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Countering the Dragon: An Operational Assessment of PLA Asymmetric Land Confrontation Strategies

The doctrinal foundation of the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) is undergoing a profound transformation, shifting from a focus on “informatized warfare” to the more advanced concept of “intelligentized warfare”. This evolution signals that any future land confrontation will not be a traditional attrition-based conflict but a dynamic contest between two opposing “system-of-systems”. The PLA’s overarching operational goal, encapsulated in the concept of “systems destruction warfare,” is not the piecemeal destruction of U.S. forces but the induction of catastrophic failure within the U.S. joint force’s operational architecture. This paradigm is predicated on the seamless integration of artificial intelligence (AI), big data analytics, and autonomous systems into every facet of military operations.

Under this new doctrine, “human-machine collaborative decision making” is expected to become the operational norm, with AI-enabled systems augmenting and accelerating the command and control process. Unmanned platforms are envisioned to take a central role in combat, with human operators receding from the front lines to supervisory and command positions. Victory in this intelligentized environment is defined not by territorial gain alone, but by achieving and maintaining decision superiority through faster information processing, superior situational awareness, and a compressed decision-making cycle. The battlespace itself is expanding beyond the traditional physical domains of land, sea, and air to encompass the virtual and cognitive realms, creating what PLA theorists term a “brain battlefield,” where the will to fight and the cognitive capacity of commanders are primary targets. A U.S. military commander must therefore anticipate a multi-domain conflict where the PLA will leverage asymmetric strategies designed to paralyze U.S. command and control, saturate defenses, sever logistical lifelines, and fracture political resolve before the main battle is ever joined.

PLA Asymmetric StrategyPLA Commander’s IntentKey PLA CapabilitiesU.S. Counter-StrategyKey U.S. Enablers
Systems Destruction WarfareAchieve decision dominance by paralyzing the U.S. C5ISR network.Cyber Attacks, Electronic Warfare (EW), Anti-Satellite (ASAT) Weapons, Long-Range Precision FiresResilient, Distributed Command and Control (C2)Joint All-Domain Command and Control (JADC2), Proliferated LEO Satellite Constellations, Mesh Networks, Tactical Cyber Teams, AI-Enabled Decision Support
Multi-Domain A2/AD SaturationCreate an impenetrable fortress to deter or defeat U.S. intervention.Anti-Ship Ballistic Missiles (ASBMs), Hypersonic Weapons, Integrated Air Defense Systems (IADS), Submarines, Mobile Missile LaunchersDisintegrate the A2/AD System from WithinStand-In Forces, Long-Range Precision Fires (PrSM, LRHW), Stealth Platforms (F-35, B-21), Submarines, Agile Combat Employment (ACE)
Unmanned Swarm OffensiveOverwhelm and saturate U.S. defenses with asymmetric, attritable mass.Large-Scale Drone Swarms, Manned-Unmanned Teaming (MUM-T), AI-Enabled Autonomous Systems, “Drone Motherships”Scalable, Layered Counter-UAS and Offensive SwarmingReplicator Initiative, Directed Energy Weapons (Lasers, High-Power Microwaves), Layered Kinetic Interceptors, AI-Driven Threat Recognition
Logistics Interdiction and StrangulationSever the trans-Pacific lifelines and induce logistical collapse of forward-deployed forces.Long-Range Missiles, Submarine Warfare, Naval Mines, Cyber Attacks on Logistics NetworksContested Logistics and Distributed SustainmentDistributed Logistics Networks, Pre-positioned Materiel, Agile Combat Employment (ACE), Intra-Theater Sealift, Allied Host-Nation Support
Political Warfare and Cognitive DominanceFracture U.S. domestic and international resolve to win without fighting or on favorable terms.“Three Warfares” Doctrine: Public Opinion (Media), Psychological, and Legal Warfare (Lawfare), Disinformation CampaignsNarrative Competition and Psychological ResilienceProactive Strategic Communications, Rapid Intelligence Declassification, Integrated Information Operations, Alliance Synchronization, Troop and Family Readiness Programs

I. PLA Strategy 1: Systems Destruction Warfare – Paralyzing the C5ISR Network

PLA Commander’s Intent

The primary objective of a PLA commander employing Systems Destruction Warfare is to achieve decisive operational advantage by blinding, deafening, and isolating U.S. forces at the outset of a conflict. The strategy is designed to induce systemic paralysis by targeting the Command, Control, Computers, Communications, Cyber, Intelligence, Surveillance, and Reconnaissance (C5ISR) network—the central nervous system of the U.S. joint force. This approach is the practical application of the PLA’s core operational concept of “Multi-Domain Precision Warfare” (MDPW), which is explicitly intended to “identify key vulnerabilities in an adversary’s operational system and then to launch precision strikes against those vulnerabilities”. The ultimate goal is not merely to degrade U.S. capabilities but to trigger a cascading failure that causes the entire operational system to “collapse”. By severing the links between sensors, decision-makers, and shooters, the PLA aims to shatter the U.S. military’s ability to coordinate a coherent response, thereby seizing the initiative and dictating the terms of the engagement.

Key Capabilities and Tactics

The execution of Systems Destruction Warfare relies on the tightly synchronized application of non-kinetic and kinetic effects across all domains. The conflict would likely commence with what can be termed an “invisible battle,” where decisive effects are achieved before the first missile impacts its target.

