change the nature of combat itself. These concepts are detailed in an article titled “Meta-War: An Alternative Vision of Intelligentized Warfare” and represent the PLA’s theoretical end-state for metaverse-enabled conflict.1

  • The Three Methods of “Meta-War”:
  1. “(Virtual) Clone/Avatar [分身] Combat in the Virtual World”: This form of combat takes place entirely within the digital realm of the battleverse. It encompasses activities like cyber warfare, psychological operations, and the manipulation of public opinion, conducted from behind the scenes to shape the battlespace before and during a conflict.1 On the virtual “front lines,” combatants would use avatars to conduct highly realistic pre-battle training, mission rehearsals, and simulated combat exercises.1
  2. “Simulacrum/Imitation [仿身] Combat in the Real World”: This concept describes real-world combat where human soldiers are replaced on the front lines by weaponized “simulacrums.” These are not fully autonomous robots but rather platforms—such as humanoid robots, bionic machines, or mechs—that are controlled in real-time by human operators from a safe distance.1 These simulacrums would carry the human operator’s perception and intent onto the battlefield, allowing them to perform dangerous and complex tasks. The control interfaces could include remote controls, tactile devices, or even direct brain-computer interfaces.1 This concept represents a pragmatic approach to the challenges of fully autonomous AI. Instead of waiting for a breakthrough in artificial general intelligence that can handle the complexities and ethical dilemmas of combat, this model uses the human brain as the advanced processor, effectively “teleporting” a soldier’s cognitive abilities into an expendable, physically superior machine. It leverages the unique strengths of both humans (adaptability, creativity, ethical judgment) and machines (speed, endurance, resilience) to field a highly capable semi-autonomous force in the near-to-mid term.
  3. “Incarnation/Embodiment [化身] Combat in Parallel Worlds”: This is the ultimate synthesis of the first two concepts, representing the full fusion of the real and virtual. In this mode of combat, human soldiers, their virtual avatars, and their controlled simulacrums would operate in unison across parallel realities.1 A human soldier and their weapon system would function as a “dual entity,” existing simultaneously in the physical world and as a digital twin in the virtual world. They would be capable of switching between and interacting across these realities. In this paradigm, victory might not be determined solely by physical destruction but by which side first achieves a critical objective in the virtual world, such as discovering a hidden key or disabling a virtual command node, which then translates to a decisive advantage in the real world.1
  • The Centrality of the “Brain Battlefield” (头脑战场): Underlying all three methods of Meta-War is the focus on the “brain battlefield”—the cognitive state of the adversary.1 The ultimate purpose of fusing the virtual and real is to create an environment where the PLA can manipulate the enemy’s perception of reality. By using highly deceptive information, injecting false virtual targets into an enemy’s augmented reality display, or creating confusing scenarios, the PLA aims to directly attack the enemy’s cognitive processes, interfering with their judgment, slowing their decision-making, and inducing fatal errors.10 This represents a profound doctrinal shift away from a primary focus on physical attrition. The goal of Meta-War is not just to destroy the enemy’s forces, but to achieve a state of cognitive paralysis, shattering their will and ability to fight by making them incapable of trusting their own senses and systems. A successful campaign might result in an enemy force that is physically intact but rendered completely combat-ineffective, achieving victory with potentially less kinetic violence.

IV. The Geopolitical Battlefield: U.S.-China Competition in the Military Metaverse

The PLA’s pursuit of a battleverse is not occurring in a vacuum. It is a central element of its broader strategic competition with the United States, which is pursuing its own, parallel efforts to develop next-generation synthetic training and operational environments. While there are technological similarities, a comparative analysis reveals significant divergences in strategic vision, doctrinal approach, and organizational structure.

China’s Approach: Top-Down, Doctrine-Driven, and Integrated

As previously established, the PLA’s battleverse initiative is a key component of a unified, top-down national and military strategy.1 This provides a coherent vision that integrates technological development with a pre-defined warfighting doctrine—”Intelligentized Warfare.” The explicit goal is to leverage these technologies to generate “asymmetric advantages” against the United States, which the PLA regards as a “strong enemy” and its primary strategic competitor.29 A defining feature of this approach is the PLA’s doctrinal willingness to explore higher levels of AI autonomy. PLA writings suggest a desire to remove the human soldier from certain decision-making loops where possible, believing that machine-driven speed can provide a decisive edge in achieving “decision dominance”.31

The U.S. Approach: Bottom-Up, Technologically Focused, and Federated

The United States does not use the term “battleverse,” but its armed services and research agencies are developing a suite of highly advanced capabilities that aim to achieve similar outcomes in training and operations.33 The U.S. effort, however, is more federated and appears to be driven more by technological opportunity than by a single, overarching new doctrine.

  • U.S. Army Synthetic Training Environment (STE): This is one of the Army’s top modernization priorities, designed to revolutionize training by converging live, virtual, constructive, and gaming environments into a single, interoperable platform.11 The STE is software-focused, leverages cloud computing, and is designed to be accessible to soldiers at their “point of need,” from home station to deployed locations.34 Its goal is to allow soldiers to conduct dozens of “bloodless battles” in a realistic virtual world before ever seeing combat.34
  • U.S. Air Force Digital Twin Programs: The U.S. Air Force is a global leader in the practical application of digital twin technology. Notable projects include the creation of a complete, engineering-grade digital twin of the F-16 Fighting Falcon to streamline sustainment, modernization, and repairs 38, and the development of a massive, installation-scale digital twin of Tyndall Air Force Base in Florida. This virtual replica of the base is used to manage its multi-billion-dollar reconstruction after a hurricane, optimize planning, and run realistic security simulations, such as active shooter drills.39 These programs demonstrate a high level of maturity in deploying the foundational technology of any military metaverse.
  • DARPA Research: The Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency (DARPA) is pushing the technological frontier. Its programs are not only developing the building blocks of future synthetic environments but are also proactively researching defenses against the threats they might pose. Programs like Perceptually-enabled Task Guidance (PTG) are developing AI assistants that can guide personnel through complex physical tasks using augmented reality.41 More critically, there is a striking parallel between the PLA’s offensive cognitive warfare concepts and DARPA’s defensive research. The PLA is actively theorizing about using the metaverse to conduct cognitive attacks to “confuse the opponent’s cognition” and “mislead their decision-making”.10 In response, DARPA’s Intrinsic Cognitive Security (ICS) program is explicitly designed to build tactical mixed reality systems that can protect warfighters from precisely these kinds of “cognitive attacks,” such as “information flooding,” “injecting virtual data to distract personnel,” and “sowing confusion”.42 This indicates that U.S. defense planners are taking this threat vector seriously, and the competition is already well underway at the conceptual and R&D level. DARPA is, in effect, attempting to build the shield for a sword the PLA is still designing.

Comparative Analysis: Key Divergences

The competition between the U.S. and China in this domain is not a simple technology race but a clash of strategic philosophies. The U.S. appears to possess more advanced individual components and a more vibrant R&D ecosystem, but China’s top-down, integrated approach may allow for faster and more cohesive implementation of a unified vision. The strategic contest may hinge on which model proves more effective: the U.S. model of federated innovation and gradual integration into existing structures like Joint All-Domain Command and Control (JADC2), or China’s model of unified, doctrine-driven development.

The most critical point of divergence is the doctrinal approach to autonomy. U.S. military doctrine, policy, and ethics heavily prioritize a “human-in-the-loop” or human-machine teaming paradigm, where AI serves as an assistive tool to enhance, not replace, human decision-making.31 In contrast, PLA writings are more ambitious, exploring concepts of greater AI autonomy and explicitly discussing the potential advantages of removing the human from the decision-making process to achieve superior speed and “decision dominance”.31 This fundamental difference in philosophy could lead to two very different types of “intelligentized” forces in the future.

Table 1: Comparative Analysis of U.S. and PRC Military Metaverse Initiatives

FeatureU.S. Synthetic Training Environment (STE) & Related ProgramsPRC “Battleverse” (战场元宇宙)
Primary DoctrineJoint All-Domain Command and Control (JADC2); Human-Machine TeamingIntelligentized Warfare (智能化战争); Cognitive Dominance
Key ProgramsArmy STE, USAF Digital Twin (F-16, Tyndall AFB), DARPA research (ICS, PTG)CETC VR Systems, Digital Twin Battlefield Lab, AI-driven “Blue Army” Simulations
Technological FocusInteroperability, COTS integration, augmented reality (IVAS), cloud computingAI-driven autonomy, digital twins, VR immersion, brain-computer interfaces
Development StatusMultiple programs in advanced development and initial fielding (demonstrating high component maturity)Extensive conceptual work; foundational technologies in active development and procurement (demonstrating high strategic integration)
Approach to Autonomy“Human-in-the-loop” prioritized; AI as an assistive tool for human decision-makersExploration of higher degrees of AI autonomy; potential for machine-driven decision-making to gain speed

V. Assessment of Challenges, Vulnerabilities, and Strategic Implications

Despite the PLA’s ambitious vision and strategic commitment, the path to a fully functional battleverse is fraught with significant internal challenges and creates new strategic vulnerabilities. Realizing this complex ecosystem is a monumental undertaking, and its successful implementation has profound implications for regional security, particularly concerning a potential conflict over Taiwan.

Internal PLA Challenges

Chinese military experts and technical analysts are themselves candid about the significant barriers the PLA faces.

  • Technological and Integration Hurdles: The technical challenges are immense. In a comprehensive review of Chinese-language defense journals, PLA officers and defense industry researchers identified several key concerns. These include the ability to guarantee network and cyber security for such a complex system, the difficulty of maintaining robust communications in a high-intensity conflict, and the need to develop the high-end sensors required to feed the digital twins with accurate data.45 Integrating dozens of disparate, specialized AI systems from various vendors into a coherent, multi-domain “system of systems” is an enormous software and systems engineering challenge that no military has yet solved.46
  • Data and AI Trustworthiness: The entire concept of intelligentized warfare hinges on the reliability of data and the trustworthiness of AI. However, AI systems are notoriously vulnerable to flawed, biased, or maliciously manipulated input data, which can lead to catastrophic errors in judgment.46 Many Chinese experts express deep misgivings about deploying insufficiently trustworthy AI systems in lethal contexts, citing the risks of unintended escalation, civilian casualties, and friendly fire incidents.45 The inherent “black box” nature of some advanced AI models makes it difficult for human commanders to understand, verify, and ultimately trust their recommendations, a critical barrier to effective human-machine teaming.46
  • Systemic Vulnerability to Attack: The battleverse’s greatest strength—its hyper-connectivity and total integration—is also its greatest weakness. This creates a strategic paradox: while it promises unprecedented operational coherence, it also presents a systemic, single-point-of-failure vulnerability. PLA thinkers acknowledge that the algorithms and networks at the core of the battleverse are prime targets. A successful cyber or electronic attack that compromises the integrity of the battleverse’s data or manipulates its core algorithms could lead to a total loss of combat capability for the entire force.47 This suggests that a U.S. strategy should not necessarily be to build a mirror-image battleverse, but to develop the asymmetric capabilities required to disrupt, deceive, and disable the PLA’s version.
  • Ethical and Legal Dilemmas: The prospect of intelligentized warfare raises profound ethical and legal questions that Chinese strategists are beginning to grapple with. These include the morality of delegating life-and-death decisions to machines and the intractable problem of assigning legal accountability for war crimes committed by an autonomous system.48

Strategic Implications for the United States and Allies

The PLA’s development of a battleverse, even if only partially successful, will have significant strategic implications.

  • The Taiwan Scenario: The battleverse is a powerful tool for a potential Taiwan contingency. The PLA could leverage a high-fidelity digital twin of Taiwan and its surrounding environment to wargame an invasion scenario thousands of times, allowing them to meticulously test operational plans, identify weaknesses in Taiwan’s defenses, and perfect their joint force coordination at minimal cost and risk.18 This would enable the PLA to enter a conflict with a level of rehearsal and optimization previously unimaginable. Furthermore, the initial phase of an invasion could be non-kinetic, launched from within the battleverse. It could consist of massive, coordinated cyber, electronic, and cognitive attacks designed to paralyze Taiwan’s command and control, sow chaos and confusion, and degrade its will to fight before a single ship or plane crosses the strait.10 The battleverse also provides a new and potent platform for “gray zone” activities. In the years leading up to a potential conflict, the PLA could use the virtual space to conduct persistent, low-threshold operations against a digital twin of Taiwan—testing cyber defenses, mapping critical infrastructure, and running subtle cognitive influence campaigns, all below the threshold of armed conflict but effectively shaping the future battlefield.
  • Accelerated PLA Modernization: A functional battleverse would act as a powerful force multiplier for PLA modernization. It would create a virtual feedback loop, allowing the PLA to develop, test, and refine new technologies, tactics, and doctrine at a speed that cannot be matched by traditional, resource-intensive live exercises. This could dramatically shorten the timeline for the PLA to achieve its goal of becoming a “world-class” military capable of fighting and winning wars against a strong adversary.
  • Risk of Rapid Escalation: A key objective of intelligentized warfare is to accelerate the decision-making cycle (the OODA loop) to a speed that overwhelms an opponent. However, this reliance on AI-driven speed could have a destabilizing effect in a crisis. It could drastically shorten the time available for human deliberation and diplomacy, potentially leading to a rapid and unintended escalation from a regional crisis to a major conflict.46

Conclusion and Recommendations

The People’s Liberation Army’s pursuit of a military metaverse, or “battleverse,” is a serious, coherent, and long-term strategic endeavor that is deeply integrated with its national and military modernization goals. It is the designated operational environment for the PLA’s future warfighting doctrine of “Intelligentized Warfare.” While the vision of a fully fused virtual-real battlefield remains aspirational, and significant technical and systemic challenges persist, the conceptual groundwork is well-established, and foundational investments in enabling technologies like AI, digital twins, and VR are well underway. The most critical divergence from Western military development lies in the PLA’s doctrinal embrace of AI-driven autonomy and its explicit focus on achieving victory through cognitive dominance.

Over the next five years, the PLA will likely field advanced, networked VR/AR training and large-scale simulation systems across all services, significantly improving training realism, joint operational proficiency, and tactical development speed. Within a decade, it is plausible that the PLA will be experimenting with integrated “Meta-War” concepts in major exercises, fusing digital twin environments with live forces and testing rudimentary “simulacrum” platforms under direct human control. This trajectory presents a formidable challenge that requires a proactive and multi-faceted response from the United States and its allies.

Based on this assessment, the following recommendations are offered for the U.S. intelligence community, the Department of Defense, and associated policymakers:

  1. Prioritize Intelligence Collection on PLA Digital Twin Development: Intelligence collection and analysis should shift from a primary focus on individual hardware procurement to tracking the PLA’s progress in developing and integrating high-fidelity digital twins. Monitoring the creation of virtual replicas of key platforms (e.g., aircraft carriers, advanced destroyers, 5th-generation aircraft) and strategic locations (e.g., Taiwan, Guam, key U.S. bases in the Indo-Pacific) will serve as the most accurate barometer of the PLA’s true battleverse capability and its operational readiness for specific contingencies.
  2. Invest in “Red Team” Cognitive and Algorithmic Warfare Capabilities: The Department of Defense should fund and prioritize the development of offensive capabilities designed specifically to target the inherent vulnerabilities of a centralized, hyper-networked battleverse architecture. This includes advanced research in data poisoning, algorithm manipulation, network deception, and cognitive attacks designed to sow mistrust between PLA operators and their AI systems. The goal should be to develop the means to turn the battleverse’s greatest strength—its integration—into a critical vulnerability.
  3. Accelerate and Integrate U.S. Synthetic Environment Efforts: While maintaining a firm doctrinal commitment to human-centric command and control, the Department of Defense should accelerate the integration of its disparate synthetic environment programs (e.g., Army STE, Air Force digital twins, Navy trainers) into a coherent, JADC2-enabled operational environment. The strategic objective should be to outpace the PLA’s integration efforts by leveraging the U.S. technological advantage in areas like cloud computing, COTS software, and advanced AI to create a more flexible, resilient, and effective human-machine teaming ecosystem.
  4. Establish Ethical and Policy Guardrails for AI in Warfare: The United States should lead a robust and sustained dialogue with key allies to establish clear norms, ethical red lines, and policies for the use of AI and autonomous systems in combat. Codifying a commitment to meaningful human control will create a clear strategic and moral distinction from the PLA’s more ambiguous doctrinal path, strengthen allied cohesion on this critical issue, and provide a framework for future arms control discussions.

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The Gray Dragon and the Archipelago: Five Scenarios for an Unconventional Conflict in the South China Sea

The strategic competition between the United States and the People’s Republic of China (PRC) is increasingly centered on the South China Sea, with the U.S.-Philippines alliance emerging as a critical focal point. While the prospect of conventional, high-intensity warfare often dominates strategic planning, the most probable form of conflict will be unconventional, waged across a spectrum of non-military domains. This report posits that an unconventional war between the U.S.-Philippines alliance and China will not be a singular, decisive event but a protracted, integrated campaign of coercion designed to test the alliance’s resilience, political will, and legal foundations. China’s strategy is calibrated to achieve strategic objectives below the threshold of what would traditionally constitute an “armed attack,” thereby complicating the invocation of the 1951 Mutual Defense Treaty (MDT) and placing the onus of escalation on Washington and Manila.

This analysis presents five plausible scenarios for such a conflict, each rooted in a different primary domain: maritime lawfare, cyber warfare, economic coercion, information warfare, and proxy conflict. These scenarios are not mutually exclusive; rather, they represent distinct but interconnected fronts in a single, cohesive strategy of integrated coercion. From a legally ambiguous “quarantine” of a Philippine outpost to a crippling cyberattack on critical infrastructure and an AI-driven disinformation blitz aimed at fracturing the alliance from within, these scenarios illustrate the multifaceted nature of the threat.

Key findings indicate a fundamental asymmetry in strategic philosophy. China pursues a patient, indirect strategy of accumulating advantages over time, akin to the game of Go, aimed at creating a new status quo. The U.S.-Philippines alliance, conversely, is postured to respond to discrete, escalatory events, a more reactive model. China deliberately exploits this doctrinal gap, employing gray-zone tactics to create strategic dilemmas that force the alliance into a perpetual state of reactive uncertainty, caught between the risks of overreaction and the erosion of credibility.

The report concludes with strategic recommendations for the alliance. These include bolstering integrated deterrence through multi-domain exercises, enhancing Philippine national resilience with a focus on cyber defense and societal immunity to disinformation, and, most critically, clarifying alliance commitments to address severe non-kinetic attacks. To prevail in this unconventional arena, the alliance must shift from a posture of event-based response to one of proactive, persistent, and integrated resistance across all domains of national power.

I. The Arena: Doctrines and Capabilities in the South China Sea

Understanding the nature of a potential unconventional conflict requires a foundational assessment of the competing doctrines, capabilities, and strategic philosophies of the primary actors. The South China Sea is not merely a geographic theater; it is an arena where fundamentally different approaches to statecraft and coercion collide. China’s actions are guided by a holistic doctrine of integrated coercion, while the U.S.-Philippines alliance is adapting a more traditional defense posture to confront these 21st-century challenges.

A. China’s Doctrine of Integrated Coercion

Beijing’s strategy is not predicated on winning a conventional military battle but on achieving its objectives—namely, the assertion of sovereignty over the South China Sea and the displacement of U.S. influence—without firing a shot. This is accomplished through a sophisticated, multi-layered approach that blurs the lines between war and peace.

The Gray Zone as the Primary Battlefield

The central feature of China’s strategy is its mastery of the “gray zone,” an operational space where actions are coercive and aggressive but deliberately calibrated to remain below the threshold of conventional armed conflict. This approach is designed to paralyze an adversary’s decision-making cycle. By using paramilitary and civilian assets, such as the China Coast Guard (CCG) and its vast maritime militia, Beijing creates a deliberate ambiguity that complicates a response under international law and the terms of existing defense treaties. Actions like ramming, the use of water cannons, and deploying military-grade lasers against Philippine vessels are designed to intimidate and assert control without constituting a clear “armed attack” that would automatically trigger a U.S. military response under the MDT. This strategy of “salami-slicing” allows China to gradually erode the sovereignty of other claimants and establish a new status quo, one incident at a time.

The “Three Warfares” in Practice

Underpinning China’s gray-zone operations is the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) doctrine of the “Three Warfares”: Public Opinion (Media) Warfare, Psychological Warfare, and Legal Warfare (“Lawfare”). This doctrine provides the intellectual framework for integrating non-kinetic efforts into a cohesive campaign.

  • Legal Warfare (Lawfare) involves using and manipulating domestic and international law to assert the legitimacy of China’s actions. Declaring vast swathes of the South China Sea as subject to Chinese domestic law and then using CCG vessels to “enforce” those laws against foreign vessels is a textbook example. This tactic seeks to reframe acts of coercion as legitimate law enforcement, putting the burden of challenge on other nations.
  • Public Opinion Warfare aims to shape domestic and international narratives to support China’s objectives. This involves a constant stream of state-sponsored media content that portrays China as a peaceful and constructive regional actor, while casting the United States as an external provocateur and the Philippines as an illegitimate claimant.
  • Psychological Warfare seeks to erode an adversary’s will to resist. This is achieved through demonstrations of overwhelming force, such as swarming disputed features with hundreds of militia vessels, or conducting provocative military exercises intended to signal inevitability and intimidate regional states into accommodation.

Key Actors and Their Tools

China employs a diverse set of state and parastatal actors to execute this strategy:

  • China Coast Guard (CCG) & Maritime Militia: These are the frontline forces in the gray zone. The CCG, now under the command of the Central Military Commission, is the world’s largest coast guard and acts as the primary enforcer of China’s maritime claims. It is supported by a state-subsidized maritime militia, comprised of fishing vessels trained and equipped by the military, which provides a deniable force for swarming, blockading, and harassing foreign ships. These forces operate from a well-established playbook of 18 core tactics, including bow-crossing, blocking, ramming, and using sonic and optical weapons.
  • PLA Strategic Support Force (SSF): Established in 2015, the SSF is the nerve center of China’s information-centric warfare. It integrates the PLA’s space, cyber, electronic, and psychological warfare capabilities into a single, unified command. The SSF is responsible for conducting sophisticated cyber operations against foreign military and civilian targets, as well as executing the disinformation campaigns that form the backbone of China’s Public Opinion Warfare.

Asymmetric Philosophy: “Warfare of Non-Matching Facets”

The Chinese approach is deeply rooted in an ancient strategic tradition that emphasizes asymmetry. Often translated as “warfare of non-matching facets,” this philosophy seeks to leverage a weaker party’s strengths against a stronger adversary’s vulnerabilities. Rather than attempting to match the U.S. military ship-for-ship or plane-for-plane, Chinese doctrine, influenced by strategists from Sun Tzu to Mao Zedong, focuses on “overcoming the superior with the inferior”. This explains the heavy investment in asymmetric capabilities like anti-ship ballistic missiles, cyber warfare, and gray-zone tactics. These tools are designed to counter America’s comprehensive power by targeting specific “pockets of excellence” and vulnerabilities, such as its reliance on digital networks and its legalistic, alliance-based approach to conflict.

B. The Alliance’s Evolving Defense Posture

In response to China’s integrated coercion, the U.S.-Philippines alliance is undergoing a significant modernization and recalibration, shifting its focus from decades of internal security operations to the pressing challenge of external territorial defense.

The MDT as Bedrock and Ambiguity

The 1951 Mutual Defense Treaty remains the “ironclad” foundation of the bilateral relationship, obligating both nations to defend each other against an external armed attack. For decades, the precise conditions for the treaty’s invocation remained ambiguous. However, facing escalating Chinese gray-zone aggression, both sides have worked to add clarity. The May 2023 Bilateral Defense Guidelines explicitly state that an armed attack in the Pacific, “including anywhere in the South China Sea,” on either nation’s armed forces, public vessels, or aircraft—including those of their Coast Guards—would invoke mutual defense commitments. This clarification was a crucial act of strategic signaling, intended to deter China from escalating its harassment of Philippine Coast Guard vessels, which are often on the front lines of encounters with the CCG.