The initial salvo will be a non-kinetic onslaught. This will involve strategic and tactical cyber operations designed to penetrate and disrupt U.S. networks, corrupt critical data, and disable command systems. These cyber effects are not improvisational; they require extensive intelligence preparation of the battlespace and the pre-positioning of malicious code and access points, potentially years in advance of hostilities. Concurrently, the PLA Strategic Support Force (PLASSF) and other theater-level assets will unleash a barrage of electronic warfare (EW) attacks. These attacks will employ a range of ground-based, air, and potentially space-based platforms to jam satellite communications, deny access to the Global Positioning System (GPS), and disrupt the radar and communication systems upon which U.S. forces depend. The non-kinetic assault will extend into space, with counter-space operations targeting U.S. satellite constellations. These operations may range from reversible, non-kinetic effects like laser dazzling of optical sensors and jamming of uplinks and downlinks to kinetic attacks designed to permanently disable or destroy critical ISR, communication, and Position, Navigation, and Timing (PNT) satellites.

This multi-pronged non-kinetic attack will be seamlessly integrated with kinetic precision strikes. Using intelligence gathered over years, the PLA will employ its arsenal of long-range conventional ballistic and cruise missiles to physically destroy the key nodes of the U.S. C5ISR architecture. High-priority targets will include large, static, and difficult-to-disperse assets such as theater-level command headquarters, satellite ground stations, air operations centers, and critical undersea cable landing sites. The orchestration of this complex, multi-domain attack will be managed by the PLA’s own developing “intelligentized” command and control system. This system leverages AI and big data analytics to fuse intelligence from disparate sources, identify vulnerabilities in real-time, and coordinate cross-domain fires at a tempo designed to overwhelm U.S. defensive measures and decision-making processes. This is the essence of their doctrinal shift towards “intelligentized warfare,” where the speed and quality of decision-making, enabled by machine intelligence, becomes the decisive factor.

U.S. Counter-Strategy: Resilient, Distributed C2 via JADC2

The U.S. response to the threat of Systems Destruction Warfare is predicated on a fundamental architectural shift: moving from a highly efficient but brittle centralized C2 structure to a distributed, resilient, and agile model. This new approach is embodied by the Joint All-Domain Command and Control (JADC2) concept. JADC2 is not a single piece of hardware or software but rather a comprehensive approach to “sense, make sense, and act at all levels and phases of war, across all domains, and with partners, to deliver information advantage at the speed of relevance”. It represents the direct American doctrinal and technological counter to the PLA’s MDPW, acknowledging that the future of warfare lies in network-centric, data-driven operations.

The successful implementation of JADC2 relies on several key technological and tactical enablers. A primary line of effort is the move toward proliferated architectures, particularly in space. This involves transitioning from a reliance on a few large, expensive, and high-value satellites to deploying large constellations of smaller, cheaper, and more resilient Low Earth Orbit (LEO) satellites. The Space Development Agency’s National Defense Space Architecture is a prime example of this shift, aiming to create a layered network for communications and missile tracking that is far more difficult for an adversary to degrade. The strategic logic is to create a web of assets so numerous and redundant that attacking it becomes a “wasted and escalatory effort” for the adversary.

This proliferated hardware is supported by the development of resilient mesh networks. These networks are designed to be self-healing, capable of automatically rerouting data traffic when individual nodes or links are destroyed or jammed. This ensures that even in a degraded electromagnetic environment, essential command and targeting data can still reach the tactical edge. A key component of this is the development of gateways that can connect disparate legacy systems with modern networks, ensuring interoperability across the joint force. To manage the immense volume of data generated by this network, JADC2 heavily leverages AI and machine learning. These tools are not intended to replace human commanders but to serve as powerful decision-support aids, capable of rapidly sifting “through mountains of data” to identify emerging threats, correlate intelligence, and recommend optimal courses of action, thereby dramatically accelerating the commander’s decision-making cycle. Finally, this entire architecture is designed to empower commanders at the tactical edge. By pushing data processing and decision-making authority down to the lowest possible level, consistent with the philosophy of Mission Command, the joint force reduces its reliance on vulnerable, centralized headquarters and can continue to operate effectively even when communications with higher echelons are severed.

The fundamental contest in this domain is not merely a competition of technologies but a clash of decision-making cycles. The PLA’s concepts of “intelligentized warfare” and “systems destruction” are explicitly designed to attack and shatter the U.S. military’s OODA loop (Observe, Orient, Decide, Act). They seek to create so much chaos and uncertainty in the information environment that U.S. commanders are paralyzed, unable to form a coherent picture of the battlefield or direct their forces effectively. JADC2 represents the U.S. effort to construct a faster, more robust, and more resilient OODA loop that can function and adapt under the extreme duress of a multi-domain assault. The initial phase of any conflict will therefore be a high-stakes race. The PLA will attempt to achieve systemic paralysis of the U.S. C5ISR network faster than the U.S. can reconfigure its distributed network and adapt its decision-making processes. The victor in this “decision race” will seize an advantage that may prove decisive for the remainder of the conflict, demonstrating the true meaning of the PLA’s concept of the “brain battlefield”.

II. PLA Strategy 2: Multi-Domain A2/AD Saturation – Creating an Impenetrable Fortress

PLA Commander’s Intent

The PLA commander’s intent behind the Anti-Access/Area Denial (A2/AD) strategy is twofold: first, to deter U.S. intervention in a regional crisis, and second, failing deterrence, to make such an intervention prohibitively costly in terms of assets and personnel. The strategy is designed to create a layered, multi-domain fortress around China’s periphery. The “anti-access” (A2) component employs long-range capabilities to prevent U.S. forces from entering the operational area, primarily targeting carrier strike groups and forward air bases. The “area denial” (AD) component uses shorter-range systems to severely restrict the freedom of action of any U.S. forces that manage to penetrate the outer layers. This strategy is a direct and deliberate challenge to the foundational tenets of U.S. power projection, which has historically relied on the ability to establish and maintain air and maritime supremacy through the deployment of aircraft carriers and the use of large, forward-deployed bases.