Operationalizing the Alliance: EDCA and Joint Exercises

The alliance is being operationalized through tangible agreements and activities. The 2014 Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement (EDCA) grants U.S. forces rotational access to nine strategic locations within the Philippines. These sites are critical for prepositioning equipment for humanitarian assistance and disaster relief, and they also serve as vital forward staging points for U.S. forces, enhancing joint operational readiness and responsiveness in a crisis. This presence is complemented by increasingly complex and large-scale joint military exercises. Annual drills like Balikatan and KAMANDAG now involve thousands of U.S. and Philippine personnel, often joined by partners like Japan and Australia, training in amphibious operations, maritime security, and counterterrorism. These exercises are not merely for training; they are a powerful form of strategic messaging, demonstrating the alliance’s growing interoperability and collective resolve.

The AFP’s Strategic Pivot: From Internal to External Defense

For the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP), the current era represents the most significant strategic shift in its modern history. After decades of being primarily focused on internal counter-insurgency campaigns, the AFP is now reorienting toward external and territorial defense. This pivot is backed by the ambitious “Re-Horizon 3” modernization program, a decade-long, $35 billion initiative to acquire a credible deterrent capability. Key acquisitions include multi-role fighter jets like the FA-50, modern missile-capable frigates, offshore patrol vessels, and land-based anti-ship missile systems like the BrahMos. This effort aims to remedy decades of neglect and build a force capable of defending Philippine sovereignty in the maritime and air domains, moving beyond a reliance on decommissioned U.S. vessels for patrols.

U.S. Unconventional Warfare (UW) Doctrine

The U.S. military’s role in an unconventional conflict would be guided by its doctrine of Unconventional Warfare (UW). This doctrine is not about direct U.S. combat but focuses on enabling a partner force to “coerce, disrupt or overthrow an occupying power or government”. In the context of a conflict with China, U.S. Special Operations Forces (SOF) would apply this doctrine by advising, assisting, training, and equipping their AFP counterparts to counter Chinese gray-zone tactics, resist cyber intrusions, and combat disinformation. The U.S. role would be that of a force multiplier, supplementing and substituting for conventional forces in politically sensitive or denied areas, and working “through, with, and by” the AFP to build its capacity to resist Chinese coercion independently.

This doctrinal landscape reveals a fundamental mismatch. China’s strategy is holistic, patient, and indirect, seeking to win by accumulating small, non-military advantages over time to change the strategic environment—a philosophy comparable to the board game Go. The alliance, with its focus on the MDT, EDCA sites, and conventional modernization, is structured to deter and respond to discrete, escalatory events—a more direct, force-on-force approach reminiscent of Chess. China’s entire gray-zone playbook is designed to operate within this doctrinal gap, to probe and coerce in ways that fall just short of the “armed attack” that would trigger the alliance’s primary response mechanism. This creates a dangerous “MDT Trap”: if the U.S. responds to a non-military provocation (like a CCG water cannon) with a military asset (a U.S. Navy destroyer), it risks falling into China’s narrative of U.S. militarization and escalating the conflict on Beijing’s terms. If it fails to respond, it risks undermining the credibility of its “ironclad” security guarantee. The central challenge for the alliance is to adapt its event-response model to counter China’s process-oriented strategy of coercion.

II. Five Scenarios of Unconventional War

The following scenarios illustrate how an unconventional conflict between the U.S.-Philippines alliance and China could unfold. These narratives are designed to be plausible, grounded in current doctrines and capabilities, and representative of the multi-domain nature of modern coercion. They explore how conflict could be initiated and contested across the maritime, cyber, economic, information, and proxy domains.

Table 1: Scenario Summary Matrix

Scenario TitlePrimary Domain of ConflictTrigger EventKey Chinese ActorsKey Alliance RespondersPrimary Escalation Risk
1. The Quarantine of Second Thomas ShoalMaritime / LegalAFP completes major reinforcement of the BRP Sierra Madre, signaling permanence.China Coast Guard (CCG), Maritime Militia, Ministry of Foreign AffairsPhilippine Coast Guard (PCG), AFP, U.S. INDOPACOM, Dept. of State, Allied Navies (Japan, Australia)Miscalculation during enforcement leads to a kinetic clash between coast guard vessels.
2. The Cyber Pearl HarborCyberHeightened regional tension (e.g., major U.S. arms sale to Taiwan, start of Balikatan exercises).PLA Strategic Support Force (SSF), Ministry of State Security (MSS), APT groups (e.g., Volt Typhoon)DICT/CICC, AFP Cyber Group, U.S. Cyber Command, CISA, NSACascading failure of critical infrastructure leading to civil unrest; debate over MDT invocation.
3. The Economic Strangulation GambitEconomicPhilippines wins a new international tribunal ruling against China (e.g., on fishing rights).Ministry of Commerce, General Administration of Customs, CCG, Maritime MilitiaDept. of Trade and Industry, Dept. of Agriculture, Dept. of Foreign Affairs, U.S. Trade Representative, USAIDSevere economic pain creates domestic political instability in the Philippines, pressuring a policy change.
4. The Disinformation BlitzInformation / CognitiveLead-up to a Philippine national election with a pro-alliance candidate favored to win.PLA SSF, MSS, United Front Work Dept., State-controlled media, “Spamouflage” networksDICT/CICC, Presidential Comms Office, U.S. State Dept. (GEC), U.S. Intelligence CommunityErosion of public trust in democratic institutions and the U.S. alliance, regardless of the election outcome.
5. The Proxy IgnitionAsymmetric / ProxyA new EDCA site in a strategic northern province becomes fully operational.Ministry of State Security (MSS), PLA intelligence assetsArmed Forces of the Philippines (AFP), Philippine National Police (PNP), U.S. Special Operations ForcesAFP resources are diverted from external to internal defense, achieving a key Chinese objective without direct confrontation.

Scenario 1: The Quarantine of Second Thomas Shoal

Trigger: After months of escalating harassment during resupply missions, the Philippines, with covert U.S. Navy Seabee technical assistance and materials delivered in small, successive batches, successfully completes a major reinforcement of the BRP Sierra Madre. The operation reinforces the ship’s hull and living quarters, signaling to Beijing that Manila intends to maintain a permanent physical outpost on the shoal indefinitely.

China’s Move (Lawfare & Maritime Coercion): In response to what it calls an “illegal and provocative” alteration of the status quo, Beijing initiates a novel coercive measure. It avoids a military blockade, which is an unambiguous act of war under international law. Instead, it announces the establishment of a “temporary maritime traffic control and customs supervision zone” around Second Thomas Shoal, citing its domestic laws on maritime safety and customs enforcement. This is a carefully constructed “quarantine,” a law enforcement-led operation designed to control traffic rather than seal off the area completely, thereby creating legal and operational ambiguity.

Within hours, a flotilla of over a dozen CCG cutters and three dozen maritime militia vessels establish a persistent presence, forming a tight cordon around the shoal. They do not fire upon approaching vessels. Instead, they use their physical mass to block access, hailing all ships—including Philippine Coast Guard (PCG) patrols—on marine radio channels, informing them they have entered a “Chinese law enforcement zone” and must submit to “on-site safety and customs inspections” before proceeding. Any Philippine vessel that refuses to comply is subjected to escalating non-lethal harassment: aggressive bow-crossing, shadowing, and sustained high-pressure water cannon attacks.

Alliance Counter-Move (Diplomacy & Assertive Presence): The alliance, anticipating this move, refrains from sending a U.S. Navy warship to directly breach the quarantine line, thereby avoiding the “MDT Trap” of a military-on-civilian confrontation. Instead, the response is multi-layered and multilateral. The Philippines immediately launches a campaign of “assertive transparency,” embedding journalists from international news agencies onto its PCG vessels and live-streaming the CCG’s coercive actions to a global audience.

Diplomatically, the U.S. and the Philippines convene an emergency session of the UN Security Council and issue a joint statement with G7 partners condemning China’s actions as a violation of UNCLOS and a threat to freedom of navigation. Operationally, the U.S. organizes a multinational “maritime security patrol” consisting of a Philippine Coast Guard cutter, an Australian frigate, and a Japanese destroyer. The U.S. contribution is a Coast Guard cutter, emphasizing the law enforcement nature of the mission, while a U.S. Navy Arleigh Burke-class destroyer provides over-the-horizon intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance (ISR) support but remains outside the immediate area. This multinational flotilla escorts a Philippine supply ship toward the shoal, publicly declaring its mission is to ensure the “safe passage of humanitarian supplies consistent with international law.”

Strategic Implications: This scenario transforms the standoff from a simple maritime dispute into a high-stakes test of political will and legal narratives. China’s objective is to demonstrate it can control access to disputed features at will, using civilian means that make a military response from the U.S. appear disproportionate and aggressive. The alliance’s counter-move aims to internationalize the crisis, framing it as a defense of the global maritime order rather than a bilateral U.S.-China confrontation. The outcome hinges on the critical moment when the multinational escort flotilla approaches the Chinese quarantine line. If the CCG backs down, its lawfare gambit fails. If it uses force against the ships of multiple nations, it risks a significant diplomatic and potentially military escalation that it may not be prepared for.

Scenario 2: The Cyber Pearl Harbor

Trigger: Tensions in the region are at a peak following the announcement of a landmark U.S. arms sale to Taiwan. In the South China Sea, the annual U.S.-Philippines Balikatan exercises are underway, featuring live-fire drills and simulated retaking of islands, which Beijing publicly denounces as a “provocation.”

China’s Move (Cyber Warfare): The PLA’s Strategic Support Force, operating through a known advanced persistent threat (APT) group like Volt Typhoon, activates malware that has been covertly pre-positioned for months, or even years, within Philippine critical infrastructure networks. The attack is not a single event but a coordinated, cascading series of disruptions designed to induce panic and paralyze the country’s ability to respond to an external crisis.

The multi-vectored assault unfolds over 48 hours:

  • Maritime Logistics: The terminal operating systems at the Port of Manila and the strategic port of Subic Bay are targeted. Malware disrupts the software that manages container movements, causing cranes to freeze and creating massive backlogs that halt both commercial shipping and the logistical support for the ongoing Balikatan exercises.
  • Financial System: Several of the Philippines’ largest banks are hit with what appears to be a massive ransomware attack. Online banking portals go down, and ATMs cease to function. The attackers, using criminal fronts to maintain deniability, demand exorbitant ransoms, but their true goal is to shatter public confidence in the financial system and create widespread economic anxiety.
  • Military Command and Control (C2): Simultaneously, a massive distributed denial-of-service (DDoS) attack is launched against the AFP’s primary command-and-control networks and the Department of National Defense. Communications between military headquarters in Manila and naval and air units participating in the exercises become severely degraded, hampering operational coordination. The attack exploits known vulnerabilities in the Philippines’ underdeveloped and fragmented cybersecurity infrastructure.

Alliance Counter-Move (Cyber Defense & Attribution): The Philippine government activates its National Cybersecurity Plan 2023-2028 and its National Computer Emergency Response Team (NCERT). However, the scale and sophistication of the coordinated attack quickly overwhelm the nascent capabilities of these institutions.

Manila formally requests emergency cybersecurity assistance from the United States under the 2023 Bilateral Defense Guidelines, which specifically mandate cooperation to “secure critical infrastructure and build protection against attacks emanating from state and non-state actors”. In response, U.S. Cyber Command, in coordination with the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency (CISA), deploys “hunt forward” teams. These elite cyber defense experts work alongside their Philippine counterparts inside compromised networks to identify the malware, eject the intruders, and restore services.

Crucially, the U.S. intelligence community rapidly analyzes the malware’s code, tactics, and infrastructure, attributing the attack with high confidence to the Chinese state. The White House, in a coordinated action with the Philippines and other “Five Eyes” partners, publicly exposes China’s role, releasing detailed technical indicators of compromise and imposing a new round of economic and diplomatic sanctions against entities linked to the PLA’s SSF.

Strategic Implications: The “Cyber Pearl Harbor” exposes the extreme vulnerability of a key U.S. ally to modern, multi-domain warfare. It demonstrates that an adversary can inflict strategic-level damage and chaos comparable to a military strike without firing a single missile. The attack forces a critical and difficult debate within the alliance: does a state-sponsored cyberattack that cripples a nation’s economy and critical infrastructure constitute an “armed attack” under the MDT? The U.S. response—providing defensive assistance and leading a campaign of public attribution and sanctions—tests whether non-military countermeasures can effectively deter future cyber aggression.

Scenario 3: The Economic Strangulation Gambit

Trigger: The Philippines, building on its 2016 legal victory, wins another significant ruling at the Permanent Court of Arbitration. The new ruling holds China financially liable for causing massive environmental damage through its island-building activities and for systematically violating the traditional fishing rights of Filipinos around Scarborough Shoal. Manila announces its intention to enforce the ruling through all available diplomatic and legal channels.

China’s Move (Economic & Gray-Zone Coercion): Beijing, which rejects the tribunal’s authority, retaliates with a campaign of calibrated economic coercion designed to inflict maximum pain on key sectors of the Philippine economy and foment domestic opposition to the government’s foreign policy. The Ministry of Commerce announces an immediate and indefinite ban on all imports of Philippine bananas, mangoes, and other agricultural products, citing fabricated “phytosanitary concerns” and a sudden outbreak of “pests”. This move targets a politically sensitive industry and a major source of export revenue.

Simultaneously, the CCG and maritime militia escalate their gray-zone operations across the South China Sea. They shift from harassment to interdiction, systematically detaining Filipino fishing vessels in disputed waters. Boats are impounded, catches are confiscated, and crews are held for weeks at Chinese-controlled outposts in the Spratly Islands before being released. This campaign effectively paralyzes the Philippine fishing industry in the region, threatening the livelihoods of tens of thousands.

This economic pressure is amplified by a coordinated information campaign. Chinese state-controlled media and affiliated social media accounts run stories highlighting the plight of struggling Filipino farmers and fishermen, blaming their suffering directly on the Marcos administration’s “provocative” and “pro-American” policies. The narrative suggests that prosperity can only return if Manila abandons its legal challenges and adopts a more “cooperative” stance with Beijing.

Alliance Counter-Move (Economic Resilience & Diplomatic Pressure): The Philippine government immediately seeks emergency economic support. The Department of Trade and Industry works with diplomats from the U.S., Japan, South Korea, and the European Union to secure temporary alternative markets for its agricultural exports. The government also rolls out a program of direct subsidies to the thousands of farmers and fishermen affected by the Chinese actions, using emergency funds supported by U.S. development aid.

The United States leads a diplomatic counter-offensive. The U.S. Trade Representative, in concert with the G7, formally condemns China’s actions at the World Trade Organization as a blatant act of economic coercion and a violation of international trade norms. Washington provides the Philippines with a substantial economic support package, including grants and loan guarantees, explicitly designed to bolster its economic resilience against foreign pressure. To counter the maritime pressure, the U.S. Navy and Coast Guard significantly increase ISR patrols throughout the South China Sea. They use drones and patrol aircraft to meticulously document every instance of a Filipino fishing vessel being illegally detained, sharing the imagery and tracking data with international media to expose and publicize China’s actions, providing a steady stream of evidence for future legal challenges.

Strategic Implications: This scenario shifts the primary battlefield from the sea to the economy, testing the domestic political resilience of the Philippines. China’s objective is to create a pincer movement of economic pain and information pressure to generate a powerful domestic lobby within the Philippines that advocates for accommodation with Beijing. The goal is to demonstrate to the Philippines—and all other regional states—that closer alignment with the United States comes at an unacceptably high economic price. The success of the alliance’s response depends entirely on its speed and effectiveness in mitigating the economic damage and sustaining Manila’s political will to resist the coercion.

Scenario 4: The Disinformation Blitz and Leadership Crisis

Trigger: The Philippines is in the final, heated weeks of a presidential election campaign. The leading candidate is a staunch advocate for the U.S. alliance and has pledged to accelerate the AFP’s modernization and expand U.S. access to EDCA sites. Polling indicates a likely victory, which would solidify the pro-U.S. strategic alignment for another six years.

China’s Move (Information Warfare & Cognitive Manipulation): Beijing launches its most sophisticated and daring information operation to date, aiming to directly interfere in the democratic process and fracture the alliance from within. The operation is a multi-pronged “disinformation blitz” that leverages cutting-edge technology and a deep understanding of Philippine societal fissures.

The centerpiece is a series of hyper-realistic deepfake audio and video clips, generated using advanced AI. The first is an audio clip, “leaked” online, that appears to be a wiretapped phone call in which the pro-alliance candidate is heard promising a lucrative construction contract for a new EDCA facility to a family member. A week later, a deepfake video is released showing a high-ranking U.S. military official meeting with the candidate’s brother at a hotel bar, seemingly exchanging documents. The content is meticulously crafted to exploit long-standing Filipino sensitivities regarding corruption and national sovereignty vis-à-vis the U.S. military presence.

These deepfakes are not simply posted online; they are strategically disseminated. The initial release is on obscure forums to avoid immediate detection, then laundered through a vast network of thousands of automated and human-managed fake social media accounts—part of the “Spamouflage” network—that have been dormant for months. These accounts amplify the content, which is then picked up and promoted by pro-Beijing political influencers and alternative news websites in the Philippines. The narrative quickly spreads: the leading candidate is corrupt, selling out Philippine sovereignty to the Americans for personal gain.

Alliance Counter-Move (Rapid Debunking & Pre-bunking): The alliance, having war-gamed this exact scenario, executes a pre-planned counter-disinformation strategy. The Philippine Department of Information and Communications Technology (DICT) and its Cybercrime Investigation and Coordinating Center (CICC) immediately activate their rapid-response channel with Google, Meta, and X (formerly Twitter), flagging the deepfake content for immediate takedown based on violations of platform policies against manipulated media.

Simultaneously, the U.S. government provides critical support. The National Security Agency and FBI’s forensic analysis units work around the clock to analyze the digital artifacts of the video and audio files, producing a technical report within 24 hours that proves they are AI-generated fakes. This unclassified report is shared with the Philippine government and released to major international news organizations.

Both governments launch a joint public information campaign. The Philippine government holds a high-profile press conference, with the U.S. ambassador present, to present the forensic evidence and denounce the operation as foreign election interference. This is supported by a “pre-bunking” campaign, using social media and public service announcements to educate the public on how to spot deepfakes and reminding them of China’s documented history of using such tactics against Taiwan and other democracies.

Strategic Implications: This scenario represents a direct assault on the cognitive domain and the integrity of a democratic process. It is a test of a society’s resilience to sophisticated information manipulation. The primary challenge is the “liar’s dividend”—even after the content is definitively debunked, a significant portion of the population may continue to believe the fake narrative or become so cynical that they distrust all information. China’s goal is not necessarily to swing the election, but to sow chaos, erode public trust in democratic institutions, and poison the perception of the U.S. alliance for years to come, regardless of who wins. The success of the counter-operation is measured not just in how quickly the fakes are removed, but in how effectively the public can be inoculated against the lingering effects of the disinformation.

Scenario 5: The Proxy Ignition

Trigger: A new EDCA site in Cagayan, a province in the northern Philippines, becomes fully operational. Its strategic location, just 400 kilometers from Taiwan, allows the U.S. to position long-range precision missile batteries and an advanced air and missile defense radar system, giving the alliance a commanding view of the critical Bashi Channel, the waterway between the Philippines and Taiwan. Beijing views this as a direct threat and a key node in a U.S. strategy to intervene in a future Taiwan contingency.

China’s Move (Covert & Asymmetric Warfare): Recognizing that its past support for communist insurgencies in the Philippines is a defunct and counterproductive strategy from a bygone era , China adopts a modern, deniable proxy approach. Agents from the Ministry of State Security (MSS) make covert contact not with ideological rebels, but with a local, non-ideological grievance group—a radical environmental movement protesting the destruction of ancestral lands for the base construction, combined with a local political clan that lost influence due to the base’s establishment.

The support provided is carefully non-attributable. The MSS does not provide weapons or direct training. Instead, it supplies the group with advanced encrypted communication devices, funding laundered through a series of offshore shell corporations and charitable foundations, and critical intelligence, such as AFP patrol schedules and schematics of the local power grid, obtained via cyber espionage.

Empowered by this support, the proxy group launches an escalating campaign of sabotage and disruption. It begins with large-scale protests that block access roads to the EDCA site. This escalates to the sabotage of key infrastructure—blowing up a crucial bridge, toppling power transmission towers that supply the base, and contaminating a local water source used by AFP personnel. The campaign is designed to create a severe and persistent internal security crisis, making the EDCA site a logistical and political nightmare for both Manila and Washington.

Alliance Counter-Move (Partner-led Counter-Insurgency): The alliance response is deliberately calibrated to avoid validating the proxy group’s anti-American narrative. The AFP, leveraging its decades of hard-won counter-insurgency experience, takes the public lead in all security operations. The focus is on classic counter-insurgency tactics: winning the support of the local population to isolate the radical elements, conducting patient intelligence-gathering to uncover the network of external support, and using police action rather than overt military force where possible.

The U.S. role is strictly in the background, guided by its UW doctrine of enabling a partner force. Small, specialized U.S. Special Operations Forces teams are co-located with their AFP counterparts far from the crisis zone. They provide crucial, non-combat support: advanced training in intelligence analysis, signals intelligence (SIGINT) capabilities to help trace the encrypted communications back to their source, and ISR support from unmanned aerial vehicles to monitor the remote, mountainous terrain used by the saboteurs. No U.S. soldier engages in direct action.

Strategic Implications: This scenario achieves a key Chinese strategic objective without a single PLA soldier crossing a border. It forces the AFP to divert significant resources, attention, and political capital away from its primary mission of external territorial defense and back toward internal security, effectively bogging down a key U.S. ally. It creates a major political headache for the Marcos administration and tests the maturity of the alliance, requiring the United States to demonstrate strategic patience, trust its partner to lead the direct fight, and resist the temptation to intervene overtly. The ultimate goal for China is to make the strategic cost of hosting U.S. forces so high that future Philippine governments will reconsider the value of the alliance.

III. Cross-Domain Escalation and Alliance Red Lines

The five scenarios demonstrate that an unconventional conflict will not be confined to a single domain. China’s doctrine of integrated coercion ensures that actions in one sphere are designed to create effects in others. A successful cyberattack (Scenario 2) could degrade the AFP’s command and control, emboldening the CCG to be more aggressive at sea (Scenario 1). A U.S. diplomatic response to economic coercion (Scenario 3) could be met with a targeted disinformation campaign (Scenario 4) to undermine the U.S. position. This interconnectedness creates complex escalation pathways and forces the alliance to confront the fundamental, and dangerously ambiguous, question of what constitutes an “armed attack” in the 21st century.

A. The Escalation Ladder: From Gray Zone to Open Conflict

The primary risk in this environment is unintended escalation born from miscalculation. Each move and counter-move carries the potential to climb the escalation ladder. A confrontation between a PCG cutter and a CCG vessel over a “quarantine” could result in a collision and loss of life, pushing both sides toward a kinetic response. A RAND Corporation analysis on the nature of a potential U.S.-China conflict highlights that such wars could become protracted, with the opening unconventional phase setting the conditions for a much longer and more costly struggle than traditional force planning envisions.

The normalization of high-intensity military signaling, such as large-scale exercises and freedom of navigation operations, also contributes to escalation risk. While intended to deter, these actions can inflate both sides’ tolerance for risk over time, requiring ever-stronger signals to achieve the same effect and narrowing the space for de-escalation once a crisis begins. China’s strategy is to control this ladder, using non-military actions to force a military response from the alliance, thereby framing the U.S. as the escalator.

B. Defining an “Armed Attack” in the 21st Century

The central challenge for the U.S.-Philippines alliance is that the MDT was written for a different era of warfare. China’s unconventional tactics are deliberately designed to exploit the treaty’s 20th-century definition of an “armed attack.” The scenarios presented raise critical questions that the alliance must answer to maintain credible deterrence:

  • Maritime Coercion: Does a CCG-enforced “quarantine” that denies the Philippines access to its own territory and causes severe economic harm, but results in no casualties, meet the threshold for an armed attack? The 2023 Bilateral Defense Guidelines’ inclusion of the Coast Guard was a significant step, but the line between harassment and an “armed attack” remains dangerously blurry.
  • Cyber Warfare: Can a massive, state-sponsored cyber operation that cripples a nation’s financial system, disrupts its power grid, and paralyzes its transportation networks be considered an armed attack? Such an event could cause more damage, death, and chaos than a limited kinetic strike. The alliance guidelines call for cooperation on cyber defense, but do not specify where the red line for a collective defense response lies.
  • Information Warfare: At what point does a foreign-directed disinformation campaign that incites widespread civil unrest, paralyzes government function, and fundamentally subverts a democratic election constitute an attack on the sovereignty and political independence of the state?

Without clear, privately agreed-upon, and publicly signaled red lines for these non-kinetic actions, the deterrent power of the MDT is weakened. China is incentivized to continue pushing the boundaries, confident that its actions will not trigger a decisive response.

C. The Role of Third Parties and Off-Ramps

De-escalation in any of these scenarios will depend heavily on the actions of third parties. China’s diplomatic strategy consistently seeks to frame disputes as bilateral issues to be resolved between it and the other claimant, resisting external “interference”. This approach allows Beijing to leverage its immense comprehensive power against a smaller neighbor.

Conversely, the U.S. and Philippine strategy is to multilateralize the conflict, framing China’s actions as a threat to the entire rules-based international order. The active participation of allies like Japan, Australia, and partners in the EU and ASEAN is critical. By forming multinational maritime patrols, issuing joint diplomatic condemnations, and providing coordinated economic support, the alliance can amplify the costs of Chinese aggression and build a broader coalition to defend international law. The success of any de-escalation effort will hinge on which side more effectively shapes the international environment and isolates its adversary diplomatically.

IV. Strategic Recommendations for a Resilient Alliance

The challenges posed by China’s unconventional warfare strategy require the U.S.-Philippines alliance to move beyond traditional defense planning. Deterrence and defense in the 21st century demand a resilient, integrated, and proactive posture that spans all domains of statecraft. The following recommendations are designed to address the specific vulnerabilities identified in the preceding scenarios.

A. Bolstering Integrated Deterrence

The alliance’s current approach, while strengthening, often addresses threats in domain-specific silos. To counter a strategy of integrated coercion, the alliance must adopt a posture of integrated deterrence.

  • Recommendation 1: Conduct Integrated Alliance Exercises. The alliance should move beyond conventional, domain-specific exercises. It must design and regularly conduct complex, integrated exercises that simulate a multi-domain crisis. A future Balikatan or KAMANDAG should feature a scenario that combines a maritime standoff (Scenario 1) with a simultaneous cyberattack on critical infrastructure (Scenario 2) and a coordinated disinformation campaign (Scenario 4). This would force a whole-of-government response, training personnel from the AFP, PCG, DICT, Department of Foreign Affairs, and their U.S. counterparts to work together under pressure.
  • Recommendation 2: Establish a Joint Alliance Fusion Center. To break down intelligence and operational stovepipes, the U.S. and the Philippines should establish a joint “Alliance Fusion Center for Gray-Zone Threats.” This center would co-locate personnel from the AFP, PCG, DICT, U.S. INDOPACOM, NSA, and CISA to share and analyze real-time intelligence on maritime movements, cyber intrusions, and information operations. This would enable a common operating picture and facilitate a rapid, coordinated response to ambiguous threats before they escalate into a full-blown crisis.

B. Enhancing Philippine National Resilience

The primary target of China’s unconventional strategy is often not the AFP, but the stability and resilience of the Philippine state itself. Therefore, strengthening Philippine national resilience is a core component of collective defense.

  • Recommendation 1: Prioritize Cyber and C4ISR Modernization. While conventional platforms like jets and frigates are important, the scenarios reveal that the Philippines’ most immediate vulnerabilities lie in the cyber and command, control, communications, computers, intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance (C4ISR) domains. The U.S. should prioritize Foreign Military Financing, Foreign Military Sales, and technical assistance toward hardening the Philippines’ critical infrastructure, securing military and government networks, and building a robust national cyber defense capability. This is the most likely “first front” in any future conflict.
  • Recommendation 2: Co-Invest in Societal Resilience to Disinformation. The alliance should jointly fund and support a nationwide media literacy and critical thinking program in the Philippines. Modeled on successful initiatives in states that have long faced information warfare, such as Taiwan and the Baltic nations, this program should be integrated into the national education curriculum and public information campaigns. Building societal “cognitive immunity” is the most effective long-term defense against information warfare and is essential for preserving democratic integrity and the political viability of the alliance itself.

C. Clarifying Alliance Commitments for the Gray Zone

Ambiguity is the currency of gray-zone warfare. To re-establish deterrence, the alliance must reduce the ambiguity surrounding its most solemn commitment.

  • Recommendation 1: Issue a Joint Supplementary Statement to the MDT. The 2023 Bilateral Defense Guidelines were a positive step, but further clarity is needed. The U.S. and the Philippines should negotiate and issue a formal joint supplementary statement to the Mutual Defense Treaty. This statement should not alter the treaty’s text but should explicitly clarify the alliance’s shared understanding that certain severe, non-kinetic actions could be considered tantamount to an armed attack. This could include, for example, a state-sponsored cyberattack that results in the sustained disruption of critical infrastructure leading to widespread societal harm. Such a declaration would reduce China’s perceived freedom of action in the gray zone and strengthen the deterrent power of the alliance for the unconventional challenges of the 21st century.

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The New Battlespace: Gray Zone Conflict in an Era of Great Power Competition

The primary arena for great power competition has shifted from conventional military confrontation to a persistent, multi-domain struggle in the “gray zone” between peace and war. This report provides a comprehensive analysis of the alternative forms of conflict employed by the United States, the Russian Federation, and the People’s Republic of China. It moves beyond theoretical frameworks to assess the practical application and effectiveness of economic warfare, cyber operations, information warfare, proxy conflicts, and legal warfare (“lawfare”). The analysis reveals distinct strategic approaches: the United States acts primarily as a defender of the existing international order, using its systemic advantages for targeted coercion; Russia operates as a strategic disrupter, employing asymmetric tools to generate chaos and undermine Western cohesion; and China functions as a systemic revisionist, patiently executing a long-term strategy to displace U.S. influence and reshape global norms in its favor.

The key finding of this report is that while these gray zone methods have proven effective at achieving discrete objectives and managing escalation, their long-term strategic success is mixed. Critically, they often produce significant unintended consequences that are actively reshaping the global security and economic order. The use of broad economic sanctions and tariffs, for example, has accelerated the formation of an alternative, non-Western economic bloc and spurred efforts to de-dollarize international trade. Similarly, persistent cyber and information attacks, while achieving tactical surprise and disruption, have hardened defenses and eroded the trust necessary for international cooperation. The gray zone is not a temporary state of affairs but the new, permanent battlespace where the future of the international order will be decided. Navigating this environment requires a fundamental shift in strategy from crisis response to one of perpetual, integrated competition across all instruments of national power.

Section I: The Strategic Environment: Redefining Conflict in the 21st Century

From Open War to Pervasive Competition

The 21st-century strategic landscape is defined by a distinct shift away from the paradigm of declared, conventional warfare between major powers. The overwhelming military and technological superiority of the United States and its alliance network has created a powerful disincentive for peer competitors to engage in direct armed conflict.1 Consequently, rivals such as Russia and China have adapted by developing and refining a sophisticated toolkit of alternative conflict methods. These strategies are designed to challenge the U.S.-led international order, erode its influence, and achieve significant strategic gains without crossing the unambiguous threshold of armed aggression that would trigger a conventional military response from the United States and its allies.1 This evolution does not signify an era of peace, but rather a transformation in the character of conflict to a state of persistent, pervasive competition waged across every domain of state power, from the economic and digital to the informational and legal.

Anatomy of the Gray Zone

This new era of competition is primarily conducted within a strategically ambiguous space known as the “gray zone.” The United States Special Operations Command defines this arena as “competitive interactions among and within state and non-state actors that fall between the traditional war and peace duality”.3 The central characteristic of gray zone operations is the deliberate calibration of actions to remain below the threshold of what could be legally and politically defined as a use of force warranting a conventional military response under international law (jus ad bellum).2

Ambiguity and plausible deniability are the currency of the gray zone. Actions are designed to be difficult to attribute and interpret, thereby creating confusion and sowing hesitation within an adversary’s decision-making cycle.4 This calculated ambiguity is particularly effective against democratic nations. The legal and bureaucratic structures of democracies are often optimized for a clear distinction between peace and war, making them slow to recognize and counter threats that defy this binary.3 This can lead to policy paralysis or responses that are either disproportionately escalatory or strategically insignificant, a vulnerability that actors like Russia and China consistently exploit.3 The toolkit for gray zone operations is extensive, including but not limited to information operations, political coercion, economic pressure, cyberattacks, support for proxies, and provocations by state-controlled forces.1 While many of these tactics are as old as statecraft itself, their integrated and synergistic application, amplified by modern information and communication technologies, represents a distinct evolution in the nature of conflict.1

The Hybrid Warfare Playbook

If the gray zone is the strategic arena, “hybrid warfare” is the tactical playbook used to compete within it. While not a formally defined term in international law, it is widely understood to describe the synchronized use of multiple instruments of power—military and non-military, conventional and unconventional, overt and covert—to destabilize an adversary and achieve strategic objectives.2 The objective is to create synergistic effects where the whole of the campaign is greater than the sum of its parts.2

The Russian strategic approach, often associated with Chief of the General Staff Valery Gerasimov, explicitly elevates the role of non-military means, viewing them as often more effective than armed force in achieving political and strategic goals.5 This doctrine was vividly demonstrated in the lead-up to the full-scale invasion of Ukraine, where Russia combined a massive military buildup with a sophisticated disinformation campaign, cyberattacks, economic pressure on European energy markets, and nuclear blackmail to shape the strategic environment.2

It is essential to distinguish between these two concepts: the gray zone describes the operational space where competition occurs, while hybrid warfare describes the methods employed within that space.2 Most hybrid tactics are deliberately applied in the gray zone precisely to exploit its ambiguity and avoid triggering a formal state of armed conflict as defined by international humanitarian law.3 This strategic choice is not an accident but a calculated effort to wage conflict in a manner that neutralizes the primary strengths of a conventionally superior adversary. The gray zone is, therefore, an asymmetric battlespace, deliberately crafted to turn the foundational pillars of the liberal international order—its commitment to the rule of law, open economies, and freedom of information—into exploitable vulnerabilities.

Section II: The Economic Arsenal: Geopolitics by Other Means

The US-China Tariff War: A Case Study in Economic Coercion

The economic competition between the United States and China escalated into open economic conflict in 2018, providing a clear case study in the use, effectiveness, and limitations of tariffs as a tool of modern statecraft.

Goals vs. Reality

The Trump administration initiated the trade war with a set of clearly articulated objectives: to force fundamental changes to what it termed China’s “longstanding unfair trade practices,” to halt the systemic theft of U.S. intellectual property, and to significantly reduce the large bilateral trade deficit.8 Beginning in January 2018 with tariffs on solar panels and washing machines, the conflict rapidly escalated. The U.S. imposed successive rounds of tariffs, eventually covering hundreds of billions of dollars of Chinese goods, citing Section 301 of the Trade Act of 1974 as its legal justification.8 China responded with immediate and symmetrical retaliation, targeting key U.S. exports with high political sensitivity, such as soybeans, pork, and automobiles, directly impacting the agricultural and manufacturing heartlands of the United States.8 This tit-for-tat escalation continued through 2019, culminating in a tense “Phase One” agreement in January 2020 that sought to de-escalate the conflict.8

Effectiveness Assessment: A Blunt Instrument

Despite the scale of the tariffs, the trade war largely failed to achieve its primary stated goals. The purchase commitments made by China in the Phase One deal were never fulfilled, with Beijing ultimately buying none of the additional $200 billion in U.S. exports it had pledged.8 Rigorous economic analysis has demonstrated that the economic burden of the tariffs was borne almost entirely by U.S. firms and consumers, not by Chinese exporters.11 This resulted in higher prices for a wide range of goods and was estimated to have reduced U.S. real income by $1.4 billion per month by the end of 2018.12

Furthermore, the pervasive policy uncertainty generated by the conflict had a chilling effect on global business investment and economic growth.13 Companies, unable to predict the future of the world’s most important trade relationship, delayed capital expenditures, disrupting global supply chains and slowing economic activity far beyond the borders of the two belligerents.13 The trade war thus serves as a powerful example of how broad-based tariffs function as a blunt and costly instrument, inflicting significant self-harm while yielding limited strategic gains.

Unintended Consequences

The most profound and lasting impacts of the trade war were not its intended effects but its unintended consequences. Rather than forcing a rebalancing of the U.S.-China economic relationship, the conflict accelerated a process of strategic decoupling. It compelled multinational corporations to begin the costly and complex process of diversifying their supply chains away from China, a trend that benefited manufacturing hubs in other parts of Asia, particularly Vietnam.15

Perhaps more significantly, the trade war reinforced Beijing’s conviction that it could not rely on an open, rules-based global economic system dominated by the United States. In response, China has intensified its national drive for technological self-sufficiency in critical sectors like semiconductors, a move that could, in the long term, diminish U.S. technological and economic leverage.16 By sidelining the World Trade Organization (WTO) in favor of unilateral action, the United States also weakened the very multilateral institutions it had built, encouraging a global shift toward protectionism and regional trade blocs.14

The Sanctions Regime Against Russia: Testing Economic Containment

The Western response to Russia’s 2022 full-scale invasion of Ukraine represents the most comprehensive and coordinated use of economic sanctions against a major power in modern history. This campaign serves as a critical test of the efficacy of economic containment in the 21st century.

Targeting the War Machine

The sanctions regime implemented by the United States and a broad coalition of allies was designed with a clear purpose: to cripple the Russian Federation’s ability to finance and technologically sustain its war of aggression.19 The measures were unprecedented in their scope and speed, targeting the core pillars of the Russian economy. Key actions included freezing hundreds of billions of dollars of the Russian Central Bank’s foreign reserves, disconnecting major Russian banks from the SWIFT financial messaging system, imposing a near-total ban on the export of high-technology goods like semiconductors, and implementing a novel price cap on Russian seaborne crude oil exports.21 This multi-pronged assault aimed to deny Moscow the revenue, financing, and technology essential for its military-industrial complex.20

The Limits of Efficacy and Russian Adaptation

While the sanctions have inflicted undeniable and significant damage on the Russian economy, they have failed to deliver a knockout blow or compel a change in Moscow’s strategic objectives. Estimates suggest that Russia’s GDP is now 10-12% smaller than it would have been without the invasion and subsequent sanctions.22 However, the Russian economy has proven far more resilient than initially expected.19

Moscow’s adaptation has been threefold. First, it transitioned its economy onto a full war footing, with massive increases in defense spending fueling industrial production and stimulating GDP growth, albeit in an unsustainable manner.19 Second, it proved adept at sanctions evasion. Russia successfully rerouted the majority of its energy exports from Europe to new markets in China and India, often selling at a discount but still generating substantial revenue.21 It also developed a “shadow fleet” of oil tankers operating outside of Western insurance and financial systems to circumvent the G7 price cap.22 Third, and most critically, it leveraged its partnership with China to procure essential dual-use technologies, such as microelectronics and machine tools, that were cut off by Western export controls.20

Strategic Realignment

The most significant long-term consequence of the sanctions regime has been a fundamental and likely irreversible strategic realignment of the Russian economy. Forced out of Western markets and financial systems, Moscow has dramatically deepened its economic, technological, and financial integration with China. Bilateral trade has surged to record levels, and the Chinese yuan has increasingly replaced the U.S. dollar in Russia’s trade and foreign reserves.17 This has accelerated the consolidation of a powerful Eurasian economic bloc positioned as a direct counterweight to the U.S.-led financial and trade system. The sanctions, intended to isolate Russia, have inadvertently catalyzed the creation of a more robust and resilient alternative economic architecture, thereby spurring global de-dollarization efforts and potentially weakening the long-term efficacy of U.S. financial power.19

This dynamic illustrates a central paradox of modern economic warfare: the aggressive use of systemic economic power, while effective at inflicting short-term pain, simultaneously provides a powerful incentive for adversaries to build parallel systems designed to be immune to that very power. Each application of sanctions against Russia or tariffs against China acts as a catalyst for the construction of an alternative global economic order, eroding the foundations of U.S. leverage over time.

China’s Belt and Road Initiative: Influence Through Investment

China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is a cornerstone of its foreign policy and a primary instrument of its economic statecraft. While often portrayed through a simplistic lens, its strategic function is nuanced and far-reaching.

Beyond the “Debt-Trap” Narrative

In Western strategic discourse, the BRI is frequently characterized as a form of “debt-trap diplomacy”.27 This narrative posits that China intentionally extends unsustainable loans to developing nations for large-scale infrastructure projects. When these nations inevitably default, Beijing allegedly seizes control of the strategic assets—such as ports or railways—thereby expanding its geopolitical and military footprint.27 The case of Sri Lanka’s Hambantota Port is consistently cited as the primary evidence for this strategy.27

A Nuanced Reality

A detailed examination of the Hambantota Port case, however, reveals a more complex reality that undermines the simplistic debt-trap thesis. The proposal for the port originated with the Sri Lankan government, not with Beijing, as part of a long-standing domestic development agenda.27 Furthermore, Sri Lanka’s severe debt crisis in the mid-2010s was not primarily caused by Chinese lending, but by excessive borrowing from Western-dominated international capital markets and unsustainable domestic fiscal policies.27 Chinese loans constituted a relatively small portion of Sri Lanka’s overall foreign debt.27

Crucially, the port was not seized in a debt-for-equity swap. Instead, facing a balance of payments crisis, the Sri Lankan government chose to lease a majority stake in the port’s operations to a Chinese state-owned enterprise for 99 years in exchange for $1.1 billion in hard currency.27 These funds were then used to shore up Sri Lanka’s foreign reserves and service its more pressing debts to Western creditors.27

While the debt-trap narrative is an oversimplification, it does not mean the BRI is benign. It is a powerful instrument of geoeconomic influence. By becoming the primary financier and builder of critical infrastructure across the developing world, China creates long-term economic dependencies, secures access to resources, opens new markets for its companies, and builds political goodwill that can be translated into diplomatic support on the international stage.30 The BRI allows China to systematically expand its global footprint and embed its economic and, increasingly, technological standards across Asia, Africa, and Latin America, thereby challenging the post-Cold War economic order.

Section III: The Digital Frontlines: Cyber and Electronic Warfare

The cyber domain has emerged as a central theater for great power competition, offering a low-cost, high-impact, and plausibly deniable means of projecting power and undermining adversaries. Russia and China have both developed sophisticated cyber capabilities, but they employ them in pursuit of distinct strategic objectives, reflecting their different geopolitical positions and long-term goals.

Russia’s Doctrine of Disruption

Russia’s approach to cyber warfare is fundamentally asymmetric and disruptive, designed to compensate for its relative weakness in the conventional military and economic domains. Its cyber operations prioritize psychological impact and the creation of societal chaos over permanent destruction.

This doctrine has been demonstrated through a series of high-profile operations against the United States. The cyberattacks on the Democratic National Committee (DNC) in 2015-2016 were not merely an act of espionage but an influence operation designed to disrupt the U.S. presidential election and erode public trust in the democratic process.32 The 2020 SolarWinds supply chain attack represented a new level of sophistication, compromising the networks of numerous U.S. government agencies and thousands of private sector companies by inserting malicious code into a trusted software update.34 This operation provided Russia with widespread, persistent access for espionage and potential future disruption. Similarly, the 2021 ransomware attack on Colonial Pipeline, while attributed to a criminal group, highlighted the profound vulnerability of U.S. critical infrastructure to disruptive cyberattacks, causing widespread fuel shortages along the East Coast.34

The strategic objective underpinning these actions is the generation of uncertainty and the degradation of an adversary’s will to act.37 By demonstrating the vulnerability of critical infrastructure and democratic institutions, Russia aims to create a psychological effect that far exceeds the direct technical damage, sowing division and decision-making paralysis within the target nation.37 Joint advisories from the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency (CISA), the National Security Agency (NSA), and the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) repeatedly confirm that Russian state-sponsored actors are persistently targeting U.S. critical infrastructure sectors, including energy, finance, and defense, for both espionage and disruptive purposes.38

China’s Strategy of Espionage and Exploitation

In contrast to Russia’s disruptive tactics, China’s cyber strategy is characterized by its industrial scale, persistence, and systematic focus on long-term intelligence gathering and intellectual property (IP) theft. It is not primarily a tool of chaos but a core component of China’s comprehensive national strategy to supplant the United States as the world’s leading economic and military power.

The People’s Liberation Army (PLA) maintains dedicated units, such as the infamous Unit 61398 (also known as APT1), tasked with conducting large-scale cyber espionage campaigns against foreign targets.42 These operations have successfully exfiltrated vast quantities of sensitive data from the United States. Notable examples include the systematic theft of design data for numerous advanced U.S. weapons systems, including the F-35 Joint Strike Fighter, the F-22 Raptor, and the Patriot missile system.34 This stolen IP directly fuels China’s own military modernization, allowing it to reverse-engineer and replicate advanced technologies, thereby leapfrogging decades of costly research and development and rapidly eroding America’s qualitative military edge.34

Beyond military secrets, China’s cyber espionage targets a wide array of sectors to advance its economic goals. This includes the theft of trade secrets from leading U.S. companies in industries ranging from energy to pharmaceuticals.34 The massive 2015 breach of the U.S. Office of Personnel Management (OPM), which compromised the sensitive personal data of over 21 million current and former federal employees, provided Beijing with an invaluable database for identifying, targeting, and recruiting intelligence assets for decades to come.34 Recent intelligence reports indicate a dramatic surge in Chinese cyber espionage operations, with a 150% increase in 2024 alone, highlighting the unabated intensity of this campaign.44

Effectiveness and Asymmetry

Both Russia and China have successfully weaponized the cyber domain as a highly effective asymmetric tool. It allows them to contest U.S. power and impose significant costs while operating below the threshold of armed conflict and maintaining a degree of plausible deniability.45 The difficulty of definitive, public attribution for cyberattacks creates a permissive environment for aggression, allowing state sponsors to operate with relative impunity.45

This reality reveals a critical divergence in strategic timelines. Russia’s cyber doctrine is optimized for the short term, employing disruptive attacks to achieve immediate political and psychological effects that can shape a specific crisis or event. China, in contrast, is waging a long-term, strategic campaign of attrition. Its patient, industrial-scale espionage is designed to fundamentally alter the global balance of technological, economic, and military power over the course of decades. The United States, therefore, faces a dual cyber threat: Russia’s acute, shock-and-awe style disruptions and China’s chronic, corrosive campaign of exploitation. Effectively countering these divergent threats requires distinct strategies, mindsets, and capabilities.

Section IV: The War for Minds: Information and Influence Operations

In the gray zone, the cognitive domain is a primary battlefield. The strategic manipulation of information to shape perceptions, control narratives, and undermine societal cohesion has become a central pillar of modern conflict. Russia and China, while often collaborating in this space, pursue fundamentally different long-term objectives with their information and influence operations.