Key Capabilities and Tactics

The PLA’s A2/AD strategy is built upon a massive and increasingly sophisticated arsenal of conventional missile systems, designed to saturate U.S. and allied defenses through sheer volume and technological complexity. The cornerstone of the anti-access layer is a formidable family of Anti-Ship Ballistic Missiles (ASBMs). This includes the DF-21D, famously dubbed the “carrier killer,” and the longer-range DF-26, which has the reach to threaten key U.S. facilities in Guam, earning it the moniker “Guam killer”. These weapons are designed to hold high-value naval assets at risk from distances exceeding 1,500 kilometers. This threat is compounded by the introduction of hypersonic weapons, such as the DF-17 hypersonic glide vehicle and the rumored YJ-21 air-launched ballistic missile. The extreme speed and unpredictable flight paths of these systems present a severe challenge to current U.S. missile defense capabilities, drastically shortening reaction times and complicating intercept solutions.

This long-range ballistic missile threat is complemented by a vast and diverse inventory of Anti-Ship Cruise Missiles (ASCMs). Systems like the supersonic YJ-12 and the subsonic YJ-18 can be launched from a wide array of platforms, creating a multi-axis, high-volume threat that is difficult to defend against. These platforms include mobile land-based launchers that employ “hit and run” tactics—firing a salvo before retreating to hardened underground facilities to reload—as well as modern naval surface combatants like the Type 055 destroyer, a large fleet of conventional and nuclear submarines, and long-range bombers such as the H-6K.

To control the air domain, the PLA has constructed a dense and overlapping Integrated Air Defense System (IADS). This system layers long-range Russian-made S-400 and domestically produced HQ-9 surface-to-air missiles (SAMs) with medium- and short-range systems, all networked with an array of early warning radars. This ground-based network is integrated with the PLA Air Force’s growing fleet of advanced fighter aircraft, including the J-20 stealth fighter, to create a formidable no-fly zone. The entire A2/AD architecture is further supported by a growing naval presence, including a large surface fleet and an expanding network of militarized artificial islands in the South China Sea, which serve as persistent sensor outposts, airfields, and missile bases, extending the reach and resilience of the A2/AD network.

U.S. Counter-Strategy: Disintegrate the A2/AD System from Within

The U.S. strategic response to the PLA’s A2/AD challenge has evolved beyond the concept of a costly frontal assault to “punch through” the defensive bubble. The current approach is more nuanced, seeking to “invert” the A2/AD concept itself. This involves proactively deploying a distributed, resilient, and lethal network of U.S. sensors and shooters inside the contested zone. The objective is not to breach the wall, but to methodically dismantle it from within by targeting the critical nodes and dependencies of the PLA’s kill chain. This strategy aims to turn the PLA’s highly networked system into a liability by severing the connections between its sensors and its shooters.

This counter-strategy is enabled by several key operational concepts and technologies. The concept of “Stand-In Forces” envisions the forward deployment of small, mobile, low-signature, and relatively low-cost Marine Corps and Army units within the first island chain. These forces, equipped with their own sensors and long-range precision fires, can survive within the enemy’s weapons engagement zone. From these forward positions, they can provide critical targeting data for long-range strikes launched from outside the theater, conduct their own anti-ship and anti-air attacks, and generally complicate the PLA’s targeting problem, forcing the adversary to expend significant resources to find and eliminate them.

These Stand-In Forces will be a key component of a broader joint fires network that includes new ground-launched systems like the Army’s Precision Strike Missile (PrSM) and the Long-Range Hypersonic Weapon (LRHW). By deploying these systems on allied territory, the U.S. can hold key PLA A2/AD assets—such as airfields, ports, command centers, and sensor sites—at risk from dispersed and survivable land-based positions. The deep-strike mission will also rely heavily on undersea and air dominance. U.S. nuclear-powered submarines and advanced stealth aircraft, such as the F-35 and the future B-21 bomber, are critical penetrating ISR and strike platforms capable of operating within the most heavily defended areas to hunt down and destroy mobile missile launchers, air defense systems, and naval vessels.

To ensure the survivability of U.S. airpower, the Air Force is implementing the concept of Agile Combat Employment (ACE). ACE involves dispersing air assets away from large, vulnerable main operating bases to a network of smaller, more austere airfields across the theater. By moving and operating unpredictably, ACE complicates the PLA’s targeting calculus and increases the resilience of U.S. combat airpower, allowing it to continue generating sorties even after initial attacks.

The PLA’s A2/AD capability should not be viewed as a monolithic, impenetrable barrier, but rather as a highly complex, networked “system-of-systems.” Its greatest strength—the tight integration of sensors, command nodes, and weapons platforms—is simultaneously its greatest vulnerability. A successful U.S. counter-strategy, therefore, is contingent on the ability to execute “kill-chain decomposition.” The effectiveness of a weapon like the DF-21D is entirely dependent on a robust and uninterrupted C3ISR architecture to find, fix, track, target, and engage a moving U.S. aircraft carrier. This kill chain is a sequence of dependencies: satellites, over-the-horizon radars, maritime patrol aircraft, and other sensors must detect the target; data must be relayed to a command center for processing; and targeting information must be transmitted to the missile launcher. Instead of attempting the difficult and costly task of intercepting hundreds of incoming missiles, a more effective approach is to attack the “eyes” and “nerves” of the system. By employing a combination of stealth platforms, cyber attacks, electronic warfare, and distributed precision fires to blind the PLA’s radars, jam its data links, and destroy its command nodes, the U.S. can sever the critical connections between sensors and shooters. This approach renders the PLA’s vast and expensive missile arsenal effectively blind and incapable of striking mobile, high-value targets. The contest, therefore, is not a simple matter of missile versus missile defense; it is a comprehensive, multi-domain campaign to systematically disintegrate the PLA’s kill web.