Russia’s “Active Measures 2.0”

Russia’s contemporary information warfare is a direct evolution of the Soviet Union’s “active measures,” updated for the digital age.37 The core strategy is not to persuade foreign audiences of the superiority of the Russian model, but to degrade and disrupt the political systems of its adversaries from within.37

The 2016 U.S. presidential election serves as the canonical example of this doctrine in practice. The operation, directed by President Vladimir Putin, was multifaceted, combining the cyber theft of sensitive information with a sophisticated social media campaign.33 The GRU, Russia’s military intelligence agency, hacked the computer networks of the DNC and Clinton campaign officials, subsequently leaking the stolen emails through fronts like Guccifer 2.0 and platforms like WikiLeaks to generate damaging news cycles.33

Simultaneously, the St. Petersburg-based Internet Research Agency (IRA), a state-sponsored “troll farm,” created thousands of fake social media accounts to impersonate American citizens and political groups.33 The IRA’s primary tactic was not to spread pro-Russian propaganda, but to identify and inflame existing societal fault lines in the United States, particularly those related to race, gun control, immigration, and religion.50 By creating and amplifying hyper-partisan content on both the far-left (e.g., supporting Black Lives Matter) and the far-right (e.g., supporting secessionist movements), the IRA’s goal was to deepen polarization, foster distrust in institutions, suppress voter turnout among targeted demographics, and ultimately undermine faith in the American democratic process itself.50 This approach is highly effective because it acts as a social parasite, feeding on and magnifying organic divisions within an open society, making it difficult for citizens and policymakers to distinguish foreign manipulation from authentic domestic discourse.37

China’s Quest for “Discourse Power”

China’s information strategy is more systematic, ambitious, and long-term than Russia’s. It is explicitly guided by the doctrine of the “Three Warfares”: public opinion warfare (shaping public perception), psychological warfare (influencing the cognition and decision-making of adversaries), and legal warfare (using law to seize the “legal high ground”).54 The ultimate goal of this integrated strategy is to achieve what the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) calls “discourse power” (话语权).56

Discourse power is the ability to shape global norms, values, and narratives to create consensus around a new, China-led international order.56 This involves a multi-pronged effort to legitimize China’s authoritarian governance model and present it as a superior alternative to what it portrays as the chaotic and declining system of Western liberal democracy.56 The CCP pursues this goal through several mechanisms:

  • Massive Investment in State Media: Beijing has poured billions of dollars into expanding the global reach of its state-controlled media outlets, such as CGTN and Xinhua, to broadcast the CCP’s narratives directly to international audiences.54
  • United Front Work: The CCP’s United Front Work Department orchestrates a vast, global effort to co-opt and influence foreign elites, including politicians, academics, business leaders, and media figures, to advocate for China’s interests and silence criticism.54
  • Digital Dominance: China seeks to shape the global digital ecosystem by exporting its model of “cyber sovereignty,” which prioritizes state control over the free flow of information, and by promoting its own technical standards for next-generation technologies like 5G and AI.56

While Russia’s information operations are often opportunistic and focused on tactical disruption, China’s are patient, strategic, and aimed at a fundamental, long-term revision of the global information order.58 Russia seeks to burn down the existing house; China seeks to build a new one in its place, with itself as the architect.

The U.S. Response: Public Diplomacy

The primary instrument for the United States in the information domain is public diplomacy, executed largely through the U.S. Agency for Global Media (USAGM). The USAGM oversees a network of broadcasters, including Voice of America (VOA), Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty (RFE/RL), and Radio Free Asia (RFA).60 The stated mission of these entities is to provide accurate, objective, and comprehensive news and information to audiences in countries where a free press is restricted, thereby serving as a counterweight to state propaganda and supporting the principles of freedom and democracy.60 However, the USAGM has historically faced challenges, including internal political disputes and questions regarding its strategic effectiveness in a modern, saturated, and highly fragmented digital media landscape.61

This reveals a fundamental divergence in strategic approaches. Russian information warfare is a strategy of cognitive disruption, designed to confuse, divide, and ultimately paralyze an opponent by turning its own open information environment against it. Chinese information warfare is a strategy of cognitive displacement, a long-term project aimed at methodically replacing the norms, values, and narratives of the liberal international order with its own. Countering the former requires tactical resilience and societal inoculation against division, while countering the latter requires a sustained, global competition of ideas and a compelling reaffirmation of the value of the democratic model.

Section V: Conflict by Other Means: Proxies and Lawfare

Beyond the economic and digital realms, great powers continue to engage in conflict through indirect means, leveraging third-party actors and legal frameworks to advance their interests while avoiding direct confrontation. Proxy warfare and lawfare are two prominent tools in the gray zone playbook, used to alter the strategic landscape and impose costs on adversaries without resorting to open hostilities.

The Modern Proxy War

Proxy warfare, a hallmark of the Cold War, has been adapted to the contemporary environment. States support and direct non-state or third-party state actors to wage conflict, allowing the sponsoring power to achieve strategic objectives with limited direct risk and cost.

Syria as a Microcosm

The Syrian Civil War serves as a stark example of modern, multi-layered proxy conflict. The Russian Federation intervened militarily in 2015 with the explicit goal of preserving the regime of its client, Bashar al-Assad, which was on the verge of collapse.63 This intervention was a direct pushback against U.S. and Western influence, as it placed Russian forces and their proxies, including the Wagner Group, in direct opposition to various Syrian opposition groups that were receiving support from the United States and its regional partners.63 This created a complex and dangerous battlespace where the proxies of two nuclear powers were engaged in active combat. Throughout this period, the People’s Republic of China played a crucial supporting role for Russia, using its position on the UN Security Council to provide diplomatic cover. Beijing repeatedly joined Moscow in vetoing resolutions that would have condemned or sanctioned the Assad regime, demonstrating a coordinated Sino-Russian effort to thwart Western policy objectives in the Middle East.65

Ukraine and the “Proxy Supporter” Model

The war in Ukraine represents a different but equally significant model of proxy conflict. The United States and its NATO allies are engaged in a classic proxy war, providing massive military, financial, and intelligence support to Ukraine to enable its defense against direct Russian aggression.25 A critical evolution in this conflict is the role played by China as a “proxy supporter” for Russia. While Beijing has refrained from providing large quantities of direct lethal aid, its comprehensive economic and technological support has been indispensable to sustaining Russia’s war effort.25 China has become the primary destination for sanctioned Russian energy, the main supplier of critical dual-use components like microelectronics for Russia’s military-industrial complex, and a key diplomatic partner in shielding Moscow from international condemnation.17 This support, while falling short of a formal military alliance, effectively makes China a co-belligerent in a gray-zone context. The dynamic is further complicated by North Korea’s role as a direct arms supplier to Russia, providing vast quantities of artillery shells and even troops, illustrating a multi-layered proxy network designed to sustain Russia’s war and bleed Western resources.25

China’s Lawfare in the South China Sea

“Lawfare” is the strategic use of legal processes and instruments to achieve operational or geopolitical objectives.69 China has masterfully employed lawfare in the South China Sea as a primary tool to assert its expansive territorial claims and challenge the existing international maritime order.

Challenging the International Order

China’s strategy is centered on enforcing its “nine-dash line” claim, which encompasses nearly the entire South China Sea. This claim was authoritatively invalidated in 2016 by an arbitral tribunal under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), a ruling that Beijing has rejected and ignored.69 China’s lawfare is a systematic effort to create a new legal reality that conforms to its territorial ambitions.

Tactics of Creeping Jurisdiction

Beijing’s lawfare tactics are methodical and multi-faceted, designed to create a state of perpetual contestation and gradually normalize its control:

  1. Domestic Legislation as International Law: China passes domestic laws that treat the international waters of the South China Sea as its own sovereign territory. For example, its 2021 Coast Guard Law authorizes its forces to use “all necessary means,” including lethal force, against foreign vessels in waters it claims, in direct contravention of UNCLOS.70
  2. Creating “Facts on the Water”: China has engaged in a massive campaign of land reclamation, building and militarizing artificial islands on submerged reefs and shoals. These outposts serve as forward operating bases for its military, coast guard, and maritime militia, allowing it to project power and physically enforce its claims.69
  3. Reinterpreting Legal Norms: China actively seeks to redefine long-standing principles of international law. It argues that the right to “freedom of navigation” applies only to commercial vessels and does not permit foreign military activities within its claimed Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ), a position contrary to the consensus interpretation of UNCLOS.70

This strategy of lawfare is not merely a legal or diplomatic maneuver; it is a foundational element of China’s gray zone strategy. By passing domestic laws that criminalize the lawful activities of other nations in international waters, China is attempting to create the legal and political pretext for future military action. This approach aims to reframe a potential act of aggression—such as firing on a Philippine or Vietnamese vessel—not as a violation of international law, but as a legitimate domestic law enforcement action within what it defines as its own jurisdiction. This calculated ambiguity is designed to paralyze the decision-making of adversaries and their allies, most notably the United States, thereby achieving a key objective of gray zone conflict.

Section VI: Strategic Assessment and Outlook

The preceding analysis demonstrates that the contemporary security environment is characterized by persistent, multi-domain competition in the gray zone. The United States, Russia, and China have each developed distinct doctrines and toolkits to navigate this new battlespace, with varying degrees of success and significant long-term consequences for the international order.

Comparative Analysis of National Strategies

The strategic approaches of the three major powers can be synthesized into a comparative framework that highlights their overarching goals and preferred methods across the key domains of conflict. The United States generally acts to preserve the existing international system from which it derives significant benefit, using its power for targeted enforcement and coercion. Russia, as a declining power with significant conventional limitations, acts as a disrupter, seeking to create chaos and exploit divisions to weaken its adversaries. China, as a rising and patient power, acts as a systemic revisionist, seeking to methodically build an alternative order and displace U.S. leadership over the long term.

Conflict DomainUnited States ApproachRussian ApproachChinese Approach
EconomicSystemic dominance (dollar, SWIFT), targeted sanctions, alliance-based trade pressure.Asymmetric coercion (energy), sanctions evasion, strategic pivot to China, weaponization of food/commodities.Systemic competition (BRI), supply chain dominance, technological self-sufficiency, targeted economic coercion.
CyberIntelligence gathering, offensive/defensive operations, alliance-based threat sharing.Disruption of critical infrastructure, sowing chaos, psychological impact, election interference.Industrial-scale espionage for economic/military gain, IP theft, strategic pre-positioning in critical networks (Volt Typhoon).
InformationPublic diplomacy (USAGM), countering disinformation, promoting democratic values.“Active Measures 2.0”: Exploiting and amplifying existing societal divisions, tactical disinformation.“Discourse Power”: Long-term narrative shaping, censorship, promoting authoritarian model, co-opting elites.
ProxySupport for state/non-state partners (e.g., Ukraine, Syrian opposition) to uphold international order.Direct intervention with proxies (Wagner) and state forces to prop up clients and challenge U.S. influence.Economic/military support to partners (e.g., Russia), avoiding direct military entanglement, using proxies for resource access.
LegalUpholding international law (e.g., FONOPs), use of legal frameworks for sanctions.Manipulation of legal norms, undermining international bodies, using legal pretexts for aggression.“Lawfare”: Using domestic law to rewrite international law, creating new “facts on the ground” to legitimize claims.

What Works, What Doesn’t, and Why

A critical assessment of these strategies reveals clear patterns of effectiveness and failure.

What Works:

  • Asymmetric and Low-Cost Tools: For Russia and China, gray zone tools like cyber operations, information warfare, and the use of proxies have proven highly effective. They impose significant strategic, economic, and political costs on the United States and its allies at a relatively low cost and risk to the aggressor.73 These methods are particularly potent because they are designed to exploit the inherent openness and legal constraints of democratic societies.
  • Incrementalism and Patience: China’s strategy of “creeping” aggression, particularly its lawfare and island-building campaign in the South China Sea, has been effective at changing the physical and strategic reality on the ground. By avoiding any single, dramatic action that would demand a forceful response, Beijing has incrementally advanced its position over years, achieving a significant strategic gain through a thousand small cuts.74
  • Targeted, Multilateral Coercion: For the United States, economic and diplomatic actions are most effective when they are targeted, multilateral, and leverage the collective weight of its alliance network. The initial shock of the coordinated financial sanctions against Russia demonstrated the immense power of this collective approach, even if its long-term coercive power has been blunted by Russian adaptation.19

What Doesn’t Work:

  • Broad, Unilateral Economic Pressure: The U.S.-China trade war demonstrated that broad, unilateral tariffs are a blunt instrument that often inflicts more economic pain on the imposing country than on the target, while failing to achieve its core strategic objectives and producing negative unintended consequences for the global trading system.12
  • A Purely Defensive Posture: A reactive and defensive strategy is insufficient to deter persistent gray zone aggression. Russia’s continued campaign of sabotage and subversion in Europe, despite heightened defensive measures, indicates that without the credible threat of proactive and costly consequences, adversaries will continue to operate in the gray zone with relative impunity.47
  • Building Compelling Alternative Narratives: While Russia is effective at disruptive information warfare and China is effective at censorship and control, both have largely failed to build a compelling, positive narrative that resonates with audiences in democratic nations. Their influence operations are most successful when they are parasitic on existing grievances rather than when they attempt to promote their own models.59

Recommendations for the United States

To compete more effectively in this new battlespace, the United States must adapt its strategic posture. The following recommendations are derived from the analysis in this report:

  1. Embrace Pervasive Competition: The U.S. national security apparatus must shift from a traditional crisis-response model to a posture of continuous, proactive competition across all domains. This requires institutional and cultural changes that recognize the gray zone as the primary arena of conflict.
  2. Strengthen Societal Resilience: The most effective defense against information warfare and foreign influence is a resilient society. This requires a national effort to enhance media literacy, secure critical election infrastructure, and address the deep-seated domestic social and political divisions that adversaries so effectively exploit.
  3. Integrate All Instruments of National Power: Gray zone threats are inherently multi-domain; the response must be as well. The U.S. must break down bureaucratic silos and develop a national strategy that seamlessly integrates economic, financial, intelligence, diplomatic, legal, and military tools to impose coordinated costs on adversaries.
  4. Leverage Alliances Asymmetrically: The U.S. alliance network remains its greatest asymmetric advantage. This network must be leveraged not just for conventional military deterrence, but for gray zone competition. This includes building coalitions for coordinated cyber defense, developing joint strategies for economic security and supply chain resilience, and crafting unified diplomatic and informational campaigns to counter authoritarian narratives.

Future Trajectory of Conflict

The trends identified in this report are likely to accelerate and intensify. The proliferation of advanced technologies, particularly artificial intelligence, will supercharge gray zone conflict. AI will enable the creation of hyper-personalized disinformation campaigns, deepfakes, and autonomous cyber weapons at a scale and speed that will overwhelm current defenses.58 The ongoing fragmentation of the global economic and technological landscape will create more clearly defined blocs, turning the economic domain into an even more central and contentious battlefield. The gray zone is not a passing phase of international relations. It is the new, enduring reality of great power competition, a permanent battlespace where ambiguity is the weapon, attribution is the prize, and the contest for influence is constant.



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An Analysis of the Evolution of Chinese Special Operations Forces

The modern Special Operations Forces (SOF) of the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) are not a recent invention but the culmination of a long and evolutionary process rooted in the PLA’s foundational identity. The force’s origins as a guerrilla army instilled a deep-seated appreciation for the principles of infiltration, small-unit autonomy, and asymmetric tactics, which serve as the conceptual bedrock for contemporary special operations.1 However, the formal establishment of dedicated SOF was not a product of proactive innovation. Instead, it was a reactive development, forged in the crucible of battlefield setbacks and catalyzed by the observation of foreign military revolutions. The journey from elite infantry scouts to specialized operators was driven by the PLA’s gradual and often painful recognition of the changing character of warfare.

The Role of Elite Reconnaissance Units (Zhenchabing) in Early PLA Doctrine

The direct lineage of PLA SOF can be traced to its elite reconnaissance units, known as zhenchabing (侦察兵).3 From the PLA’s inception through its major conflicts—the Chinese Civil War, the Korean War, and border clashes—these units were composed of the most capable soldiers in the conventional force. They were selected for their superior physical fitness, mental resilience, and tactical acumen, and were tasked with the most hazardous missions.5

Doctrinally, the primary function of the zhenchabing was to serve as the “eyes and ears” of their parent formation’s commander.6 Their core tasks involved penetrating enemy lines to gather intelligence on troop dispositions, unit identification, logistical nodes, and defensive fortifications. This intelligence was critical for commanders to formulate operational plans. However, their role frequently extended beyond passive surveillance. These units were often tasked with direct action missions, including raids on enemy command posts, sabotage of key infrastructure, and the capture of high-value personnel.4 This dual-mission profile of reconnaissance and direct action led to them being widely regarded within the PLA as “the special forces of conventional units”.6

The operational methodology of the zhenchabing—deep penetration, long-duration missions with minimal support, and a reliance on individual fieldcraft and small-unit cohesion—established a cultural and practical foundation that would later be inherited by the first generation of formal SOF. The ethos of the reconnaissance soldier, emphasizing toughness, self-reliance, and the ability to operate in ambiguous and hostile environments, became the defining characteristic of the PLA’s nascent special operations capability.

Lessons from Conflict: The Sino-Vietnamese War as a Catalyst for Change

The 1979 Sino-Vietnamese War served as a profound strategic shock for the PLA and a critical catalyst for military modernization.8 The PLA, still largely configured for the “People’s War” doctrine of massed infantry assaults, suffered significant casualties against the battle-hardened and tactically adept People’s Army of Vietnam (PAVN).10 The conflict starkly revealed the deficiencies in the PLA’s command and control, logistics, combined arms coordination, and individual soldier equipment.

During this conflict, PLA reconnaissance units were deployed extensively, conducting deep-penetration missions behind Vietnamese lines to disrupt supply lines and gather intelligence.12 These operations highlighted the value of such specialized troops but also exposed the inadequacy of their equipment. In response to operational needs, reconnaissance units were among the first to receive specialized gear, including rudimentary camouflage uniforms. Ironically, due to China’s prior military aid to Vietnam, these uniforms were sometimes produced from the same fabric as those worn by PAVN reconnaissance troops, leading to dangerous instances of battlefield confusion.13

The war also served as a harsh testing ground for PLA small arms. The standard-issue Type 63 assault rifle, an ambitious but flawed attempt to combine the features of the SKS carbine and the AK-47, proved to be a failure in the field. Issues with quality control during mass production led to poor accuracy and reliability, forcing the PLA to withdraw it from service.14 This necessitated the rapid development of a “stopgap” weapon, the Type 81 assault rifle. The Type 81, a more robust and refined design, saw its first combat use in the latter stages of the border conflicts and proved to be a far more effective weapon.17 Specialized units also employed the Type 79 submachine gun for its compact size, though it too suffered from reliability issues in the harsh jungle environment.12

The cumulative lessons from Vietnam were clear: the PLA’s reliance on mass was no longer a substitute for quality, training, and technology. The conflict underscored the urgent need for smaller, more professional, and better-equipped units capable of executing complex missions with precision. This experience directly informed the PLA’s growing interest in Western special operations concepts throughout the 1980s and laid the groundwork for the formal establishment of its own SOF.4

The Doctrinal Shift: From “People’s War” to “Local Wars”

The operational lessons of the 1970s and 1980s, combined with a changing geopolitical landscape, prompted a fundamental re-evaluation of the PLA’s grand strategy. Under the leadership of Deng Xiaoping, the Central Military Commission (CMC) officially shifted the PLA’s guiding military doctrine in the mid-1980s. The focus moved away from preparing for an all-out, attritional “People’s War” against a potential Soviet invasion and toward the concept of fighting and winning “limited, local wars under modern conditions” (在高技术条件下打一场局部战争).19

This new doctrine acknowledged that future conflicts were unlikely to be total wars fought for national survival on Chinese soil. Instead, they were envisioned as short, intense, high-technology conflicts fought on China’s periphery to secure national interests.19 PLA planners recognized that the large, infantry-heavy formations of the past were ill-suited for this new paradigm, which demanded speed, precision, and rapid reaction capabilities.19 This doctrinal transformation was the single most important prerequisite for the birth of modern PLA SOF, as it created the strategic requirement and institutional justification for a new type of force—one that could provide the rapid, precise, and asymmetric capabilities needed to prevail in future “local wars.”

II. The Birth of Modern SOF: Establishment and Expansion (1988-2015)

The doctrinal shift of the mid-1980s created the strategic imperative for special operations forces, but the actual formation of these units was a deliberate, and later accelerated, process. It began with a single experimental unit, which served as a laboratory for developing tactics and training. The process was dramatically expedited by the 1991 Gulf War, which provided a shocking demonstration of the effectiveness of modern, high-technology warfare and the pivotal role of SOF within it. This period saw the rapid expansion of SOF from a niche army concept to a multi-service capability, with distinct units being established within the Navy, Air Force, and the paramilitary People’s Armed Police to address both external and internal security threats.

The First Unit: Guangzhou Military Region’s “South China Sword” (1988)

In 1988, the PLA took the first concrete step in creating a modern special operations capability by establishing its first official “special-mission rapid reaction unit” within the Guangzhou Military Region.21 This unit, which became known as the “South China Sword” (华南之剑) or “Sharp Sword of Southern China” (南国利剑), was the direct descendant of the elite reconnaissance groups that had proven their value in the preceding decades.22

The choice of the Guangzhou Military Region was significant. As one of China’s most economically developed regions and a key area for Deng Xiaoping’s “Reform and Opening Up” policy, the command had access to a higher quality pool of recruits and better technological resources than the more isolated inland regions.22 This allowed the “South China Sword” to serve as a testbed for the entire PLA. It became the incubator for developing the core doctrine, training methodologies, and operational concepts that would be disseminated throughout the force as other SOF units were established. Its initial missions were an evolution of the traditional reconnaissance role, focusing on special reconnaissance, direct action, and rapid response to regional contingencies.21

The Gulf War Shock: Accelerating the Creation of a Modern SOF Capability (1991-2000s)

If the Sino-Vietnamese War was a wake-up call, the 1991 Persian Gulf War was a seismic shock to the PLA’s strategic leadership. PLA observers watched in awe as a U.S.-led coalition dismantled the world’s fourth-largest army in a matter of weeks through the integrated use of precision-guided munitions, information dominance, and highly effective special operations forces.11 The performance of Coalition SOF, conducting deep reconnaissance, laser-designating targets for airstrikes, and hunting for Scud missile launchers far behind Iraqi lines, provided a powerful and undeniable demonstration of their role as a force multiplier in modern warfare.

This event was the primary catalyst that accelerated the PLA’s modernization and solidified the importance of SOF within its new strategic framework. The doctrinal concept of fighting “local wars under modern conditions” was rapidly updated to fighting “local wars under high-technology conditions” (and later, “informatized conditions”).20 In the wake of the Gulf War, the PLA embarked on a concerted, force-wide effort to establish SOF units. What had begun with a single experimental unit in 1988 became a military-wide priority. By the late 1990s, this expansion had progressed to the point where each of the PLA’s seven Military Regions commanded its own Army SOF or special reconnaissance group (dadui), each with a strength of approximately 1,000 personnel.24

Expansion Across the Services

The recognition of SOF’s importance was not confined to the ground forces. Throughout the late 1990s and 2000s, each of the PLA’s service branches, as well as the People’s Armed Police, established their own distinct special operations capabilities tailored to their specific domains and mission sets. This development followed a bifurcated path, with PLA units focusing on external military threats and PAP units focusing on internal security.

  • PLA Navy Marine Corps (PLANMC): The PLANMC’s premier SOF unit, the “Jiaolong Commandos” (蛟龙突击队, or “Sea Dragons”), was formally established in 2002, originating as the PLAN Special Operations Battalion.29 Tasked with maritime special operations including amphibious reconnaissance, direct action, combat diving, and Visit, Board, Search, and Seizure (VBSS), the Jiaolong Commandos gained international prominence with their first major public deployment in December 2008 as part of China’s inaugural anti-piracy task force in the Gulf of Aden.27
  • PLA Air Force Airborne Corps (PLAAFAC): The PLA’s airborne forces, organized under the 15th Airborne Corps, have long been considered a rapid reaction force, a designation made official in 1992.30 However, its dedicated SOF component, a unit known as the “Thunder Gods” (雷神), was not formally established until September 30, 2011.31 This unit specializes in airborne insertion, deep reconnaissance, and direct action missions in support of airborne campaigns.
  • PLA Rocket Force (PLARF): The branch responsible for China’s conventional and nuclear missile arsenal, the PLARF (formerly the Second Artillery Force), also created its own special forces. This regiment-sized unit, known as “Sharp Blade” (利刃), is primarily tasked with missions critical to the PLARF’s strategic role, including reconnaissance of potential launch sites, security for high-value missile assets, and terminal guidance for precision strikes.19
  • People’s Armed Police (PAP): Operating parallel to the PLA, the PAP is responsible for internal security, law enforcement, and counter-terrorism. It established its elite units well before the PLA’s main SOF expansion. The “Falcon Commando” (猎鹰突击队) was founded in 1982 as a specialized anti-hijacking unit, making it the PRC’s first modern special police force.32 Following the rise of global terrorism concerns after 9/11, the PAP established a second national-level counter-terrorism force, the “Snow Leopard Commando” (雪豹突击队), in December 2002.32 These units are explicitly focused on domestic hostage rescue, counter-terrorism, and other high-risk law enforcement missions.

This period of expansion solidified the role of special operations within China’s armed forces. The PLA’s approach was to develop SOF as a critical “force multiplier,” a high-precision tool designed not for independent strategic campaigns of unconventional warfare, but to be integrated into larger conventional operations to create decisive advantages on the battlefield.21

III. The Modern Force: Structure and Capabilities in the Theater Command Era (2015-Present)

The most transformative event in the modern history of the People’s Liberation Army began in late 2015 with the announcement of a sweeping series of military reforms under Chairman Xi Jinping. This reorganization was the most significant since the founding of the PRC, aimed at breaking down entrenched ground-force dominance, eliminating inter-service rivalries, and forging a military truly capable of conducting integrated joint operations in a high-tech, “informatized” environment.34 For the PLA’s Special Operations Forces, these reforms fundamentally altered their command structure, organizational size, and role within the broader warfighting system, elevating them from service-specific assets to key components of the PLA’s joint operational architecture.

Impact of the 2015 Military Reforms

The centerpiece of the 2015 reforms was the dissolution of the seven geographically-based, army-dominated Military Regions. In their place, the PLA established five joint Theater Commands (战区): the Eastern, Southern, Western, Northern, and Central Theater Commands.35 This restructuring was guided by a new central principle of command: “the CMC manages, the theater commands focus on warfighting, and the services focus on building [the forces]” (军委管总、战区主战、军种主建).35

This new philosophy fundamentally rewired the PLA’s command and control pathways. Previously, SOF units were largely under the administrative and operational control of their parent service and Military Region. Under the new system, the service headquarters (Army, Navy, Air Force, etc.) are primarily responsible for manning, training, and equipping their forces. However, operational command of these forces in a conflict is now vested in the joint Theater Commander.35 This means that SOF brigades are now assets to be employed by the Theater Commander as part of a unified, multi-service campaign plan, rather than as stovepiped service-specific units. The goal was to enable true integrated joint operations, where a PLAGF SOF team could, for example, be inserted by a PLAAF helicopter to designate a target for a PLAN vessel or a PLARF missile strike, all under the unified command of a single theater headquarters.26

In parallel with this command structure overhaul, the reforms also drove a significant organizational expansion. Most of the existing army SOF groups (dadui) and regiments were upgraded and expanded into full special operations brigades, typically comprising 2,000 to 3,000 personnel.24 This “brigadization” was part of a PLA-wide shift away from large, unwieldy divisions toward smaller, more agile, and modular combined-arms brigades (CA-BDEs).34 This indicates that SOF are now viewed not just as an elite niche capability, but as a core component of the PLA’s primary warfighting formations, with each of the PLA’s 13 Group Armies now having its own organic SOF brigade.19 While this structure is modeled on Western joint command systems, the PLA’s underlying command philosophy remains highly centralized, delegating less authority to junior leaders than is common in Western SOF and keeping these potent forces under the tight control of the theater commander.19

Current Order of Battle

The post-2015 reforms have resulted in a formidable and standardized SOF structure across the PLA and PAP. The brigade has become the standard unit of organization, providing a significant and scalable capability to each Theater Command and service branch.

Service BranchTheater Command / Command ElementParent FormationUnit DesignationUnit Nickname (Cognomen)Primary Mission Profile
PLAGFEastern Theater Command71st Group ArmySpecial Operations Brigade 71“Sharks” (海鲨)Ground DA/SR, Amphibious Operations
Eastern Theater Command72nd Group ArmySpecial Operations Brigade 72“Thunderbolts” (霹雳)Ground DA/SR, Urban Operations
Eastern Theater Command73rd Group ArmySpecial Operations Brigade 73“Flying Dragons of the East Sea” (东海飞龙)Ground DA/SR, Amphibious/Island Assault
Southern Theater Command74th Group ArmySpecial Operations Brigade 74“Southern Sharp Swords” (南国利剑)Ground DA/SR, Maritime/Jungle Operations
Southern Theater Command75th Group ArmySpecial Operations Brigade 75“Jungle Tigers” (丛林猛虎)Ground DA/SR, Jungle/Mountain Warfare
Western Theater Command76th Group ArmySpecial Operations Brigade 76“Snowy Maples” (雪枫) / “Sky Wolf Commandos” (天狼突击队)Ground DA/SR, Desert/High-Altitude Warfare
Western Theater Command77th Group ArmySpecial Operations Brigade 77“Southwest Cheetahs” (西南猎豹)Ground DA/SR, Mountain/High-Altitude Warfare
Northern Theater Command78th Group ArmySpecial Operations Brigade 78“Blood Wolves” (血狼)Ground DA/SR, Cold Weather/Forest Warfare
Northern Theater Command79th Group ArmySpecial Operations Brigade 79“Amur Tigers” (雄狮/东北虎)Ground DA/SR, Cold Weather/Forest Warfare
Northern Theater Command80th Group ArmySpecial Operations Brigade 80“Eagles” (雄鹰)Ground DA/SR, Amphibious Operations
Central Theater Command81st Group ArmySpecial Operations Brigade 81“Cheetahs” (猎豹)Ground DA/SR, Strategic Reserve
Central Theater Command82nd Group ArmySpecial Operations Brigade 82“Arrow” (响箭)Ground DA/SR, Strategic Reserve, Capital Defense
Central Theater Command83rd Group ArmySpecial Operations Brigade 83“Central Plains Tigers” (中原猛虎)Ground DA/SR, Strategic Reserve
Western Theater CommandXinjiang Military DistrictSpecial Operations Brigade 84“Kunlun Blade” (昆仑利刃)Counter-Terrorism, High-Altitude/Desert Warfare
Western Theater CommandTibet Military DistrictSpecial Operations Brigade 85“Highland Snow Leopards” (高原雪豹)High-Altitude Mountain Warfare
PLANMCSouthern Theater CommandPLA Navy7th Marine Brigade“Jiaolong Commandos” (蛟龙突击队)Maritime Interdiction, Amphibious Recon, VBSS
PLAAFAC(Strategic Reserve)PLA Air ForceSpecial Operations Brigade“Thunder Gods” (雷神)Airborne Insertion, Strategic Raids, Airfield Seizure
PLARF(Strategic Reserve)PLA Rocket ForceSpecial Operations Regiment“Sharp Blade” (利刃)Strategic Asset Security, Target Reconnaissance
PAP(Internal Security)1st Mobile CorpsSpecial Operations Detachment 1“Falcon Commando” (猎鹰突击队)National-Level CT, Anti-Hijacking, Hostage Rescue
(Internal Security)2nd Mobile CorpsSpecial Operations Detachment 1“Snow Leopard Commando” (雪豹突击队)National-Level CT, Urban Operations, Hostage Rescue
(Internal Security)Xinjiang PAP CorpsMountain Counter-Terrorism Detachment“Mountain Eagle Commando” (山鹰突击队)National-Level CT, Mountain/High-Altitude CT

Note: DA/SR refers to Direct Action/Special Reconnaissance. Unit nicknames and specific mission profiles are based on open-source reporting and official media portrayals.19

IV. Doctrinal and Tactical Evolution: From Guerrilla Roots to System-of-Systems Warfare

The evolution of PLA SOF doctrine and tactics mirrors the force’s broader technological and organizational transformation. Initial concepts were a direct extension of the traditional zhenchabing role, emphasizing infiltration and direct action with limited technological support. Over the past two decades, this has evolved into a sophisticated doctrine that positions SOF as a critical node within a complex, networked “system of systems.” This evolution is reflected in their expanding mission set, the increasing complexity of their training, and their formal integration into the PLA’s joint operations framework.

Mission Set Progression

The tasks assigned to PLA SOF have expanded significantly since their inception. In the 1990s, their missions were primarily an enhancement of the classic reconnaissance role: deep penetration for special reconnaissance, raids on high-value targets, sabotage of enemy infrastructure, and harassment of rear-echelon forces to disrupt enemy operations.24

By the 2000s and into the present day, this mission set has broadened to align with the PLA’s growing capabilities and strategic concerns. It now explicitly includes hostage rescue, counter-terrorism, and “decapitation” strikes against enemy political and military leadership.21 Perhaps the most significant evolution has been their integration into the PLA’s long-range precision strike complex. A primary role for SOF in a modern conflict is to act as forward sensors for the PLA Rocket Force and Air Force. Small, clandestine teams are tasked with infiltrating enemy territory to locate, identify, and provide terminal guidance for conventional ballistic and cruise missile strikes against critical targets.45 Furthermore, their role has expanded into the non-kinetic realm of information warfare. PLA texts describe SOF being tasked with seizing or destroying enemy media outlets and using captured facilities or prepositioned transmitters to broadcast propaganda, aiming to “disintegrate enemy resolve” and support broader psychological warfare campaigns.11

Training and Selection

To create operators capable of executing these demanding missions, the PLA has developed an exceptionally rigorous selection and training pipeline. The selection process has a high attrition rate, with some reports suggesting that 50% to 90% of volunteers fail to complete the initial training program.47

The training regimen is notoriously arduous, designed to push soldiers to their absolute physical and psychological limits. It incorporates elements common to Western SOF training, such as “Hell Week” style endurance tests where trainees must survive for days in the field on minimal sleep and rations while completing grueling physical tasks.48 Training also includes resistance to interrogation, preparing soldiers to withstand capture and exploitation.27 The curriculum is comprehensive, covering advanced individual combat skills, small-unit tactics, and proficiency with a wide array of both domestic and foreign weapon systems.44 A core competency for all PLA SOF is “triphibious” insertion—the ability to deploy by land, sea (including subsurface), and air—which is practiced extensively.24

Benchmarking through International Competitions

In the absence of modern combat experience since the Sino-Vietnamese border conflicts, the PLA has systematically used international military competitions as a substitute for battlefield validation and as a tool for military diplomacy. Since the early 2000s, teams from PLA and PAP special forces have become dominant fixtures at these events.27

They have consistently achieved top rankings at the Annual Warrior Competition in Jordan, an event considered the “Olympics” of special forces.19 They have also excelled at more specialized events, such as sniper competitions in Slovakia and Hungary and reconnaissance contests in Kazakhstan.19 While success in these competitions is a significant source of national and unit pride, heavily promoted by state media, their primary value is strategic. These events allow the PLA to benchmark its soldiers’ skills, tactics, and equipment against international peers, identify deficiencies, and absorb best practices in a highly competitive, if non-lethal, environment. This systematic approach represents a deliberate strategy to build proficiency and project an image of elite capability, mitigating a critical experience gap with Western counterparts.

Integration into Joint Operations

The ultimate goal of the PLA’s modernization is to achieve victory in “informatized” and, in the future, “intelligentized” warfare. Doctrinally, this is to be accomplished through “Integrated Joint Operations” (IJO), where effects from all services and domains are seamlessly combined to overwhelm an adversary.26 Within this framework, special operations are not seen as an independent activity but as a vital link in a “system of systems,” integrated with information warfare, firepower assault, maneuver, and psychological warfare.21

This doctrinal integration is put into practice through a series of large-scale joint training exercises. Exercises codenamed “Sharp Sword” (利刃) and “Cooperation” (合作) are specifically designed to test the joint command structures of the Theater Commands and practice the integration of SOF with conventional land, sea, and air forces.55 In these scenarios, SOF units are frequently tasked with missions that directly enable the main force, such as conducting reconnaissance for an amphibious landing, providing terminal guidance for artillery barrages, or seizing a critical bridge or airfield immediately prior to the arrival of conventional troops.44 This doctrinal emphasis on a supporting role, combined with their large brigade-level organization, indicates that the PLA’s primary conception of its SOF is as elite shock troops—akin to the U.S. Army Rangers—rather than as a force for clandestine, strategic-level unconventional warfare. They are the sharpest tip of the conventional spear, not a separate strategic instrument.

V. Armament and Technology: An Engineering Analysis of SOF Weaponry and Equipment

The evolution of small arms and individual equipment within the PLA’s special operations community provides a clear technical narrative of the force’s broader modernization. This progression can be analyzed in three distinct eras, moving from reliable but technologically simple Soviet-inspired systems to a proprietary small-caliber family of weapons, and culminating in the current generation of modular, networked systems designed for the “informatized” battlefield. This technological trajectory reflects a deliberate shift in design philosophy, increasingly prioritizing operator ergonomics, modularity, and systems integration in a manner that mirrors global SOF trends.

Era 1 (1970s-1980s): The Reconnaissance Soldier’s Kit

The equipment of the PLA’s elite zhenchabing during and after the Sino-Vietnamese War was pragmatic and robust, reflecting a design philosophy that prioritized reliability in harsh conditions over advanced features.

  • Primary Rifle: The Type 81 assault rifle, chambered in 7.62x39mm, was the workhorse of this era. Its key technical departure from the AK-47 platform was the use of a short-stroke gas piston system, in contrast to the AK’s long-stroke piston. This design change resulted in a smoother recoil impulse and reduced bolt carrier mass, contributing to significantly better practical accuracy than the Type 56 (AK-47 clone) it supplemented.17 The Type 81-1 variant, featuring a side-folding stock, was developed for paratroopers and other specialized units requiring a more compact weapon.18
  • Specialized Weapons: For close-quarters combat and infiltration, reconnaissance troops were issued the Type 79 submachine gun. A lightweight, stamped-steel weapon chambered in the high-velocity 7.62x25mm Tokarev cartridge, it was one of the first indigenous Chinese SMG designs. It utilized a gas-operated, rotating closed-bolt action, a complex mechanism for a submachine gun, intended to improve accuracy. However, it suffered from an excessively high rate of fire (around 1000 rpm) and reliability problems, particularly in jungle environments, and was eventually phased out of frontline military service.12 For clandestine operations requiring maximum sound suppression, units used the
    Type 67 integrally suppressed pistol. This weapon fired a proprietary 7.62x17mm subsonic cartridge and featured a slide-lock mechanism that allowed the operator to manually cycle the action for single shots, preventing any noise from the reciprocating slide and achieving maximum quietness.61

Era 2 (1990s-2010s): The 5.8mm Revolution

The 1990s marked a pivotal moment in Chinese small arms development with the introduction of an entirely new, indigenous cartridge and a family of weapons designed around it. This was a clear statement of China’s intent to break from Soviet-caliber dependency and develop a system tailored to its own doctrinal requirements.

  • The New Caliber: The PLA introduced the 5.8x42mm DBP87 cartridge, a small-caliber, high-velocity round intended to replace both the 7.62x39mm intermediate and 7.62x54mmR full-power cartridges in infantry use. Chinese sources claim the 5.8mm round possesses a flatter trajectory and superior penetration against body armor compared to both the NATO 5.56x45mm and the Russian 5.45x39mm rounds.65
  • Primary Rifle: The QBZ-95 (Type 95) assault rifle became the iconic weapon of this new generation. Its bullpup configuration, placing the action and magazine behind the trigger group, allowed for a full-length barrel in a compact overall package, a feature deemed advantageous for mechanized infantry, paratroopers, and special forces. First seen in public with the PLA Hong Kong Garrison in 1997, it was widely issued to SOF units.65 The later
    QBZ-95-1 variant addressed some of the original’s ergonomic shortcomings and added a small optics rail on the carrying handle. Customized versions with aftermarket rails and accessories were often seen in the hands of SOF operators, foreshadowing a demand for greater modularity.65
  • Designated Marksman Rifle (DMR): To provide precision fire at the squad level, the PLA adopted the QBU-88 (Type 88), the first dedicated DMR in its history. Also a bullpup chambered in 5.8x42mm, it was designed to fire a heavier, more accurate loading of the cartridge and was typically issued with a 3-9x magnified optic. Adopted in 1997, it gave SOF squads an organic capability to engage point targets beyond the effective range of their standard assault rifles.69
  • Sidearm: The standard sidearm became the QSZ-92 (Type 92) semi-automatic pistol. Uniquely, it was developed in two calibers for different roles. The military version, QSZ-92-5.8, is chambered in 5.8x21mm, a high-velocity, bottlenecked cartridge designed for armor penetration, and features a 20-round double-stack magazine. The police version, QSZ-92-9, is chambered in the ubiquitous 9x19mm Parabellum with a 15-round magazine.72

Era 3 (Present): The Modular and Integrated Generation

The current generation of PLA SOF equipment reflects a profound philosophical shift. Learning from two decades of experience with the QBZ-95 and observing global trends in small arms design, the PLA has moved away from a closed, proprietary system toward one that emphasizes modularity, ergonomics, and seamless integration with digital systems.

  • Primary Rifle: The QBZ-191 assault rifle represents a decisive return to a conventional rifle layout. This change addresses the inherent ergonomic limitations of the QBZ-95 bullpup, such as the awkward safety selector and difficulty for left-handed shooters. The QBZ-191 features a full-length Picatinny rail along the top of the receiver, an adjustable telescoping stock, and ambidextrous controls, allowing for a high degree of customization with various optics, lights, and lasers—a critical requirement for modern SOF.80 The weapon is being fielded as a complete family, including a standard 14.5-inch barrel rifle, a shorter carbine variant (
    QBZ-192), and a DMR variant (QBU-191), allowing units to tailor the weapon to the mission. True to form, SOF and other elite units are the first to receive the new rifle system.80
  • Precision Sniper Systems: The PLA has now fully embraced Western-style precision sniper systems. SOF snipers are no longer limited to semi-automatic DMRs. They are now equipped with high-precision, bolt-action rifles like the CS/LR4 (chambered in 7.62x51mm NATO) and its more advanced successors, which offer sub-MOA accuracy.85 For anti-materiel and extreme long-range engagements, units employ heavy semi-automatic rifles like the
    QBU-10, chambered in the powerful 12.7x108mm cartridge.49
Era / TimeframeWeapon TypeDesignationCartridgeAction TypeYear IntroducedKey Engineering/Tactical Characteristics
Era 1 (1970s-1980s)Assault RifleType 81-17.62×39mmShort-stroke gas piston, rotating bolt1981Improved accuracy and reduced recoil over AK platform; folding stock for compactness. 17
Submachine GunType 797.62×25mm TokarevGas-operated, rotating bolt1979Lightweight and compact for CQC; high rate of fire but suffered reliability issues. 12
Suppressed WeaponType 67 Pistol7.62×17mm Type 64Blowback, semi-auto w/ slide lock1967Integrally suppressed with manual slide-lock for maximum quietness. 61
Era 2 (1990s-2010s)Assault RifleQBZ-955.8×42mm DBP87Short-stroke gas piston, rotating bolt1995Compact bullpup design; proprietary small-caliber, high-velocity ammunition. 65
DMRQBU-885.8×42mm DBP87Short-stroke gas piston, rotating bolt1997Bullpup DMR for squad-level precision fire; fires heavier 5.8mm loading. 69
SidearmQSZ-92-5.85.8×21mm DAP92Short recoil, rotating barrel lock1998High-capacity (20 rds) military version with armor-piercing ammunition. 74
Era 3 (Present)Assault RifleQBZ-1915.8×42mm DBP191Short-stroke gas piston, rotating bolt2019Conventional layout with full-length Picatinny rail, adjustable stock, improved ergonomics. 80
Sniper RifleCS/LR47.62×51mm NATOBolt-action~2012High-precision bolt-action system for dedicated sniper role; sub-MOA accuracy. 85
Anti-Materiel RifleQBU-1012.7×108mmGas-operated, semi-auto~2010Semi-automatic rifle for engaging light vehicles, sensors, and other hard targets. 86

The Integrated Soldier Combat System

The culmination of this technological evolution is the PLA’s new Integrated Soldier Combat System (单兵综合作战系统), which is being fielded concurrently with the QBZ-191 rifle family. This system is designed to transform the individual soldier from a simple rifleman into a networked sensor and shooter, fully integrated into the PLA’s “informatized” command and control architecture.91

  • Helmet: The QGF-11 combat helmet is a modern, high-cut design made from advanced composite materials. It features an advanced “OPS-Core” style suspension system with a dial for precise fitting, ensuring stability when mounting accessories. The helmet is equipped with side rails and a front shroud for the seamless integration of night vision goggles, communication headsets, tactical lights, and video cameras that can transmit a soldier’s point-of-view back to command centers.75
  • Body Armor: The Type 19 Individual Carrying System is a modular plate carrier that replaces older, less adaptable vests. It features Kevlar lining and pockets for hard armor plates, providing protection against rifle threats. The system is covered in the new “Xingkong” (星空, or “Starry Sky”) family of digital camouflage patterns and includes a full suite of modular pouches for ammunition and equipment.75 A 2020 PLA procurement order for nearly 1.4 million sets of body armor plates signaled a commitment to making effective personal protection a standard-issue item for the entire ground force, not just elite units.96
  • Communications and C2: The system’s core is its digital component. Each operator is equipped with an individual soldier radio for voice and data transmission within the squad. This is linked to a chest- or wrist-mounted terminal, a ruggedized tablet-like device that displays a digital map with real-time position data for the operator and their teammates, fed by the Beidou satellite navigation system. This terminal can receive and display orders, intelligence updates, and imagery from command, giving the individual soldier unprecedented situational awareness. Conversely, it allows commanders to track the precise location and status of every soldier on the battlefield in real-time, enabling a highly centralized form of command and control.75 This heavy reliance on networked technology, however, also introduces a potential vulnerability to sophisticated electronic warfare or cyber-attack.

VI. Future Trajectory: The Intelligentized Operator in Multi-Domain Conflict

The future development of the People’s Liberation Army’s Special Operations Forces is inextricably linked to the PLA’s overarching strategic goal of becoming a “world-class” military capable of fighting and winning “intelligentized wars” (智能化战争) by mid-century.99 For PLA SOF, this means evolving beyond their current role as elite “informatized” units and becoming the vanguard of a new form of warfare characterized by the seamless fusion of human operators, artificial intelligence, and autonomous systems across multiple domains. Their future trajectory will be defined by their integration with unmanned platforms, their symbiotic relationship with the PLA’s new information-centric military branches, and their expanding role in protecting China’s global interests.

The Human-Machine Interface: Integration with Unmanned Systems

PLA doctrine explicitly anticipates that future conflicts will be increasingly “unmanned, intangible, and silent”.101 SOF, with their emphasis on small, technologically adept teams, are the natural pioneers for integrating unmanned systems at the tactical edge.

  • Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (UAVs): PLA SOF have already integrated small, tactical UAVs for reconnaissance and target acquisition missions.24 The future evolution of this capability will involve SOF operators not just receiving data from drones, but actively controlling them. This includes directing larger, armed UAVs for close air support, acting as forward controllers for “loyal wingman” type unmanned combat aerial vehicles (UCAVs) operating in conjunction with manned aircraft, and potentially deploying and directing autonomous drone swarms for reconnaissance or saturation attacks.102
  • Unmanned Ground Vehicles (UGVs): The PLA is actively developing a range of UGVs for logistics, reconnaissance, and direct-fire support roles. The indigenously developed “Lynx” (山猫) family of all-terrain vehicles, widely used by SOF, includes variants that can be remotely operated.104 This provides SOF teams with the ability to conduct “unmanned reconnaissance-in-force,” sending an armed robotic platform to probe enemy defenses, breach obstacles, or provide covering fire, all while the human operators remain in a secure position.105

The Information Domain: The Symbiotic Relationship with the Information Support Force

Perhaps the most significant development shaping the future of PLA SOF was the April 2024 reorganization of the Strategic Support Force (SSF). The SSF, created in 2015, centralized the PLA’s space, cyber, electronic warfare, and psychological warfare capabilities.106 Its dissolution and replacement by three new, more specialized arms—the Aerospace Force, the Cyberspace Force, and the Information Support Force (ISF)—represents a refinement of the PLA’s approach to multi-domain warfare.108

The ISF is now the PLA’s core strategic branch responsible for building, maintaining, and operating the network information systems that underpin all joint operations.110 This creates a direct, symbiotic relationship with SOF. In future conflicts, SOF will act as the premier forward sensors and kinetic effectors for the ISF. A SOF team, having infiltrated enemy territory, can provide the precise, on-the-ground intelligence needed for the ISF to execute a targeted cyber-attack against an enemy command node. Conversely, the ISF can provide direct support to a SOF mission by jamming enemy communications, disabling sensor grids, or conducting psychological operations through social media and broadcast networks to create confusion and deception that facilitates the SOF team’s success.107 This formalizes the integration of kinetic and non-kinetic effects, making SOF a key enabler for victory in the information domain.

From Regional Contingency to Global Projection

While the PLA’s primary modernization drivers remain regional contingencies, particularly a potential conflict over Taiwan or in the South China Sea, China’s expanding global economic and political interests are creating new requirements for military power projection.114 PLA SOF, particularly the PLANMC’s Jiaolong Commandos, are at the forefront of this shift.