III. PLA Strategy 3: Unmanned Swarm Offensive – Overwhelming with Asymmetric Mass

PLA Commander’s Intent

A PLA commander will employ unmanned swarm offensives with the intent to saturate and overwhelm the technologically superior, but often numerically inferior, defensive systems of U.S. forces. The PLA is aggressively pursuing the development of a “true swarm” capability, leveraging large quantities of low-cost, attritable, and increasingly autonomous unmanned systems (UxS). The core strategic logic is to invert the traditional cost-imposition ratio. By forcing the U.S. to expend expensive, high-end interceptors (such as a Standard Missile-6, costing several million dollars) to destroy cheap, mass-produced drones (costing only thousands of dollars), the PLA can deplete U.S. magazines and achieve battlefield effects at a fraction of the cost. This strategy reflects a significant doctrinal shift within the PLA, moving from “a human-centric fighting force with unmanned systems in support, to a force centered on unmanned systems with humans in support”.

Key Capabilities and Tactics

The PLA’s swarm capabilities are rapidly advancing from theoretical concepts to tested operational systems. State-owned defense contractors have demonstrated systems capable of deploying swarms of up to 200 fixed-wing drones at a time from a single ground-based launch vehicle. Furthermore, the PLA is developing aerial deployment methods, including the concept of a “drone mothership” like the Jiu Tian SS-UAV, a large unmanned aircraft designed to carry and release a hundred or more smaller loitering munitions or ISR drones from within the battlespace.

These swarms will be integrated with manned platforms through Manned-Unmanned Teaming (MUM-T) concepts. For example, the two-seat variant of the J-20 stealth fighter, the J-20S, is believed to be optimized for mission management and the control of “loyal wingman” drones, which would fly alongside the manned aircraft to extend sensor range, carry additional munitions, or act as decoys. The application of these swarms is envisioned to be multi-domain. The PLA is actively exercising with drone swarms in scenarios relevant to a Taiwan conflict, including amphibious landings, island-blocking operations, and complex urban warfare. These exercises involve not only unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) but also unmanned surface vessels (USVs) and unmanned ground vehicles (UGVs), referred to as “robot wolves” in PLA media.

The effectiveness of these swarms will be magnified by increasing levels of AI-enabled autonomy. While the precise degree of autonomy currently achieved remains a subject of analysis, the PLA’s research and development efforts are clearly focused on this area. The PLA is exploring the use of reinforcement learning and other AI techniques to enable swarms to coordinate their actions, dynamically re-task themselves in response to battlefield events, and exhibit emergent behaviors without requiring constant, direct human control. These intelligent swarms will be employed for a variety of missions, including persistent ISR, electronic attack, acting as decoys to confuse air defense systems, and conducting coordinated kinetic strikes against land and sea targets.

U.S. Counter-Strategy: Scalable, Layered Counter-UAS Defense and Offensive Swarming

The United States cannot win a conflict against drone swarms by engaging in a one-for-one kinetic exchange; such an approach is economically unsustainable. The U.S. counter-strategy must therefore be based on a scalable, layered defense-in-depth that prioritizes low-cost-per-shot effectors, while simultaneously embracing the logic of asymmetric mass through initiatives like Replicator to turn the swarm dilemma back on the adversary.

A robust counter-swarm defense requires a layered approach around high-value assets, integrating multiple kill mechanisms to create a resilient defensive screen. The outer layer of this defense will consist of electronic warfare systems designed to jam the command-and-control links and GPS signals that less-autonomous swarms rely upon for navigation and coordination. The next layer will increasingly be composed of directed energy weapons. High-energy lasers and high-power microwave systems offer the promise of deep magazines and a near-zero cost-per-shot, making them ideal for engaging large numbers of incoming drones. For swarm elements that penetrate these initial layers, the defense will rely on a mix of kinetic interceptors, ranging from traditional air defense systems to more novel, low-cost interceptors (such as the Coyote system), all guided by AI-driven fire control systems capable of tracking and prioritizing hundreds of targets simultaneously.

However, a purely defensive posture is insufficient. The U.S. must also develop its own offensive swarm capabilities. The Department of Defense’s Replicator initiative is a direct response to this imperative. It is a signature effort to field “thousands of cheap autonomous drones across all domains”—including loitering munitions, ISR quadcopters, and unmanned surface and undersea vehicles—within an accelerated 18-to-24-month timeframe. The strategic goal of Replicator is not just to defend against PLA swarms but to impose the same targeting and cost-imposition dilemmas on them. By developing our own “attritable autonomous systems,” the U.S. can saturate PLA defenses, conduct distributed ISR, and execute precision strikes at scale, thereby neutralizing the PLA’s asymmetric advantage.

Underpinning both defensive and offensive swarm operations is the critical role of artificial intelligence. Defensively, AI algorithms are essential for analyzing sensor data from multiple sources to distinguish between potentially thousands of individual swarm elements, differentiate high-value targets (like a command-and-control drone) from simple sensors, prioritize threats, and automate engagement sequences at machine speed. Offensively, AI is the key to enabling U.S. swarms to operate with the level of coordinated autonomy needed to be effective in a complex and contested environment.