The PLANMC is being explicitly designed and trained as an expeditionary force capable of operating far from mainland China to protect the country’s “overseas interests”.115 Their operational experience in anti-piracy missions in the Gulf of Aden and non-combatant evacuation operations in Yemen and Sudan demonstrates a growing capability for global deployment.29 As China’s global footprint continues to expand, potentially including more overseas military bases, PLA SOF will increasingly be called upon to conduct a wider range of missions abroad. These could include counter-terrorism operations to protect Chinese nationals, security for Belt and Road Initiative projects, and “gray zone” activities that fall below the threshold of conventional warfare.116

Concluding Assessment: Strengths, Challenges, and Implications

The evolution of the PLA’s special operations forces from humble reconnaissance scouts to technologically advanced, joint-capable brigades has been remarkable in its speed and scope. They represent the cutting edge of the PLA’s broader military modernization and provide the Chinese Communist Party with a potent and flexible tool of national power.

  • Strengths: PLA SOF are composed of highly disciplined, physically elite, and politically reliable soldiers. They are prioritized for the PLA’s most advanced individual weaponry and equipment, including the new Integrated Soldier Combat System. As a “new type” of combat force, they receive significant funding and political support from the highest levels of the CMC. The 2015 reforms have organizationally integrated them into a joint warfighting structure, theoretically enabling them to draw upon the full might of the PLA’s theater-level assets.
  • Challenges: The most significant weakness of PLA SOF is their profound lack of modern combat experience. Unlike their Western counterparts, who have been engaged in continuous combat operations for over two decades, the PLA’s last major conflict ended in the 1980s.27 Their rigid, top-down command culture may also stifle the initiative and adaptability at the small-unit level that is the hallmark of effective special operations.27 Finally, while their individual equipment is becoming world-class, they still lack the dedicated strategic airlift, specialized aviation support (like the U.S. 160th SOAR), and robust global logistics infrastructure that enable true long-range, long-duration special operations.21 Their increasing reliance on complex information networks also presents a critical vulnerability that a peer adversary with advanced EW and cyber capabilities could exploit.
  • Strategic Implications: The continued growth, professionalization, and technological advancement of Chinese SOF present a formidable capability for both regional conflict and global power projection. In a regional scenario, they are trained to be a decisive factor in the opening hours of a conflict, tasked with paralyzing an adversary’s command and control, disabling air defenses, and paving the way for a main assault. Globally, they provide Beijing with a scalable and deniable option for protecting its interests abroad. The evolution of these forces is a clear indicator of the PLA’s strategic ambitions, and their future development will serve as a key barometer of China’s progress toward its goal of becoming a world-class military power.


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Small Arms of the People’s Republic of China: A Technical and Strategic Assessment

The People’s Liberation Army (PLA) of the People’s Republic of China is currently executing the most comprehensive and technologically ambitious small arms modernization program in its history. This transformation is centered on the system-wide adoption of the QBZ-191 modular weapon family, a development that signifies a profound strategic and doctrinal evolution. The prevailing trend is a decisive pivot away from the isolated, proprietary, and ergonomically challenged designs of the past, most notably the bullpup QBZ-95 family. In its place, the PLA is embracing a design philosophy rooted in modularity, superior ergonomics, and the seamless integration of advanced electro-optics and accessories, aligning Chinese infantry weapons with global design paradigms for the first time.

This report provides a detailed technical and strategic assessment of the small arms currently in service across all branches of China’s armed forces, including the PLA Ground Force (PLAGF), Navy (PLAN), Air Force (PLAAF), the paramilitary People’s Armed Police (PAP), and the China Coast Guard (CCG). The analysis indicates that the current modernization is far more than a simple equipment upgrade. It is a direct reflection of a deeper doctrinal shift towards information-centric, combined-arms warfare, where the individual soldier is a networked sensor and shooter. The new generation of weapons is engineered to enhance the lethality, tactical flexibility, and operational sustainability of small units, empowering them to fight and win on a complex, multi-domain battlefield.

While the new QBZ-191 system is being prioritized for frontline combat units, a vast inventory of legacy weapons, including millions of QBZ-95 family rifles and a significant reserve of Type 81 rifles, remains in service. This demonstrates a pragmatic, tiered, and cost-conscious approach to modernization. Equipment is cascaded from elite units to second-line troops, reserves, and internal security forces, maximizing the combat effectiveness of the entire force structure within realistic fiscal and logistical constraints. This report will dissect each major weapon system, analyze its role within the PLA’s evolving doctrine, and provide a concluding assessment of China’s defense-industrial capacity and the future trajectory of its small arms development.

II. The New Generation: The QBZ-191 Modular Weapon System

The centerpiece of the PLA’s infantry modernization is the weapon family officially designated the QBZ-191. Its introduction marks a definitive break with the preceding generation of bullpup rifles and represents a wholesale adoption of contemporary, conventional rifle design principles. This shift is not merely stylistic; it is a fundamental realignment of the infantryman’s weapon with the demands of modern, informationized warfare.

This is a photo of a QBZ-191 taken at the 2021 China Airshow. Photo by: By Dan3031949 – Own work, CC BY-SA 4.0, https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?curid=112466629

Core Design Philosophy and Doctrinal Shift

The QBZ-191 (191式自动步枪, 191 Shì Zìdòng Bùqiāng, Type 191 Automatic Rifle) family abandons the bullpup configuration of its QBZ-95 predecessor in favor of a conventional layout. Mechanically, it operates on a short-stroke gas piston and rotating bolt system, a mechanism renowned for its reliability and adopted by many of the world’s most advanced assault rifles, such as the Heckler & Koch HK416 and the FN SCAR. The weapon’s architecture includes features now considered standard for a modern military rifle: a multi-position adjustable stock, improved ergonomics for varied shooting positions, and fully ambidextrous controls, including the fire selector and magazine release.

The decision to abandon the bullpup layout, after investing heavily in it for over two decades with the QBZ-95, is the most telling aspect of the new design philosophy. The QBZ-95, while offering the benefit of a long barrel in a compact overall length, was plagued by inherent design flaws that became increasingly untenable. These included a notoriously heavy and imprecise trigger due to the long linkage from the trigger to the rear-mounted action, awkward magazine changes that required breaking a firing grip, and ejection ports located close to the user’s face, making off-hand shooting difficult. Most critically, however, the QBZ-95 was a product of a different doctrinal era.

The most significant physical feature of the QBZ-191, and the clearest indicator of the new doctrine, is its full-length, monolithic MIL-STD-1913 Picatinny rail along the top of the receiver and handguard. The QBZ-95 featured only a short, proprietary dovetail mount that was poorly suited for mounting anything other than a single, specific optic. The adoption of the universal Picatinny standard is a revolutionary step for the PLA. This rail provides ample space for the flexible mounting of a suite of accessories in various combinations—for example, a variable-power magnified optic paired with a clip-on thermal or night vision sight, a laser aiming module, and backup iron sights. This physical change is the direct consequence of a profound doctrinal evolution. The PLA no longer views advanced optics as specialist equipment for designated marksmen but as standard-issue equipment for the common infantryman. This signals a massive parallel investment in the domestic electro-optics industry and a fundamental shift in training methodology. The PLA is moving from an “iron sights first” mentality to an “optics first” doctrine, aiming to increase the effective engagement range, first-hit probability, and all-weather, day/night fighting capability of every soldier. This, in turn, enhances small-unit lethality, situational awareness, and autonomy on the battlefield.

Ammunition: The DBP-191 5.8x42mm Cartridge

The development of the QBZ-191 rifle is inextricably linked to the simultaneous development of a new generation of ammunition: the DBP-191 5.8x42mm cartridge. The weapon and the cartridge were designed as a single, integrated system, with each component optimized to enhance the performance of the other. This holistic approach is a hallmark of a mature and sophisticated research and development process.

The original 5.8x42mm cartridge, DBP-87, was developed in the 1980s and was a contemporary of the 5.56x45mm NATO and 5.45x39mm Soviet rounds. While adequate for its time, it and its successor, the DBP-10, lacked the performance of modern intermediate cartridges, particularly at extended ranges. The DBP-191 was specifically designed to overcome these deficiencies. It features a heavier, longer, and more streamlined projectile with a superior ballistic coefficient. This results in a flatter trajectory, reduced wind drift, and greater retained energy at medium and long ranges. The projectile construction includes a hardened steel core for improved penetration against body armor and light barriers.

In weapons design, the internal and external ballistics of the cartridge are the foundational elements that dictate critical design parameters of the rifle, including barrel length, rifling twist rate, gas system tuning, and the practical effective range of the platform. The PLA’s ordnance establishment clearly identified a performance deficit in its existing 5.8mm ammunition and understood that a new rifle alone could not solve the problem. By developing a new, higher-performance round and then engineering a family of weapons optimized to fire it, they have achieved a synergistic leap in capability. The superior performance of the DBP-191 cartridge is precisely what enables the Designated Marksman Rifle variant of the family, the QBU-191, to be effective out to ranges of 600-800 meters and what gives the standard QBZ-191 rifle a tangible performance advantage over its predecessor.

System Variants

The QBZ-191 was designed from the outset as a modular family of weapons, sharing a common receiver and operating mechanism, to fulfill multiple battlefield roles.

  • QBZ-191 (191式自动步枪, 191 Shì Zìdòng Bùqiāng, Type 191 Automatic Rifle): This is the standard infantry rifle and the core of the family. It features a 14.5-inch (368mm) barrel, providing a good balance between ballistic performance and maneuverability. It is slated to become the most widely issued variant, systematically replacing the QBZ-95-1 in frontline PLAGF combined arms brigades and PLAN Marine Corps units.
  • QBZ-192 (192式短自动步枪, 192 Shì Duǎn Zìdòng Bùqiāng, Type 192 Short Automatic Rifle): This is the compact carbine variant, equipped with a shorter 10.5-inch (267mm) barrel. The reduced length makes it ideal for personnel operating in confined spaces, such as vehicle crews, special forces conducting close-quarters battle (CQB), and naval personnel aboard ships. It serves the same role as the American Mk 18 or the Russian AK-105.
  • QBU-191 (191式精确射手步枪, 191 Shì Jīngquè Shèshǒu Bùqiāng, Type 191 Precision Marksman Rifle): This is the Designated Marksman Rifle (DMR) variant of the family. It is designed to provide accurate semi-automatic fire at the squad level beyond the effective range of standard assault rifles. It achieves this through a longer, heavier, free-floated barrel for enhanced accuracy and consistency, an improved trigger mechanism, and the standard issuance of a new 3-8.6x variable power magnified optic, the QMK-191. The QBU-191 is specifically designed to leverage the superior long-range ballistic performance of the new DBP-191 ammunition, enabling effective engagements out to 600-800 meters.
  • QJB-201 (201式班用机枪, 201 Shì Bānyòng Jīqiāng, Type 201 Squad Machine Gun): While not officially designated as part of the ‘191’ family, the QJB-201 is a new-generation 5.8x42mm light machine gun whose development was concurrent with and complementary to the QBZ-191 program. It is designed to replace the magazine-fed QJB-95-1 Squad Automatic Weapon. The most significant improvement is its switch to a belt-feed mechanism, allowing for a much higher volume of sustained suppressive fire. This addresses a major deficiency of its predecessor and provides PLA squads with a true light machine gun capability comparable to the FN Minimi/M249.

III. Prevalent Service Rifles and Carbines: The QBZ-95 Era

Despite the rollout of the QBZ-191, the incumbent QBZ-95 family of bullpup rifles remains the most numerous and widely distributed weapon system in the PLA’s inventory. Its vast numbers ensure that it will continue to see service for at least another decade, particularly with second-line units, reserves, and the People’s Armed Police, as the PLA undertakes its phased modernization.

QBZ-95/95-1 Family (95/95-1式枪族, 95/95-1 Shì Qiāngzú, Type 95/95-1 Gun Family)

Introduced in the late 1990s to coincide with the handover of Hong Kong, the QBZ-95 was a radical departure for the PLA. It was a gas-operated, bullpup rifle chambered for the then-new, domestically developed 5.8x42mm DBP-87 cartridge. This move represented a major technological leap, transitioning the PLA from its lineage of 7.62x39mm Kalashnikov-derived platforms (the Type 56 and Type 81) to a proprietary design utilizing a modern small-caliber, high-velocity round. The bullpup configuration, placing the action and magazine behind the trigger, allowed for a full-length 18.2-inch barrel in an overall package shorter than many carbines, a significant advantage for mechanized infantry.

Around 2010, an upgraded version, the QBZ-95-1, was introduced. This model addressed some of the original’s ergonomic flaws, most notably by relocating the safety selector from the rear of the stock to a more accessible position above the pistol grip. It also featured a heavier barrel and was chambered for the improved DBP-10 ammunition, which used a heavier projectile for better long-range performance.

The rapid and expensive decision by the PLA to abandon the entire bullpup concept after only one major upgrade suggests that the perceived flaws of the QBZ-95 were not minor but fundamental to its design. The platform’s legacy is therefore complex. It should not be viewed simply as a failed rifle, but rather as a crucial and necessary transitional system. The QBZ-95 project achieved its primary strategic objective: it forced the Chinese defense industry to master modern rifle manufacturing techniques, including the use of engineering polymers, and successfully introduced a proprietary small-caliber cartridge, breaking the PLA’s long-standing dependence on Soviet calibers and designs. In this, it was an unqualified success. Its secondary goal, to be a world-class fighting rifle, was only partially met. The institutional flexibility demonstrated by the PLA and Norinco in critically evaluating their own flagship product and making the bold decision to replace it entirely is a sign of a mature and pragmatic military-industrial complex, one that prioritizes combat capability over institutional prestige.

  • Variants in Service:
  • QBZ-95/95-1: The standard rifle variant. For two decades, it has been the primary individual weapon of the PLAGF, PAP, and other branches.
  • QBZ-95B/95B-1: A compact carbine version with a significantly shorter barrel. It has been used by special forces, vehicle crews, and naval boarding parties, but its utility was hampered by a severe muzzle blast, flash, and a significant reduction in projectile velocity and effective range.
  • QJB-95/95-1: The Squad Automatic Weapon (SAW) variant. It is essentially a heavy-barreled version of the rifle, designed to be fed from a 75-round drum magazine. While providing more sustained fire capability than a standard rifle, it is not a true light machine gun. It is prone to overheating during prolonged firing and lacks the advantages of a quick-change barrel or a belt-feed system.

Legacy Systems in Reserve/Second-Line Service

The Type 81 (81式自动步枪, 81 Shì Zìdòng Bùqiāng) rifle, a 7.62x39mm weapon system, continues to serve with reserve formations, militia units, and some border defense forces. The Type 81, while visually resembling the Kalashnikov, is a distinct design featuring a short-stroke gas piston system (unlike the AK’s long-stroke piston), which contributed to its improved accuracy over the Type 56 (a direct Chinese copy of the AK-47). It is a robust, reliable, and simple weapon that remains effective for its intended role.

Tyoe 81 Rifle. By Tyg728 – Own work, CC BY-SA 4.0, https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?curid=114962053

The continued presence of the Type 81 and the gradual displacement of the QBZ-95 is not an indication of logistical failure or economic hardship, but rather the product of a deliberate and cost-effective strategy of tiered modernization. Equipping the entirety of China’s massive armed forces—including millions of active duty personnel, PAP, and reservists—with the latest QBZ-191 system simultaneously is financially prohibitive and logistically unfeasible. Instead, the PLA employs a cascading procurement model. New QBZ-191 systems are fielded to high-readiness, frontline combat brigades. Their displaced QBZ-95-1 rifles are then refurbished and re-issued to second-line units, garrison troops, or the PAP. This pushes older but still serviceable weapons like the Type 81 further down the chain to reserve and militia units. This methodical approach maximizes the overall combat power of the force structure by ensuring that even lower-tier units receive upgraded equipment, all while managing the immense cost of a full-scale re-equipment program.

IV. Precision Fire Systems: From Marksman to Anti-Materiel

The PLA has made significant strides in developing and fielding a range of precision fire systems, recognizing the critical importance of engaging targets accurately at ranges beyond that of a standard service rifle. This capability area has evolved from rudimentary sniper rifles to a sophisticated ecosystem of designated marksman, bolt-action sniper, and heavy anti-materiel systems.

Designated Marksman Rifles (DMRs)

  • QBU-191: As detailed previously, the QBU-191 is the PLA’s newest DMR and represents the future of squad-level precision fire. It is being fielded as an integral part of the new modular weapon family.
  • QBU-88 (Type 88) (88式狙击步枪, 88 Shì Jūjí Bùqiāng, Type 88 Sniper Rifle): The QBU-88 was the PLA’s first purpose-built DMR, introduced alongside the QBZ-95 family. It is a semi-automatic, bullpup rifle chambered for the 5.8x42mm “heavy round” (a predecessor to the DBP-10). While officially designated a “sniper rifle,” its performance characteristics and intended role place it squarely in the DMR category. For its time, the QBU-88 was a revolutionary concept for the PLA, introducing the principle of a squad-level precision rifle. However, it is based on the QBZ-95 action and suffers from many of the same limitations, including poor ergonomics, a heavy trigger, and inadequate provisions for mounting modern optics. Its accuracy is considered adequate for its role but is surpassed by more modern designs. The QBU-88 is being actively replaced by the superior QBU-191.

Bolt-Action Sniper Rifles

  • CS/LR4 (and variants): The CS/LR4 represents a significant departure in PLA small arms procurement philosophy. It is a modern, high-precision bolt-action sniper rifle system chambered in 7.62x51mm NATO. This system, used by PLAGF special operations forces and elite PAP counter-terrorism units like the Snow Leopard Commando Unit, is a direct equivalent to Western precision rifles like the Remington M24 or Accuracy International Arctic Warfare.
One of the Norinco NSG-1 / CS-LR4 Sniper Rifles that China donated to the Philippine armed forces last June 2017. Photo taken during the Philippine Army’s 121st Anniversary Exhibit at the Bonifacio High Street Activity Center. By Rhk111 – Own work, CC BY-SA 4.0, https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?curid=67238847

The adoption of a foreign, NATO-standard caliber for a premier sniper rifle is a highly revealing decision. It breaks with the PLA’s long-standing doctrine of logistical self-sufficiency and reliance on domestic calibers. This choice was not made lightly. It indicates that the performance requirements for high-precision, long-range sniping—specifically, consistent sub-Minute of Angle (MOA) accuracy—were so stringent that existing domestic cartridges, such as the 5.8mm or the legacy 7.62x54mmR, were deemed insufficient. The PLA’s ordnance experts and procurement officers made a pragmatic choice, recognizing that the global commercial and military ecosystem for high-quality, match-grade 7.62x51mm ammunition was far more mature and offered superior performance compared to any domestic equivalent. This prioritization of raw capability over logistical purity for a specialized, high-value role suggests a sophisticated, two-tiered approach to ammunition philosophy. For general-issue weapons, domestic calibers are paramount for strategic independence during a major conflict. For elite, special-purpose units where mission success hinges on the highest possible performance, they will adopt the best available global standard.

Anti-Materiel Rifles

  • QBU-10 (10式大口径狙击步枪, 10 Shì Dàkǒujìng Jūjí Bùqiāng, Type 10 Large-Caliber Sniper Rifle): The QBU-10 is a semi-automatic anti-materiel rifle chambered in the powerful 12.7x108mm cartridge, the Eastern Bloc equivalent of the.50 BMG. This is a heavy, team-served weapon, typically deployed on a tripod or mounted on a vehicle. Its purpose is to engage and destroy high-value materiel targets at very long ranges (up to 1,500 meters), such as light armored vehicles, radar and communications equipment, parked aircraft, and enemy personnel behind substantial cover. A key feature of the QBU-10 system is its sophisticated, integrated day/night optic, which reportedly incorporates a laser rangefinder and a ballistic computer to aid the gunner in achieving first-round hits at extreme distances. This weapon provides PLA infantry units with an organic capability to defeat targets that would otherwise require dedicated anti-tank guided missiles or heavier fire support, making it a key asset for long-range interdiction and battlefield dominance.
A Chinese marine holding a QBU-10 in a Ghillie Suit. By Mil.ru, CC BY 4.0, https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?curid=109882081

V. Sidearms and Close-Quarters Systems

This category includes weapons designed for personal defense, urban combat, and special operations, where compactness, rate of fire, and specialized capabilities like sound suppression are paramount. Recent developments in this area show a clear trend towards standardization on globally accepted calibers.

Pistols (手枪, Shǒuqiāng)

  • QSZ-92 (92式手枪, 92 Shì Shǒuqiāng, Type 92 Pistol): The QSZ-92 has been the standard service pistol for the PLA and PAP for over two decades. It is a polymer-framed, short-recoil-operated pistol. Uniquely, it was produced in two distinct caliber variants. The primary military version fires the proprietary 5.8x21mm DAP-92 armor-piercing cartridge, issued to officers and combat troops. A second version, chambered in the ubiquitous 9x19mm Parabellum, was produced primarily for PAP units and for export. The 5.8mm version was designed with the specific doctrinal goal of defeating enemy body armor, a concept shared by the Western FN 5.7x28mm. However, like its Western counterparts, the small-caliber pistol round concept has been widely criticized for having questionable terminal ballistics and stopping power against unarmored targets compared to larger, heavier conventional pistol rounds.
QSZ92 Pistol. By Tyg728 – Own work, CC BY-SA 4.0, https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?curid=62580963
  • QSZ-193 (193式手枪, 193 Shì Shǒuqiāng, Type 193 Pistol): The QSZ-193 is a new, compact, striker-fired pistol that has been observed in service with PLAAF pilots and special forces units. Crucially, it is chambered in 9x19mm Parabellum. The emergence of this new 9mm pistol as the apparent next-generation sidearm for specialized roles effectively signals the end of the PLA’s two-decade experiment with the 5.8x21mm pistol cartridge. The decision to standardize on the globally dominant 9x19mm caliber for its new sidearm indicates that the PLA has reached the same conclusion as many Western militaries: modern 9mm ammunition, particularly with advanced hollow-point or controlled-expansion projectiles, offers a superior overall balance of terminal performance, magazine capacity, and controllability, while the perceived advantage of armor penetration from small-caliber pistol rounds is marginal in most real-world scenarios.

Submachine Guns (冲锋枪, Chōngfēngqiāng)

  • QCQ-171 (171式冲锋枪, 171 Shì Chōngfēngqiāng, Type 171 Submachine Gun): A modern, lightweight submachine gun (SMG) chambered in 9x19mm, the QCQ-171 is being issued to special operations forces and other units with a specific requirement for a compact, high-rate-of-fire weapon for close-quarters combat. It features a telescopic stock, accessory rails for optics and lights, and appears to be a direct competitor to Western designs like the Heckler & Koch MP5 or B&T APC9.
  • QCW-05 (05式轻型冲锋枪, 05 Shì Qīngxíng Chōngfēngqiāng, Type 05 Light Submachine Gun): The QCW-05 is a unique bullpup SMG chambered in the proprietary 5.8x21mm pistol cartridge. Its most notable feature is its large, integral sound suppressor, which makes the weapon very quiet. It is fed from a 50-round, four-column “quad-stack” magazine located in the pistol grip. While effective in its niche role for stealth operations, it suffers from the same ballistic limitations as the QSZ-92 pistol in the same caliber. Its use is primarily confined to PLA special forces and PAP counter-terrorism units. The fielding of the 9mm QCQ-171 in many frontline SOF roles further reinforces the PLA’s strategic move away from the 5.8x21mm cartridge ecosystem.
QCW-5 Bullpup Submachine Gun. By Tyg728 – Own work, CC BY-SA 4.0, https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?curid=62566026

VI. Crew-Served and Support Weapons

These weapons provide sustained fire support at the platoon and company level, giving infantry units the ability to suppress and destroy enemy positions and light vehicles. This category includes machine guns and automatic grenade launchers.

Machine Guns (机枪, Jīqiāng)

  • QJY-88 (88式通用机枪, 88 Shì Tōngyòng Jīqiāng, Type 88 General Purpose Machine Gun): The QJY-88 was developed as the PLA’s first true General Purpose Machine Gun (GPMG), intended to be fired from a bipod in the light machine gun role or from a tripod in the sustained-fire medium machine gun role. It was designed to replace the aging 7.62x54mmR Type 67 machine gun. However, in a highly unusual design choice, the QJY-88 was chambered in the 5.8x42mm “heavy round”. This decision represents a rare doctrinal mismatch in PLA weapon development. The GPMG concept, epitomized by the German MG3, the American M240, and the Russian PKM, is predicated on the use of a full-power rifle cartridge (e.g., 7.62x51mm or 7.62x54mmR). These powerful rounds are essential for providing effective, long-range suppressive fire and for penetrating cover, light vehicles, and field fortifications. By chambering their GPMG in an intermediate cartridge, even a heavy-for-caliber one, the PLA created a weapon that lacked a significant performance advantage in range and barrier penetration over a modern squad automatic weapon, yet was heavier and more cumbersome. The weapon has been widely criticized as being underpowered for its intended role, and the notable lack of a clear successor suggests that the PLA is re-evaluating its entire machine gun doctrine.
  • QJZ-89 (89式重机枪, 89 Shì Zhòng Jīqiāng, Type 89 Heavy Machine Gun): The QJZ-89 is the PLA’s standard heavy machine gun (HMG), chambered in 12.7x108mm. Its most remarkable feature is its exceptionally low weight. At approximately 26 kg (57 lbs) for the gun and tripod combined, it is the lightest HMG in service anywhere in the world, weighing significantly less than the American M2 Browning or the Russian Kord. This light weight is achieved through the use of advanced alloys and a hybrid direct-impingement/short-stroke piston operating system. This makes it more man-portable than its peers, allowing infantry units to reposition it on the battlefield more rapidly. It is used in both tripod-mounted infantry support roles and as a primary or secondary armament on a wide variety of PLA vehicles.

Automatic Grenade Launchers (榴弹发射器, Liúdàn Fāshèqì)

  • QLZ-87/11 (87/11式榴弹发射器, 87/11 Shì Liúdàn Fāshèqì, Type 87/11 Grenade Launcher): The QLZ-87 is a 35mm automatic grenade launcher (AGL) that provides devastating anti-personnel and light anti-materiel fire support for infantry units. It is a selectively-fired weapon that can be fired from an integral bipod in a direct-fire role or from a tripod for indirect fire. It is fed from 6- or 15-round drum magazines. The newer QLZ-11 is a lightened and improved version of the design. The 35mm grenades provide a significant area-effect capability, allowing a small infantry unit to suppress and neutralize enemy troops in trenches, behind cover, or in the open at ranges out to 1,700 meters.

VII. Armament by Service Branch: A Comparative Analysis

While there is increasing standardization around the new QBZ-191 family, the specific small arms loadouts vary between the different branches of China’s armed forces, reflecting their unique operational requirements and mission sets.

PLA Ground Force (PLAGF) (中国人民解放军陆军, Zhōngguó Rénmín Jiěfàngjūn Lùjūn)

  • Standard Infantry: The PLAGF’s frontline combined arms brigades are at the forefront of the modernization effort. Standard infantry squads are actively transitioning from the QBZ-95-1 to the new QBZ-191 as their primary service rifle. A typical squad will be augmented with the QBU-191 for designated marksman duties and the new belt-fed QJB-201 as the squad’s light machine gun. Officers and vehicle crews are typically issued the QSZ-92 pistol for personal defense. Second-line and garrison units will continue to operate the QBZ-95-1 for the foreseeable future.
  • Special Operations Forces (SOF): PLAGF special forces are among the first to receive the full suite of new-generation weapons. They are likely to be fully equipped with the compact QBZ-192 carbine for its maneuverability in direct action missions. Their specialized inventory also includes the high-precision CS/LR4 bolt-action sniper rifle for long-range engagements and the new 9mm QCQ-171 SMG for suppressed, close-quarters operations.

PLA Navy (PLAN) (中国人民解放军海军, Zhōngguó Rénmín Jiěfàngjūn Hǎijūn)

  • Marines (海军陆战队, Hǎijūn Lùzhànduì): As an elite expeditionary force analogous to the USMC, the PLAN Marine Corps is receiving the QBZ-191 family concurrently with the PLAGF’s frontline units. Given their focus on amphibious assault, littoral operations, and potential urban warfare scenarios, the compact QBZ-192 carbine is expected to be a common issue weapon alongside the standard QBZ-191 rifle.
  • Shipboard Personnel: For general security, anti-piracy, and visit, board, search, and seizure (VBSS) operations, compactness is the key driver of weapon selection. Personnel were historically armed with the QBZ-95B carbine, but are now likely transitioning to the superior QBZ-192 carbine. The QSZ-92 pistol remains the standard sidearm.

PLA Air Force (PLAAF) (中国人民解放军空军, Zhōngguó Rénmín Jiěfàngjūn Kōngjūn)

  • Base Security/Ground Personnel: PLAAF ground personnel, such as those in airfield security units, are typically equipped with standard infantry rifles. They currently operate the QBZ-95-1 and will likely be among the later recipients of the QBZ-191 as production ramps up.
  • Pilots: Aircrew are issued compact weapons for survival and self-defense in the event of an ejection over hostile territory. This role was historically filled by machine pistols like the Type 80, but is now transitioning to the new, more reliable, and compact QSZ-193 pistol in 9x19mm.

People’s Armed Police (PAP) (中国人民武装警察部队, Zhōngguó Rénmín Wǔzhuāng Jǐngchá Bùduì)

The PAP is a massive paramilitary force responsible for internal security, counter-terrorism, and border control. Its armament reflects this dual law enforcement and military role.

  • Internal Security Units: The vast majority of PAP units, tasked with roles like riot control and guarding critical infrastructure, widely use the QBZ-95-1 rifle and the QSZ-92 pistol (often the 9mm version).
  • Counter-Terrorism Units: Elite PAP units, such as the Beijing-based Snow Leopard Commando Unit and various regional special police units, maintain a diverse and highly specialized inventory. Their requirements overlap significantly with military SOF but with a greater emphasis on surgical urban operations. They utilize the CS/LR4 sniper rifle for precision hostage rescue shots, both the integrally suppressed 5.8mm QCW-05 and the new 9mm QCQ-171 SMGs for close-quarters battle, and specialized tactical shotguns like the QBS-09 (09式军用霰弹枪, 09 Shì Jūnyòng Xiàndànqiāng, Type 09 Military Shotgun).

China Coast Guard (CCG) (中国海警局, Zhōngguó Hǎijǐng Jú)

As a paramilitary maritime law enforcement agency, the CCG’s armament is more standardized and focused on its mission set. Boarding teams are typically equipped with compact weapons suitable for use on ships, primarily the QBZ-95B carbine and the QSZ-92 pistol. Their cutters and larger vessels are armed with deck-mounted heavy machine guns and autocannons.

VIII. Concluding Analysis: Industrial Capacity and Future Trajectory

The ongoing modernization of the PLA’s small arms inventory reveals several key strategic trends and provides a clear indication of the capabilities of China’s domestic defense industry. The trajectory points towards a force that is rapidly closing the technological and doctrinal gap with leading Western militaries at the level of the individual soldier.

The analysis synthesizes four dominant trends. First is the primacy of modularity and optics integration, exemplified by the QBZ-191’s conventional layout and full-length Picatinny rail. Second is the shift towards a holistic, systems-based design approach, where the rifle, cartridge (DBP-191), and optic (QMK-191) are developed concurrently as an optimized package. Third is the pragmatic adoption of international standards, such as the MIL-STD-1913 rail and the 9x19mm pistol caliber, when they offer a clear performance advantage over proprietary solutions. Fourth is the implementation of a deliberate, cost-effective, tiered modernization strategy that maximizes the combat power of the entire force structure during a prolonged transition period.

The development and mass production of the QBZ-191 family is a testament to the maturity of China’s state-owned defense industry, primarily represented by the corporate giant Norinco. It demonstrates a sophisticated capability for rapid, clean-sheet design, the use of modern materials and manufacturing methods (such as advanced polymers for furniture and aluminum forgings and extrusions for receivers), and the large-scale production and integration of complex electro-optics. The ability to identify the doctrinal shortcomings of a previous flagship system (QBZ-95) and execute a complete and rapid course correction speaks to an agile and capability-focused industrial base.

Looking forward, the full replacement of the QBZ-95 family in all frontline PLAGF and PLAN Marine Corps units is likely to be completed within the next 5-10 years. Future development will likely focus on addressing remaining gaps in the PLA’s small arms portfolio. A high-priority area will likely be the development of a new GPMG, probably chambered in a full-power cartridge, to rectify the doctrinal and performance shortcomings of the 5.8mm QJY-88. Furthermore, the PLA will almost certainly continue the trend of integrating “smart” technologies into the infantry weapon system, including networked sights that can share data, integrated command and control links, and other technologies that further embed the individual soldier into a digital battlefield network. The overall trajectory is clear: China is committed to equipping its infantry with small arms systems that are not merely sufficient, but are technologically on par with, and in some cases potentially superior to, those of any potential adversary.

IX. Appendix: Comprehensive Small Arms Summary Table

The following table provides a consolidated, at-a-glance reference for the primary small arms systems currently in service with the armed forces of the People’s Republic of China.

CategoryChinese Designation (Hanzi)Pinyin RomanizationU.S. English Name/TranslationManufacturerCaliberOperating PrincipleWeight (Unloaded)Overall LengthPrimary Users
Service Rifle191式自动步枪191 Shì Zìdòng BùqiāngType 191 Automatic RifleNorinco State Arsenals5.8x42mm DBP-191Short-stroke gas piston, rotating bolt~3.25 kg~950 mm (stock extended)PLAGF, PLAN Marines
Carbine192式短自动步枪192 Shì Duǎn Zìdòng BùqiāngType 192 Short Automatic RifleNorinco State Arsenals5.8x42mm DBP-191Short-stroke gas piston, rotating bolt~3.0 kg~810 mm (stock extended)SOF, Vehicle Crews, PLAN
Service Rifle95-1式自动步枪95-1 Shì Zìdòng BùqiāngType 95-1 Automatic RifleNorinco State Arsenals5.8x42mm DBP-10Short-stroke gas piston, rotating bolt3.25 kg745 mmPLAGF, PAP, PLAN, PLAAF
Legacy Rifle81式自动步枪81 Shì Zìdòng BùqiāngType 81 Automatic RifleNorinco State Arsenals7.62x39mmShort-stroke gas piston, rotating bolt3.4 kg955 mm (fixed stock)PLA Reserve, Militia
Pistol92式手枪92 Shì ShǒuqiāngType 92 PistolNorinco State Arsenals5.8x21mm / 9x19mmShort recoil, rotating barrel0.76 kg190 mmPLA, PAP
Pistol193式手枪193 Shì ShǒuqiāngType 193 PistolNorinco State Arsenals9x19mmShort recoil, striker-firedN/A (Compact)N/A (Compact)PLAAF Pilots, SOF
SMG171式冲锋枪171 Shì ChōngfēngqiāngType 171 Submachine GunNorinco State Arsenals9x19mmBlowback~2.8 kg~690 mm (stock extended)SOF, PAP
SMG05式轻型冲锋枪05 Shì Qīngxíng ChōngfēngqiāngType 05 Light Submachine GunNorinco State Arsenals5.8x21mmBlowback, integrally suppressed2.2 kg500 mmSOF, PAP
DMR191式精确射手步枪191 Shì Jīngquè Shèshǒu BùqiāngType 191 Precision Marksman RifleNorinco State Arsenals5.8x42mm DBP-191Short-stroke gas piston, rotating bolt~4.5 kg (est.)~1100 mm (est.)PLAGF, PLAN Marines
DMR88式狙击步枪88 Shì Jūjí BùqiāngType 88 Sniper RifleNorinco State Arsenals5.8x42mm (Heavy)Short-stroke gas piston, rotating bolt4.1 kg920 mmPLAGF, PAP
Sniper RifleCS/LR4CS/LR4CS/LR4 High-Precision Sniper RifleNorinco State Arsenals7.62x51mm NATOBolt-action6.5 kg1100 mmPLAGF SOF, PAP CTU
Anti-Materiel10式大口径狙击步枪10 Shì Dàkǒujìng Jūjí BùqiāngType 10 Large-Caliber Sniper RifleNorinco State Arsenals12.7x108mmGas-operated, semi-automatic13.3 kg1380 mmPLAGF
LMG201式班用机枪201 Shì Bānyòng JīqiāngType 201 Squad Machine GunNorinco State Arsenals5.8x42mm DBP-191Gas-operated, belt-fed< 5 kg (est.)N/APLAGF
SAW95-1式班用机枪95-1 Shì Bānyòng JīqiāngType 95-1 Squad Machine GunNorinco State Arsenals5.8x42mm DBP-10Short-stroke gas piston, rotating bolt3.95 kg840 mmPLAGF, PAP
GPMG88式通用机枪88 Shì Tōngyòng JīqiāngType 88 General Purpose Machine GunNorinco State Arsenals5.8x42mm (Heavy)Gas-operated, belt-fed11.8 kg (gun & bipod)1150 mmPLAGF
HMG89式重机枪89 Shì Zhòng JīqiāngType 89 Heavy Machine GunNorinco State Arsenals12.7x108mmGas-operated, belt-fed17.5 kg (gun only)1192 mmPLAGF
AGL87/11式榴弹发射器87/11 Shì Liúdàn FāshèqìType 87/11 Grenade LauncherNorinco State Arsenals35x32mmSRBlowback, semi/full auto12 kg (gun & bipod)970 mmPLAGF


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Convergence and Collision: A Comparative Analysis of U.S. and Chinese Military Philosophies in the 21st Century

The strategic competition between the United States and the People’s Republic of China is the defining geopolitical dynamic of the 21st century, and at its core lies a fundamental divergence in military philosophy, doctrine, and strategic posture. This report provides a comparative analysis of these competing military worldviews. The United States continues to operate under a philosophy of global power projection, enabled by a network of alliances and underpinned by a new doctrine of Joint All-Domain Operations (JADO) designed to achieve decision dominance through superior integration. In contrast, China’s military thought is rooted in a concept of “Active Defense,” a strategically defensive but operationally offensive posture designed to secure its regional periphery and deter outside intervention. This philosophy is operationalized through a doctrine of “Intelligentized Warfare” and “System Destruction,” which aims to paralyze a technologically superior adversary by attacking the network-centric systems that provide its strength.

These philosophies are not evolving in a vacuum; they are a direct response to one another, creating a dynamic of doctrinal competition. Where the U.S. seeks to build a resilient, integrated “kill web,” China seeks to develop the “assassin’s mace” capabilities to break it. Where the U.S. leverages a global network of allies, China pursues strategic self-reliance. This analysis reveals that while both powers converge on the belief that future warfare will be a contest of information and decision speed, their methods for achieving victory are starkly different, creating a complex and potentially volatile military balance.


Table 1: Comparative Matrix of U.S. and Chinese Military Philosophies

Capability/MindsetUnited StatesChinaAreas of SimilarityAreas of DifferenceKey Lessons
Overarching PhilosophyGlobal Power Projection: An expeditionary mindset focused on defending global interests far from home, maintaining access to the global commons, and supporting allies.1Active Defense: A strategically defensive posture focused on securing the national periphery, allowing for tactically and operationally offensive actions to deter or defeat intervention.3Both philosophies are designed to secure national interests and deter aggression, adapting to perceived threats.Geographic Scope: Global and expeditionary vs. Regional and counter-interventionist. Strategic Posture: Proactive and forward-deployed vs. Reactive and bastion-focused.U.S. power is inherently expeditionary, creating logistical vulnerabilities. China’s philosophy leverages geography as a strategic asset.
Core DoctrineJoint All-Domain Operations (JADO): Integration of effects across all domains (air, land, sea, space, cyber, EMS) to overwhelm an adversary’s decision-making cycle.5Intelligentized Warfare / System Destruction: Use of AI-enabled systems to attack an adversary’s C4ISR network, causing systemic collapse rather than attriting forces.7Both doctrines prioritize information superiority and decision speed, viewing the network as the central battlefield. Both are moving toward AI-enabled C2.Targeting Logic: U.S. targets adversary decision-making (paralysis). China targets the adversary’s system itself (collapse). Method: U.S. seeks integration (“kill web”). China seeks disintegration (“system destruction”).The central conflict is a doctrinal race: the U.S. builds an integrated network while China builds the tools to break it.
Geographic FocusGlobal: Postured to operate in multiple theaters simultaneously, with a significant focus on the Indo-Pacific and Europe.2Regional Periphery: Focused on the First and Second Island Chains, particularly scenarios involving Taiwan and the South China Sea.11Both view the Indo-Pacific as the primary theater of strategic competition.U.S. faces the “tyranny of distance” and must project power across vast oceans. China enjoys the “tyranny of proximity,” a home-field advantage.Geography remains a dominant factor. China’s A2/AD strategy is a direct exploitation of its geographic advantage.
Role of AlliancesCentral Pillar: A global network of formal treaty allies is integral to strategy, providing basing, legitimacy, and combat power.13Strategic Self-Reliance: Advocates “partnerships, not alliances,” avoiding binding mutual defense commitments to maintain strategic autonomy.16Both engage in military diplomacy and joint exercises with other nations.Nature of Commitment: U.S. has formal, binding defense treaties. China has pragmatic, non-binding partnerships.Alliances are a key U.S. asymmetry, providing mass but adding complexity. China’s approach provides speed but risks isolation.
Technological DriverNetwork-Centric “Kill Webs”: Focus on connecting any sensor to any shooter across all domains via JADC2 to create a resilient, integrated force.18Asymmetric “Assassin’s Mace”: Focus on developing niche, high-impact capabilities (e.g., ASBMs, hypersonics) to exploit specific U.S. vulnerabilities.20Both are heavily investing in AI, autonomy, cyber, and space capabilities as force multipliers.U.S. seeks to enhance its existing system through networking. China seeks to bypass and defeat the U.S. system with asymmetric weapons.Technology is not just about quality but about the strategic logic of its application.
Industrial ModelDistinct Defense Industrial Base: A largely separate ecosystem of specialized defense contractors, though with increasing ties to commercial tech.22Military-Civil Fusion (MCF): A national strategy to eliminate barriers between civilian and military R&D and industry, leveraging the entire national economy for military modernization.24Both recognize the need to leverage national technological and industrial power for military advantage.Integration Level: U.S. model is one of partnership between distinct sectors. China’s model is one of state-directed fusion.MCF presents a whole-of-nation challenge that blurs the lines between economic and military competition.
Theory of VictoryParalysis through Overwhelm: Present the adversary with so many simultaneous, multi-domain dilemmas that their ability to command and control their forces is paralyzed.5Disintegration through Disruption: Degrade and destroy the adversary’s C4ISR systems, severing the links between sensors and shooters, causing their warfighting system to collapse.7Both aim to win decisively and quickly by targeting the adversary’s cognitive and command functions, not just their physical forces.U.S. theory is based on the resilience of its own network. China’s theory is based on the fragility of the adversary’s network.Victory is increasingly defined by disruption, not attrition.
Civil-Military RelationsStrict Civilian Control: The military is subordinate to elected civilian leadership (President, Congress) as mandated by the Constitution.27Party-Army Fusion: The People’s Liberation Army (PLA) is the armed wing of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), not the state. Its ultimate loyalty is to the Party.3In both, the military is an instrument of national policy.Source of Authority: U.S. military serves the Constitution and the nation. The PLA serves the CCP.This fundamental difference shapes strategic objectives, risk tolerance, and the ultimate purpose for which military force is used.

The 10 Key Lessons Learned

  1. The central battlefield of the 21st century is the network. Both the United States and China have concluded that victory in modern warfare hinges on achieving “decision dominance” by processing information and executing commands faster and more effectively than the adversary.
  2. U.S. military power is fundamentally expeditionary and alliance-dependent. Its ability to project force globally is its greatest strength, but the long logistical chains and complex political coordination required are also its most critical vulnerabilities.
  3. China’s military philosophy is fundamentally regional and counter-interventionist. It is designed to leverage geography and asymmetric technology to create a formidable bastion within the Indo-Pacific, making it prohibitively costly for the U.S. to intervene in matters China defines as its core interests.
  4. The U.S. and China are engaged in a direct doctrinal race. The U.S. is building integrated “kill webs” (JADO) to connect all its assets, while China is simultaneously developing “system destruction” capabilities specifically designed to find and break the links in those webs.
  5. The U.S. relies on a distinct, highly advanced defense industry, while China’s Military-Civil Fusion (MCF) strategy presents a whole-of-nation challenge. MCF blurs the lines between economic and military competition, turning the entire global technology ecosystem into a contested space.
  6. Alliances are a defining asymmetry. The U.S. fights as a coalition, gaining immense capability and legitimacy at the cost of operational complexity and slower decision-making. China fights alone, gaining speed and unity of command at the cost of strategic isolation.
  7. The character of conflict is shifting from attrition to disruption. Victory may be defined not by destroying the most enemy platforms, but by paralyzing an adversary’s ability to command them, causing a systemic collapse.
  8. Geography remains paramount. The United States faces the “tyranny of distance” in any potential Pacific conflict, while China enjoys the “tyranny of proximity”—a home-field advantage that its Anti-Access/Area Denial (A2/AD) strategy is built to exploit.
  9. The PLA’s modernization is a reactive process. Much of its doctrinal and technological development has been shaped by decades of meticulously studying U.S. military operations to identify and build capabilities to exploit perceived American weaknesses.
  10. Both powers believe emerging technologies like AI are revolutionary. However, China’s state-directed, fused civil-military approach aims to “leapfrog” U.S. capabilities, while the United States seeks to integrate these technologies to enhance its existing joint force structure and operational concepts.

Part I: The American Way of War: Global Expeditionary Power and All-Domain Integration

The military philosophy of the United States is intrinsically linked to its status as a global power with interests that span the globe. Its military is not postured primarily for homeland defense but as an expeditionary force designed to project power, deter aggression, and defend national interests far from its own shores. This philosophy has evolved from the Cold War’s containment strategy to a modern doctrine of integrated, all-domain operations designed to maintain a competitive edge in an era of renewed great power competition.

The Philosophy of Global Power Projection

The foundational strategic mindset of the U.S. military is that of a global power with global interests.2 Its economic prosperity depends on global trade, its security is tied to a network of international allies, and its influence is challenged by competitors in key regions worldwide. Consequently, its military is tasked with protecting the nation’s interests on a correspondingly global scale, including safeguarding the freedom to use the global commons—the sea, air, space, and cyberspace domains.2 This mandate necessitates a force capable of power projection, which the U.S. Department of Defense defines as the “ability of a nation to apply all or some of its elements of national power—political, economic, informational, or military—to rapidly and effectively deploy and sustain forces in and from multiple dispersed locations to respond to crises”.1

This philosophy is operationalized through a combination of strategic capabilities. At its heart is a reliance on expeditionary forces that can be deployed from bases within the United States and sustained over vast distances.29 This requires immense strategic mobility, including airlift and sealift capabilities, to move troops and equipment to distant theaters.1 To reduce deployment times, this expeditionary posture is augmented by a network of forward bases and prepositioned stocks of equipment at strategic locations around the world.1 This forward presence serves not only a logistical purpose but also a political one, demonstrating U.S. commitment and acting as a deterrent to potential aggressors.30

Crucially, this global posture is built upon a vast and deeply integrated network of alliances. Unlike the temporary arrangements that have characterized much of history, the U.S. network of formal treaty allies is treated as a permanent and indispensable operational platform.15 Allies share the burden of power projection, provide critical basing and overflight rights, and contribute their own military forces to coalition operations.1 This approach was historically shaped by a force-sizing construct intended to handle two “nearly simultaneous major regional conflicts,” a standard that, while no longer official doctrine, continues to inform the scale and ambition of the U.S. force structure.2 Russian military analysis acknowledges this unique characteristic, noting that “the U.S. military has a worldwide presence and can project combat power throughout the globe,” in stark contrast to Russia’s own regionally focused military.10

This reliance on global power projection, however, creates a profound strategic paradox. The very capability that underpins America’s superpower status—its global reach—is simultaneously the source of its greatest logistical vulnerability. The need to deploy and, critically, sustain forces across thousands of miles of ocean and air creates long and potentially exposed supply lines.1 An adversary focused on regional defense can concentrate its efforts on disrupting this logistical chain, preventing the U.S. from bringing its full military might to bear. This dynamic has not been lost on U.S. competitors and forms the central challenge that its modern military doctrine seeks to overcome.