The emergence of drone swarm warfare signals a fundamental change in the character of modern conflict. It marks a shift away from a decades-long focus on exquisite, high-cost, and survivable platforms toward a new paradigm where mass, autonomy, and attritability become decisive attributes. This presents not just a tactical or technological challenge, but a profound industrial and economic one. The PLA is explicitly developing drone swarms to leverage an “asymmetric advantage” rooted in economics: a $10,000 drone can potentially disable a multi-billion-dollar warship or force the expenditure of a multi-million-dollar interceptor missile, a cost-exchange ratio that is unsustainable for the U.S. in a protracted conflict. The Replicator initiative is a direct acknowledgment of this economic reality. It represents a strategic admission that the U.S. cannot win this competition simply by building better and more expensive defenses; it must also compete and win in the game of “mass.” This requires a significant transformation of the U.S. defense industrial base, which has long been optimized for producing small numbers of highly complex and expensive systems. The future security environment will demand the ability to design, build, and deploy thousands of cheap, “good enough,” and autonomous systems at industrial scale and speed. In the long run, the nation that develops the more agile and scalable manufacturing and software development ecosystem will likely hold the decisive advantage in the era of swarm warfare.

IV. PLA Strategy 4: Logistics Interdiction and Strangulation – Severing the Lifelines

PLA Commander’s Intent

A PLA commander will seek to exploit what is arguably the U.S. military’s most significant strategic vulnerability in a potential Indo-Pacific conflict: the “tyranny of distance”. The PLA’s strategy for logistics interdiction is designed to attack and sever the long, fragile trans-Pacific supply chains and target the large, centralized logistical hubs upon which U.S. forces depend. The commander’s intent is to prevent the initial deployment and subsequent sustainment of U.S. forces in a protracted conflict, thereby causing a logistical collapse that renders forward-deployed units unable to fight effectively. By strangling the flow of fuel, munitions, spare parts, and personnel, the PLA aims to win a war of exhaustion, making it impossible for the U.S. to maintain a credible combat presence in the theater.

Key Capabilities and Tactics

The PLA will employ a multi-domain approach to interdict U.S. logistics. Kinetic strikes will form a major component of this strategy. The same long-range conventional missile arsenal developed for the A2/AD mission, particularly systems like the DF-26, will be used to target critical logistical nodes that represent concentrated points of failure. High-priority targets will include major ports such as those in Guam and Yokosuka, Japan, key airfields like Kadena Air Base in Okinawa, and large-scale fuel and munitions storage facilities. These strikes are designed to destroy infrastructure, disrupt operations, and create bottlenecks that paralyze the entire sustainment network.

Beyond fixed infrastructure, the PLA will actively target the sea and air lines of communication (SLOCs and ALOCs) that connect the U.S. mainland to the theater of operations. The PLA Navy’s large and growing fleet of conventional and nuclear-powered submarines will be tasked with hunting and sinking vulnerable military sealift and airlift vessels transiting the vast Pacific Ocean. This threat will be augmented by the potential use of naval mines to close off strategic chokepoints and harbor entrances, as well as long-range anti-ship missiles launched from aircraft and surface ships to hold transport vessels at risk from extreme distances.

The kinetic campaign will be complemented by non-kinetic attacks. The PLA will conduct sophisticated cyber attacks targeting the complex web of software and databases that manage the global U.S. logistics enterprise. By targeting Enterprise Resource Planning (ERP) systems, order management software, and transportation databases, the PLA can sow chaos, corrupt data, and introduce crippling delays, effectively disrupting the highly efficient “just-in-time” delivery model upon which the U.S. military has come to rely. In addition, the potential use of PLA special operations forces (SOF) for reconnaissance, sabotage, and subversion against logistical infrastructure and supply chains within allied and partner nations cannot be discounted.

U.S. Counter-Strategy: Contested Logistics and Distributed Sustainment

The U.S. military is responding to this threat by acknowledging a new reality: logistics is no longer a benign, rear-area function but a deeply contested warfighting domain. The counter-strategy involves a fundamental paradigm shift away from the hub-and-spoke logistical model, which was optimized for efficiency in a permissive environment, to a new model of distributed sustainment that is optimized for resilience and effectiveness under persistent, multi-domain attack.

The core tenet of this new approach is distributed logistics. This involves breaking up massive, consolidated depots of fuel, munitions, and other supplies—such as the now-decommissioning Red Hill Bulk Fuel Storage Facility—and dispersing these stocks across a wide network of smaller, hardened, and geographically separated locations throughout the Indo-Pacific theater. This dispersal greatly complicates the PLA’s targeting problem, as there is no longer a single point of failure whose destruction could cripple U.S. operations. This strategy is coupled with an increased emphasis on pre-positioning critical supplies forward within the theater. By staging larger quantities of fuel, munitions, spare parts, and medical supplies in-theater before a conflict begins, the U.S. can reduce its immediate reliance on vulnerable trans-oceanic sealift during the initial, most intense phase of hostilities.

The concept of Agile Combat Employment (ACE) is as much a logistical strategy as it is an airpower one. ACE necessitates the pre-positioning of fuel, munitions, and support equipment at a network of austere airfields. It also drives the development of multi-capable Airmen who are trained to perform multiple functions—such as refueling, re-arming, and basic maintenance—allowing aircraft to operate from dispersed locations with a minimal logistical footprint and breaking the dependence on large, vulnerable main operating bases. To connect these dispersed nodes, the U.S. is investing in its intra-theater lift capabilities. This includes increasing the number and operational readiness of Army watercraft and other joint sealift assets that can move critical supplies between islands and coastal areas within the theater, providing a more resilient and redundant transportation network that is less susceptible to single-point interdiction.