The Doctrine of Joint All-Domain Operations (JADO)

In response to the reemergence of great power competition and the erosion of its traditional military advantages, the United States has developed a new operational concept: Joint All-Domain Operations (JADO). This doctrine represents a fundamental rethinking of how to orchestrate military power in a highly contested, technologically advanced battlespace where adversaries can challenge U.S. forces across every warfighting domain.5 JADO is the U.S. military’s answer to the proliferation of advanced technologies and the development of sophisticated Anti-Access/Area Denial (A2/AD) threats by competitors like China.5

The core principle of JADO is the “convergence of effects,” which involves synchronizing kinetic (e.g., missiles) and non-kinetic (e.g., cyber attacks) capabilities across the domains of air, land, maritime, cyberspace, and space, as well as the electromagnetic spectrum.5 The goal is to present an adversary with multiple, simultaneous dilemmas at a tempo that complicates or negates their response, enabling U.S. forces to operate inside the adversary’s decision-making cycle.5 This approach is “objective-centric and domain-agnostic,” meaning it focuses on achieving a desired outcome using the most efficient and effective tools available, regardless of which military service owns the asset.6 For example, an air operation might be enabled by a preceding cyber operation that disables enemy air defense communications.6

Enabling this complex orchestration is the concept of Joint All-Domain Command and Control (JADC2). JADC2 is the technological and procedural backbone of JADO, designed to create a unified network that connects sensors from all military branches to all “shooters” or effectors.18 The goal is to turn the vast amounts of data collected from disparate sources into actionable intelligence, allowing commanders to “sense, make sense, and act” with a speed and coherence that outpaces the enemy.5 This is a direct application of Colonel John Boyd’s “OODA loop” (Observe, Orient, Decide, Act) theory to 21st-century warfare, where victory is achieved by manipulating the tempo of operations to generate confusion and paralysis in the adversary.5

Successfully implementing JADO requires a “paradigm shift” in military planning and execution. It demands that commanders consider all domains from the very beginning of the planning process, moving away from the traditional, stovepiped approach where each service plans its operations in its primary domain before attempting to deconflict and integrate them later.5 Furthermore, given the U.S. reliance on coalition warfare, JADO explicitly incorporates the challenge of operating in a combined environment with allies, whose capabilities and procedures must be integrated into the all-domain framework.31

The development of JADO is an implicit acknowledgment that the era of guaranteed U.S. domain dominance is over. Past doctrines, such as AirLand Battle, were predicated on the assumption that the U.S. could achieve air superiority, which would then create the conditions for freedom of maneuver on the ground.29 JADO, by contrast, starts from the premise that adversaries can now contest every domain simultaneously.5 Therefore, the new strategic objective is not necessarily to achieve total control of any single domain, but rather to achieve “decision dominance.” This is accomplished by using temporary or localized advantages in one domain to create decisive effects in another, ultimately paralyzing the adversary’s ability to command its forces. It marks a subtle but profound shift from a strategy of annihilation to a strategy of systemic paralysis.

The Engine of Dominance: The U.S. Defense-Industrial Ecosystem

The U.S. military’s technological superiority is sustained by a vast and sophisticated defense-industrial ecosystem. This ecosystem operates under the principle of strict civilian control, a cornerstone of American governance enshrined in the Constitution. The President acts as Commander-in-Chief, while Congress holds the power to declare war and, crucially, to raise, support, and fund the armed forces.22 This creates a clear, formal separation between the Department of Defense and the largely private-sector defense industry that equips it.23

The priorities of this industrial engine are guided by the National Defense Strategy, which explicitly identifies China as the “pacing challenge”.34 The Fiscal Year 2025 budget request reflects this focus, prioritizing investments in modernization to meet 21st-century threats.35 Key modernization priorities are directly aligned with the requirements of JADO and great power competition. These include developing and fielding long-range precision fires, advanced air and missile defense systems, cyber and electronic warfare capabilities, AI-driven command and control systems, and a new generation of unmanned and autonomous platforms.36

Concrete examples of this strategic pivot are evident across the services. The U.S. Army’s 2024 force structure transformation is a prime case, divesting legacy systems designed for counterinsurgency while creating new, high-tech formations such as Multi-Domain Task Forces (MDTFs) built to deliver long-range kinetic and non-kinetic effects.39 Similarly, the U.S. Air Force is investing heavily in its Next Generation Air Dominance (NGAD) family of systems, Collaborative Combat Aircraft (CCA), and the modernization of its nuclear triad with the B-21 Raider bomber and the Sentinel ICBM, all aimed at maintaining strategic superiority over a peer adversary.40

However, this powerful industrial ecosystem faces a significant challenge. The U.S. defense acquisition system has been optimized for decades to produce small numbers of exquisite, technologically complex, and extremely expensive platforms like aircraft carriers and stealth fighters. While these systems remain critical, the emerging character of modern warfare, as observed in conflicts like the war in Ukraine, increasingly demands mass, speed, and affordability—particularly in areas like attritable drones and loitering munitions. Directives to “accelerate delivery of war winning capabilities,” “eliminate wasteful spending,” and “reform the acquisition process” indicate a recognition that the current system is often too slow and inefficient to keep pace with the threat.37 This creates a fundamental tension: the established industrial base excels at large, multi-decade programs, but the future battlefield may be dominated by the rapid, iterative development of cheaper, more numerous, and potentially disposable systems. The U.S. is attempting to pivot, but its deeply entrenched industrial and bureaucratic structures present a formidable hurdle to this transformation.

Part II: The Chinese Way of War: Regional Bastion and System Confrontation

China’s military philosophy is a product of its unique history, political ideology, and strategic circumstances. It has evolved from a continental, revolutionary mindset into a sophisticated, technologically driven approach aimed at securing its regional interests and challenging the post-Cold War, U.S.-led order. Its core tenets are designed to counter a more powerful, expeditionary adversary by leveraging geography, asymmetric technology, and a whole-of-nation approach to military modernization.

The Philosophy of “Active Defense”

The cornerstone of the People’s Liberation Army’s (PLA) strategic thought is “Active Defense” (积极防御, jījí fángyù). This is not a modern invention but a long-standing concept with roots in the revolutionary warfare of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), first articulated by Mao Zedong as early as 1935.43 The philosophy is a deliberate paradox: it maintains a strategically defensive posture, asserting that China will not be the aggressor, while simultaneously authorizing tactically and operationally offensive actions to defeat an attacking enemy.3 It is a strategy of counter-attack, designed to seize the initiative from an opponent who strikes first.

This philosophy has not been static. The PLA has issued nine major strategic guidelines since 1949, with three representing fundamental shifts in direction.43 The most significant of these occurred in 1993, a direct reaction to two world-changing events: the collapse of the Soviet Union, which removed the primary land threat to China’s north, and the stunning display of U.S. technological prowess in the First Gulf War.3 These events convinced PLA planners that their traditional strategy of “luring the enemy in deep” to swallow an invader in a protracted “People’s War” was obsolete. The new imperative was to win “local wars under high-technology conditions” by fighting a forward defense along China’s periphery, keeping any conflict far from its vital economic and political centers.3

Today, this philosophy is inextricably linked to President Xi Jinping’s overarching national goal of the “great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation”.3 Achieving this “Chinese Dream” requires a powerful military capable of protecting China’s sovereignty, securing its expanding overseas interests, and, crucially, preventing a repeat of the “century of humiliation” when foreign powers intervened in and dominated China.4 Active Defense, in its modern form, is therefore the military expression of this national ambition: a strategy to create a regional bastion so formidable that it deters intervention in what China considers its internal affairs, most notably Taiwan.17 It is a patient, long-term strategy that prioritizes political objectives, seeks to win without fighting where possible, but prepares to win quickly and decisively if conflict becomes unavoidable.

The Doctrine of “Intelligentized Warfare” and System Destruction

The modern operational expression of Active Defense is a doctrine centered on information, technology, and systemic disruption. The PLA’s modernization has progressed through distinct but overlapping phases: from mechanization (building a modern force of tanks, ships, and planes) to informatization (networking those platforms) and now to intelligentization (integrating artificial intelligence, big data, and autonomous systems into every aspect of warfare).8 This final phase, which China believes is the next revolution in military affairs, is intended to allow the PLA to “leapfrog” its competitors.9

The central warfighting concept within this framework is “system destruction warfare” (体系破击战, tǐxì pòjī zhàn). This doctrine, developed from years of studying the U.S. military’s network-centric approach, posits that a modern, technologically advanced military is a highly integrated “system of systems”.9 Its greatest strength—the network that connects sensors, command nodes, and shooters—is also its greatest vulnerability.7 Therefore, victory is achieved not by destroying enemy platforms in a battle of attrition, but by attacking the C4ISR (Command, Control, Communications, Computers, Intelligence, Surveillance, and Reconnaissance) architecture that enables the system to function. The objective is to sever the links, blind the sensors, and jam the communications, causing the adversary’s entire warfighting system to collapse into a collection of isolated, ineffective parts.7

To execute this doctrine, the PLA has invested heavily in asymmetric “assassin’s mace” (杀手锏, shāshǒujiǎn) capabilities—niche, high-impact weapons designed to exploit specific vulnerabilities of a superior foe.21 The most prominent examples are its families of anti-ship ballistic missiles (ASBMs), such as the DF-21D and DF-26, and its development of hypersonic weapons.11 These weapons are designed to hold high-value U.S. assets, particularly aircraft carriers and major forward bases like Guam, at risk from hundreds or even thousands of miles away.11 This doctrine of systemic fragility is a direct counter to the U.S. doctrine of network-centric integration. A PLA campaign would likely commence not with a direct assault on U.S. forces, but with a multi-domain barrage of cyber attacks, electronic warfare, anti-satellite weapons, and long-range missile strikes aimed at blinding, deafening, and decapitating the U.S. military before the main battle is joined.

The Engine of Modernization: Military-Civil Fusion (MCF)

Underpinning the PLA’s rapid technological advancement is a unique national strategy known as Military-Civil Fusion (MCF, 军民融合, jūnmín rónghé). Personally overseen by Xi Jinping, MCF is an aggressive, whole-of-government effort to build a “world-class military” by 2049.24 Its core objective is to systematically eliminate the barriers between China’s civilian research and commercial sectors and its military and defense industrial sectors. The goal is to ensure that any new innovation, whether developed in a state lab, a private company, or a university, simultaneously advances both economic and military development.24

MCF targets key dual-use technologies that are seen as driving the future of warfare: artificial intelligence, quantum computing, big data, semiconductors, 5G, and aerospace technology.24 The Chinese Communist Party implements this strategy through a wide range of licit and illicit means. These include direct state investment in private industries, global talent recruitment programs, directing academic and research collaboration toward military ends, and leveraging intelligence gathering, forced technology transfer, and outright theft to acquire foreign technology.24 The strategy explicitly exploits the open and transparent nature of the global research enterprise to bolster the PLA’s capabilities, often without the knowledge or consent of foreign partners.51

Military-Civil Fusion is far more than a simple defense procurement strategy; it represents a fundamental reconception of national power. It treats technological prowess, economic strength, and military might not as separate pillars of statecraft, but as a single, integrated objective. In the U.S. system, a clear, if sometimes blurry, line exists between a commercial tech firm and a defense contractor. MCF deliberately erases that line. A Chinese company developing AI for commercial logistics is, by national strategy, also developing it for military logistics. A university conducting fundamental research in quantum computing is contributing directly to national defense.51 This creates a strategic competition that transcends the military domain, turning the entire globalized economy and research ecosystem into a potential arena of conflict. For the United States and its allies, this means that competing with China militarily requires competing with its entire national technological and industrial base.

Part III: A Comparative Strategic Framework: Similarities, Differences, and Asymmetries

While the military philosophies of the United States and China are born of different histories and geopolitical realities, they exhibit striking points of convergence alongside their profound divergences. Both powers are grappling with the same technological revolution and have arrived at similar conclusions about the future character of war. Yet, their strategic responses to these shared realities are fundamentally asymmetric, reflecting their different positions in the international system, their geographic circumstances, and their political structures.

Points of Convergence – The Race for Decision Dominance

Despite their opposing strategic postures, both the U.S. and Chinese militaries have independently concluded that the decisive element in modern, high-tech warfare is the ability to make better decisions faster than the enemy. The future battlefield will not be won simply by the side with the superior platforms, but by the side with the superior information processing and command and control architecture. This shared belief has ignited a race for what can be termed “decision dominance.”

The U.S. concept of JADC2 is explicitly designed to “deliver information and decision advantage” to commanders, enabling them to operate inside an adversary’s OODA loop.5 Similarly, China’s doctrine of “Informatized Warfare” seeks to achieve “Information Dominance” by disrupting the enemy’s C2 systems, thereby paralyzing their ability to make coherent decisions.7 Russian military analysis, observing both powers, confirms this convergence, noting that a shared objective is “achieving dominance in decision-making in future wars”.9 To this end, both nations are pouring immense resources into the enabling technologies of this new era of warfare. The U.S. is pursuing “AI-driven command and control” at all echelons 37, while China’s entire concept of “intelligentization” is predicated on the mass integration of AI to accelerate sensing, analysis, and action.45

This convergence on decision-centric warfare creates a deeply unstable dynamic. When victory is perceived to depend on striking first and disabling the enemy’s cognitive functions, it creates a powerful “first-mover advantage.” In a crisis, the side that believes its AI-enabled C2 system can achieve a decisive advantage in the opening moments may be more tempted to launch a preemptive cyber, electronic, or kinetic strike against the adversary’s C2 network. This establishes a dangerous “use it or lose it” pressure on both sides’ most critical command systems, making any crisis over a flashpoint like Taiwan incredibly volatile and prone to rapid, hard-to-control escalation.

Points of Divergence – Expeditionary Offense vs. A2/AD Defense

The sharpest contrast between the two military postures lies in their geographic orientation and operational approach. The U.S. military is fundamentally an expeditionary force, structured for global power projection. Its ability to deploy and sustain forces thousands of miles from its homeland, centered on its fleet of 11 nuclear-powered aircraft carriers and a global network of bases, is the primary instrument of its foreign policy and military strategy.1

China’s military, in direct response, is structured as a regional bastion. Its A2/AD strategy is explicitly designed to counter U.S. power projection by raising the costs of intervention to an unacceptable level.20 This strategy creates a layered, integrated defense network of sensors, long-range anti-ship missiles, submarines, and air power that extends hundreds of miles from its coast, covering the First and Second Island Chains.11 This creates a significant “home game” advantage, where China’s land-based assets, particularly the PLA Rocket Force, can provide immense firepower to augment its naval and air forces.49 This has forced the U.S. to begin shifting its strategic focus from simple power projection to what some analysts call “power protection”—developing the capabilities and concepts needed for its forward forces to survive and operate effectively within a highly contested A2/AD environment.29

This creates a competition that is not symmetric—carrier versus carrier or fighter versus fighter—but is instead highly asymmetric. A U.S. carrier strike group operating in the Western Pacific would not merely face the Chinese Navy; it would be targeted by the full weight of China’s land-based missile forces, its space-based surveillance systems, and its cyber and electronic warfare units.48 China’s land-based “carrier-killer” anti-ship ballistic missiles, for example, possess a range that can exceed that of the aircraft deployed on a U.S. carrier. This forces U.S. naval forces to either operate from farther away, reducing their combat effectiveness and sortie rates, or to enter a “kill zone” and accept a level of risk not faced since World War II. China has successfully weaponized geography to offset the qualitative and quantitative superiority of U.S. expeditionary platforms.

The Alliance Factor – A Networked Coalition vs. Strategic Self-Reliance

A final, profound asymmetry lies in how each nation approaches partnerships. The U.S. military strategy is inseparable from its global network of formal treaty allies, including NATO in Europe and Japan, South Korea, the Philippines, and Australia in the Indo-Pacific.13 These alliances are not merely political arrangements; they are integral to U.S. military operations, providing essential basing, logistical support, intelligence sharing, and substantial additional combat power.14

China, by contrast, officially “advocates partnerships rather than alliances and does not join any military bloc”.17 Its relationships, even its close strategic partnership with Russia, are pragmatic and lack the binding mutual defense commitments of a formal alliance.16 Russian analysis suggests that while military cooperation with China is deep, it is highly unlikely to evolve into a formal alliance, primarily because Beijing is unwilling to cede any of its strategic autonomy or be drawn into conflicts not of its own choosing.58

This divergence presents a fundamental strategic trade-off for both sides. The U.S. approach generates potentially overwhelming combat mass and enhances the political legitimacy of its actions. However, operating as a coalition introduces immense friction. The need to coordinate the command and control, technological systems, and political objectives of multiple nations is an extraordinary challenge—one that the JADO concept explicitly seeks to address.31 This complexity inevitably slows down the decision-making cycle that JADO is trying to accelerate. China’s approach, conversely, preserves absolute unity of command and action. Decisions can be made and executed with a speed and coherence that a coalition would struggle to match. However, this self-reliance comes at the cost of potential strategic isolation. In a major conflict, China could find itself facing a coalition of powerful nations with no formal allies obligated to come to its aid. In essence, the United States trades speed for mass, while China trades mass for speed.

Part IV: Strategic Implications and Future Outlook

The collision of these competing military philosophies is reshaping the strategic landscape, particularly in the Indo-Pacific. The doctrinal and technological race between the United States and China is not an abstract exercise; it is actively playing out in the gray zone and defining the potential character of a future conflict. Understanding this dynamic is critical for assessing risk and navigating the turbulent decades ahead.

The Shifting Military Balance and Flashpoint Scenarios

The theoretical comparison of military doctrines becomes starkly practical when applied to the region’s most volatile flashpoints: Taiwan and the South China Sea. These are the arenas where the U.S. philosophy of power projection directly confronts China’s strategy of Active Defense and A2/AD.

Taiwan remains the most dangerous potential flashpoint for a direct U.S.-China conflict.59 The PLA’s modernization is increasingly postured to provide Beijing with a credible military option to compel unification, with a key benchmark set for 2027.46 A Chinese campaign against Taiwan could manifest in several ways, from a “gray zone” quarantine led by its coast guard to disrupt shipping and assert administrative control, to a full-scale military blockade and invasion.61 Any such scenario would represent a direct clash of doctrines. A Chinese A2/AD bubble would be established to deter or defeat U.S. intervention, employing the principles of system destruction warfare against incoming U.S. naval and air forces. A U.S. response, guided by its obligations under the Taiwan Relations Act, would be a textbook application of JADO, attempting to penetrate this A2/AD zone and disrupt China’s invasion plans through integrated, multi-domain attacks.62

In the South China Sea, this doctrinal clash is already a daily reality. China’s assertion of sovereignty via its “nine-dash line,” coupled with its construction and militarization of artificial islands, is a direct challenge to the principle of freedom of navigation, a core U.S. interest.64 U.S. Freedom of Navigation Operations (FONOPS), where naval vessels sail through waters claimed by China, are a tangible application of the power projection philosophy, demonstrating that Washington does not accept Beijing’s claims and will operate its military wherever international law allows.65 China’s response—using its navy, coast guard, and maritime militia to shadow, harass, and attempt to expel U.S. ships—is a real-world application of its A2/AD and Active Defense mindset in the gray zone, short of open conflict.66 These interactions are a constant, high-stakes dialogue conducted with military hardware, where both sides test each other’s resolve, refine their operational procedures, and signal their strategic intent. The inherent risk is that a miscalculation by a single ship captain or pilot in this tense environment could rapidly escalate into the high-intensity conflict that both militaries are preparing to fight.

The Future Character of Conflict

The trajectory of this strategic competition points toward a future battlefield that is radically different from those of the past. It will be a battlespace saturated with ubiquitous sensors, from satellites in orbit to unmanned systems underwater, all connected through resilient networks and processing data at machine speed.69 The defining characteristic of future conflict will be a relentless “contest of data and deception.”

In response, the U.S. is driving its forces to become “leaner, more lethal,” and more adaptable. Its modernization efforts are focused on developing the tools for this new era: long-range autonomous weapons, AI-driven command and control, and resilient, networked communications.37 The goal is to create a force that can absorb an initial blow and still generate overwhelming, coordinated effects across all domains.

China, meanwhile, is pursuing its strategy of “intelligentization” with the explicit goal of leapfrogging U.S. capabilities. It believes that by mastering AI and autonomy within its state-directed, military-civil fused system, it can achieve an enduring advantage in decision speed and operational effectiveness, rendering traditional U.S. platform superiority irrelevant.9

This sets the stage for a future conflict defined by a “battle of the logics.” The United States is betting on the logic of network resilience. Its JADO concept is a wager that it can build a network of networks so robust, redundant, and intelligent that it can withstand systemic attacks and continue to function, ultimately overwhelming the enemy. China is betting on the logic of systemic fragility. Its doctrine of System Destruction is a wager that any complex network, no matter how resilient, contains critical nodes and unavoidable dependencies that can be identified and severed, triggering a cascading collapse that paralyzes the entire force. This is not just a technological race to build better hardware; it is a conceptual struggle over the fundamental nature of networked warfare. The winner of a future conflict may not be the side with the most advanced ship or plane, but the side whose underlying assumption about this new character of war proves more correct.

Conclusion – Ten Key Lessons for the Modern Strategist

The strategic competition between the United States and China is a multi-faceted and dynamic challenge that will define the international security environment for decades to come. A comparative analysis of their military philosophies reveals a complex interplay of converging technological paths and diverging strategic cultures. For the modern strategist, policymaker, and industry analyst, ten key lessons emerge from this analysis:

  1. The central battlefield of the 21st century is the network. Both powers have concluded that victory hinges on “decision dominance.” The U.S. JADC2 and China’s “Informatized Warfare” are parallel efforts to achieve information superiority, making the command, control, and communications architecture of each side the primary target and the primary weapon in any future conflict.
  2. U.S. military power is fundamentally expeditionary and alliance-dependent. The ability to project force across the globe is the defining feature of the U.S. military. However, this strength is predicated on secure logistical chains and the political cohesion of its alliances, both of which are now primary targets for adversary strategies.
  3. China’s military philosophy is fundamentally regional and counter-interventionist. The PLA is not currently configured for global power projection but is optimized for a single, overriding task: to dominate its immediate periphery and make it impossible for the U.S. to intervene effectively in a regional crisis, thereby leveraging geography as a decisive strategic asset.
  4. The U.S. and China are engaged in a direct doctrinal race. This is the central dynamic of the military competition. The U.S. concept of JADO aims to create a perfectly integrated “kill web.” China’s concept of “System Destruction” is designed to be the ultimate “web breaker.” This is a classic offense-defense spiral playing out in the information age.
  5. The U.S. relies on a distinct, highly advanced defense industry, while China’s Military-Civil Fusion (MCF) strategy presents a whole-of-nation challenge. MCF transforms the competition from a military-to-military affair into a nation-to-nation contest across the technological, industrial, and economic domains, posing a systemic challenge to the traditional Western model of defense procurement.
  6. Alliances are a defining asymmetry. The U.S. strategy is built on the overwhelming combat potential and political legitimacy of its coalition of allies. This provides strategic depth and mass but introduces operational friction. China’s preference for self-reliance ensures unity of command and speed of action but risks strategic isolation in a widespread conflict.
  7. The character of conflict is shifting from attrition to disruption. The theories of victory for both nations prioritize the paralysis and systemic collapse of the adversary’s military over the physical destruction of its forces. This suggests that future wars could be decided with shocking speed, with the decisive blows being struck in cyberspace and the electromagnetic spectrum.
  8. Geography remains paramount. Despite technological advances, the physical realities of the Indo-Pacific theater are critical. The U.S. must overcome the “tyranny of distance” to bring its power to bear. China, by contrast, is weaponizing the “tyranny of proximity” through its A2/AD strategy, turning its geographic position into a formidable defensive advantage.
  9. The PLA’s modernization is a reactive process. For three decades, the PLA has been a dedicated student of the American way of war. Its doctrines, technologies, and force structure have been systematically developed to counter specific, perceived U.S. strengths and exploit perceived weaknesses, making it a force tailored to fight the United States.
  10. Both powers believe emerging technologies like AI are revolutionary. The race to operationalize AI is central to the competition. China’s state-directed MCF model aims to use AI to “leapfrog” the U.S. technologically. The U.S. seeks to integrate AI to perfect its vision of a fully networked, all-domain force. The nation that most effectively harnesses this technology will likely hold a decisive military advantage for years to come.


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