Crucially, this entire strategy of distributed sustainment is dependent on deep integration with allies and partners. The U.S. is actively working to develop the necessary legal and logistical agreements with key allies like Japan, Australia, and the Philippines to leverage their ports, airfields, and industrial capacity for sustainment operations. This creates a more robust, multi-faceted, and resilient logistics network that is far more difficult for the PLA to disrupt.

The PLA’s strategic focus on logistics interdiction forces the U.S. military to re-learn the central lesson of the Pacific Campaign in World War II: logistics, not tactics, is the ultimate pacing factor in a conflict across the vast distances of the Indo-Pacific. This reality necessitates a “whole-of-government” approach to national security. For decades, the U.S. military has operated with the luxury of secure supply lines and uncontested logistical hubs, which fostered a culture of efficiency-based, “just-in-time” logistics. The PLA’s A2/AD and long-range strike capabilities directly threaten this entire model. The U.S. response—encapsulated in the concept of Contested Logistics—is a deliberate shift toward a resilience-based, “just-in-case” model. However, this model cannot be implemented unilaterally. Dispersing supplies requires physical locations to place them, which elevates the role of diplomacy to a critical warfighting enabler. The operational success of distributed logistics is therefore entirely contingent on securing the necessary basing, access, and overflight agreements with partners throughout the Indo-Pacific. In this new strategic environment, the strength of the U.S. logistical posture is inextricably linked to the strength of its alliances. A failure in diplomacy could precipitate a catastrophic failure in logistics, rendering the U.S. military unable to sustain a high-intensity fight.

V. PLA Strategy 5: Political Warfare and Cognitive Dominance – Winning Before the Fight

PLA Commander’s Intent

The PLA commander’s application of political warfare is guided by the ultimate strategic objective of shaping the operational environment to achieve victory before a major kinetic battle is fought, or, failing that, to ensure that any such battle is contested on terms that are overwhelmingly favorable to China. This approach is the modern operationalization of Sun Tzu’s timeless maxim of “subduing the enemy without fighting”. The intent is to attack the sources of U.S. strength that lie outside the purely military domain: its domestic political will, the cohesion of its international alliances, and the morale and psychological resilience of its service members. By targeting these cognitive and political centers of gravity, the PLA aims to paralyze U.S. decision-making, deter intervention, and undermine the U.S. will to sustain a conflict.

Key Capabilities and Tactics

The PLA’s primary tool for this strategy is its “Three Warfares” doctrine, which mandates the integrated application of public opinion warfare, psychological warfare, and legal warfare. These are not separate or ad hoc efforts but a coordinated, centrally directed campaign to dominate the information and cognitive environments.

Public Opinion (Media) Warfare is aimed at seizing control of the dominant narrative. The PLA will leverage its global, state-controlled media apparatus, sophisticated social media operations involving bots and paid influencers, and co-opted voices in international media and academia to shape perceptions of a crisis. In a conflict scenario, this will involve flooding the information space with disinformation designed to portray the U.S. as the aggressor, justify China’s actions, and amplify any U.S. setbacks or casualties to erode public and political support for the war effort at home and abroad.

Psychological Warfare directly targets the morale and cognitive state of U.S. military personnel, their families, and the civilian populations of the U.S. and its allies. Tactics will include tailored propaganda disseminated through social media, showcasing the PLA’s advanced military capabilities (e.g., videos of hypersonic missile tests) to create a sense of technological overmatch and futility, and exploiting existing societal, political, and racial divisions within the U.S. to sow discord, incite unrest, and distract national leadership. The objective is to fracture American confidence in their government, their military, and each other.

Legal Warfare (Lawfare) involves the manipulation of international and domestic legal frameworks to legitimize PLA actions while constraining U.S. operational freedom. For example, in a Taiwan scenario, China might declare a “quarantine” or a customs enforcement zone rather than a military blockade, using its coast guard and maritime militia to enforce it. This is designed to create ambiguity, frame any U.S. military response as an illegal act of aggression against “civilian” law enforcement, and generate legal and political debates within the international community that slow or prevent a decisive U.S. intervention. By operating in this “gray zone” below the clear threshold of armed conflict, the PLA uses lawfare to seize the initiative and dare the U.S. to be the one to escalate to overt kinetic action.

U.S. Counter-Strategy: Narrative Competition and Psychological Resilience

The U.S. must recognize that the information domain is not a supporting effort but a central and decisive battlefield. The counter-strategy must be proactive, seeking to seize the initiative in the narrative space, inoculate friendly populations and forces against manipulation, and maintain the cohesion of its alliances and the resolve of its people.

A core component of this counter-strategy is Proactive Strategic Communications. The U.S. and its allies must develop and disseminate a clear, consistent, and fact-based narrative about the nature of the PLA threat and U.S. intentions before a crisis erupts. This effort must be sustained and synchronized across all elements of national power. A key tactic to support this is a “declassify and disclose” approach to intelligence. By rapidly and publicly releasing intelligence that exposes PLA preparations for aggression, false flag operations, disinformation campaigns, or violations of international law, the U.S. can preemptively strip PLA narratives of their credibility and seize the initiative in the information environment.

To operationalize this, the U.S. military must field integrated Information Operations Task Forces. These task forces should bring together capabilities from cyber operations, psychological operations (PSYOP), and public affairs to actively contest the information space on a 24/7 basis. Their mission would be to identify and counter PLA propaganda and disinformation in near real-time and to amplify truthful narratives through all available channels, targeting audiences both at home and abroad. This effort cannot be successful if conducted unilaterally. Close synchronization with allies and partners is essential to present a united international front, jointly attribute and condemn PLA malign activities, and reinforce a shared narrative based on the principles of international law and a free and open global order.

Finally, the U.S. must invest heavily in the psychological resilience of its forces and their families. This requires robust training programs that educate service members on how to identify and counter enemy propaganda and influence operations. It also demands the strengthening of support networks for military families, who will be a primary target of PLA psychological operations designed to create anxiety and pressure on their deployed loved ones.

The “Three Warfares” doctrine is not a separate line of effort for the PLA; it is the strategic connective tissue that binds together all of its other military strategies. It prepares the political and psychological battlespace for kinetic action and is used to exploit the effects of that action. For instance, in a Taiwan contingency, lawfare is used to frame a blockade as a “quarantine,” creating legal ambiguity. Simultaneously, media warfare floods global channels with narratives of Taiwanese provocations and U.S. interference, while psychological warfare targets U.S. and allied populations with messages emphasizing the high human and economic costs of intervention. This coordinated campaign is designed to create hesitation, doubt, and division among U.S. policymakers and international partners, thereby delaying a coherent and timely response. This delay is the critical window of opportunity the PLA needs to achieve its kinetic objectives before the U.S. can effectively project power into the theater. Therefore, countering the “Three Warfares” is not an abstract intellectual exercise; it is an operational imperative. A failure to compete and win in this cognitive domain could lead to a strategic defeat, regardless of the tactical outcomes on the physical battlefield. It is a fight to preserve the political and psychological freedom of action necessary to execute all other military counter-strategies. Failure here could mean U.S. forces arrive too late, or not at all.

Conclusion: The Imperative of Adaptation and Decision Superiority

The analysis of the PLA’s top five asymmetric strategies reveals a coherent and holistic approach to modern conflict designed to exploit perceived U.S. vulnerabilities. The PLA’s warfighting philosophy is not focused on a linear, attrition-based campaign but on a multi-domain, system-level assault targeting the entire U.S. operational architecture—from its space-based assets and C5ISR networks to its trans-oceanic supply lines and, ultimately, its national political will. This comprehensive threat demands an equally comprehensive and adaptive response from the United States and its allies.

A common thread runs through all the necessary U.S. counter-strategies. Concepts such as Joint All-Domain Command and Control (JADC2), Distributed Logistics, Agile Combat Employment (ACE), and the Replicator initiative all represent a fundamental shift away from the centralized, optimized, and often brittle force posture of the post-Cold War era. The new imperative is to build a force that is more distributed, resilient, agile, and capable of sustained operations under persistent attack. This transformation is not merely technological; it is doctrinal, organizational, and cultural. It requires empowering commanders at the tactical edge, fostering deeper interoperability with allies, and re-engineering the defense industrial base to produce not only exquisite platforms but also attritable mass.

In the emerging era of “intelligentized warfare,” where human-machine collaboration and AI-enabled decision-making will be central, the ultimate asymmetric advantage will not reside in the superior performance of any single platform or weapon system. Instead, victory will belong to the side that can most effectively sense, understand, decide, and act within the adversary’s decision-making cycle. The contest with the PLA is, at its core, a contest for decision superiority. The imperative for the U.S. joint force is clear: it must continue to adapt with urgency, embracing a new paradigm of distributed operations and resilient networking to ensure it can out-think, out-decide, and out-pace any adversary under the immense pressures of a multi-domain, cognitively-contested conflict.


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Zhinǎo quán (制脑权): Assessing China’s Strategy for Cognitive Dominance and the PLA’s Battlefield Brain Program

This report assesses China’s “Battlefield Brain Program,” concluding it is not an isolated research project but a comprehensive, state-directed national strategy to weaponize brain science and achieve “cognitive dominance” (制脑权, zhinǎo quán). This strategy is an integral and necessary component of the People’s Liberation Army’s (PLA) doctrinal shift toward “intelligentized warfare” (智能化战争), a new paradigm of conflict in which victory is determined by superiority in artificial intelligence, data, and cognitive control. The program aims to achieve strategic victory by subduing an enemy’s will to fight, disrupting its decision-making processes, and paralyzing its societal and military functions, potentially without resorting to widespread kinetic conflict.

The program is built upon three core pillars. The first is a novel warfighting doctrine, Cognitive Warfare (认知作战), which evolves beyond traditional information and psychological operations to directly target the cognitive functions of an adversary by weaponizing neuroscience. The second is a rapidly advancing technological arsenal, enabled by the fusion of AI, biotechnology, and Brain-Computer Interfaces (BCIs), which China is developing for both enhancing its own soldiers and attacking the neurological and cognitive processes of its adversaries. The third pillar is a unique organizational ecosystem, driven by the national Military-Civil Fusion (军民融合) strategy and a newly reorganized PLA force structure. This ecosystem eliminates barriers between civilian academia, private industry, and the military, ensuring that breakthroughs in brain science are rapidly weaponized. The April 2024 restructuring of the PLA, which created the specialized Information Support Force (ISF) and Cyberspace Force (CSF), marks a transition from integrated research and development to a more streamlined structure optimized for operational execution of cognitive warfare.

This multi-faceted strategy poses a profound and asymmetric risk to the United States and its allies. It threatens to erode alliance cohesion, destabilize democratic institutions, degrade military command and control in a crisis, and achieve Chinese strategic objectives, such as the annexation of Taiwan, by “winning without fighting.” This report provides a detailed analysis of the program’s evolution, capabilities, and future trajectory, concluding with actionable recommendations for a comprehensive U.S. counter-strategy focused on doctrinal development, defensive technology, whole-of-society resilience, and the establishment of international norms.

I. Strategic Context: The Dawn of “Intelligentized Warfare”

China’s pursuit of military brain science is not an opportunistic exploitation of new technologies but a direct and necessary consequence of a fundamental, top-down doctrinal shift within the People’s Liberation Army. The PLA’s evolving concepts of future warfare, which predict battlefields saturated with artificial intelligence and autonomous systems operating at machine speed, create an existential challenge for the human decision-maker. The “Battlefield Brain Program” is China’s answer to this challenge—a required line of effort to make its entire concept of future warfare viable by enhancing, defending, and attacking the human cognitive element.

The PLA’s Doctrinal Evolution

The PLA’s strategic posture has undergone a significant transformation since the 1980s. Under Deng Xiaoping, the focus was on modernizing to dominate “local wars” on China’s periphery.1 Today, under Xi Jinping, the ambition is to forge a “world-class” military capable of safeguarding China’s expanding global interests, including national sovereignty, territorial integrity, and maritime rights.1 This modernization is driven by Xi’s assessment that China must “adapt to the trend of a new global military revolution” to contend with a world of intensifying global issues and regional conflicts.1

From Informatization to Intelligentization

This revolution is defined by the PLA’s strategic transition from “informatization” (信息化) to “intelligentization” (智能化).2 Informatization, the focus of the past two decades, centered on developing network-centric warfare capabilities and sophisticated Command, Control, Communications, Computers, Intelligence, Surveillance, and Reconnaissance (C4ISR) systems.2 The goal was to achieve victory by disrupting an adversary’s information systems, thereby paralyzing its material capabilities.3

Intelligentization represents the next stage, mandating the deep and comprehensive integration of artificial intelligence, autonomous platforms, and human-machine fusion into all PLA operations.1 This doctrine, formally adopted in PLA strategic documents, anticipates that future conflicts will be defined by “intelligentized operations” (智能化作战) involving intelligent autonomy and multi-domain integration.2 The PLA has set clear timelines for this transition, aiming to “accelerate the integrated development of mechanisation, informatisation, and intelligentisation” by 2027 and complete the modernization of the military by 2035.1 This doctrinal shift is predicated on the belief that “algorithmic advantage” will become a dominant determinant of operational outcomes.2

The Cognitive Domain as a New Battlespace

A central tenet of intelligentized warfare is the expansion of the battlefield into a new, non-physical domain: the human mind. PLA theorists, including senior figures at the Academy of Military Science (AMS), explicitly state that the “sphere of operations will be expanded from the physical domain and the information domain to the domain of consciousness (意识域); the human brain will become a new combat space”.2 This view is echoed in the PLA’s official newspaper,

PLA Daily, which identifies the cognitive space as the “key operational space” in intelligentized warfare, where cognitive advantage is a “strategic advantage”.6 This conceptualization transforms the human brain from a mere recipient of information into a contested battlespace to be seized and controlled. The speed and data saturation of intelligentized warfare create a fundamental problem: the human operator becomes the slowest and most vulnerable link in the decision-making chain. The PLA Daily acknowledges that in the face of massive, complex data flows, human perception is “dull and slow” (愚钝迟缓).6 PLA thinkers express deep concern about the “intense cognitive challenges” that future commanders will face.2 To prevent the human from becoming a critical system vulnerability, the PLA has concluded it must “upgrade human cognitive performance to keep pace with the complexity of warfare”.2

The Imperative for “Dominance”

This new doctrine necessitates the pursuit of dominance in previously conceptualized domains. PLA strategists now openly call for achieving not only information and air superiority but also “biological dominance” (制生权), “mental/cognitive dominance” (制脑权, zhinǎo quán), and “intelligence dominance” (制智权).2 This marks a critical conceptual leap from merely controlling the flow of information to directly controlling the cognitive processes of friendly and enemy personnel. This imperative is the fundamental driver of China’s comprehensive investment in military brain science.

II. The Conceptual Framework: Military Brain Science and Cognitive Warfare

To operationalize its doctrine of cognitive dominance, China is developing a comprehensive scientific framework and a new theory of warfare that goes far beyond traditional influence operations. This framework, termed Military Brain Science, provides the scientific foundation for a new form of conflict: Cognitive Warfare.

Defining Cognitive Warfare (认知作战)

Cognitive warfare, as conceptualized by the PLA, is a distinct and more advanced form of conflict than its predecessors. Whereas traditional information warfare manipulates what people think by controlling the flow of information, cognitive warfare aims to disrupt how people think by targeting the process of rationality itself.8 It is an insidious form of conflict designed to influence thought and action, thereby destabilizing democratic institutions and national security.8 Taiwanese researchers, who are on the front line of this conflict, highlight the key distinction: “only cognitive warfare weaponizes neuroscience and targets brain control”.9 PLA theorists define the “cognitive space” (认知空间) as the area where “feelings, perception, understanding, beliefs, and values exist, and is the field of decision-making through reasoning”.9 This is the battlespace they seek to dominate.

From “Three Warfares” to Cognitive Dominance

Cognitive warfare represents a significant evolution of the PLA’s long-standing “Three Warfares” doctrine, which integrates public opinion warfare, psychological warfare, and legal warfare.11 While it incorporates elements of all three, its ambition is far greater. It extends beyond shaping narratives and perceptions to the direct manipulation and degradation of cognitive processes, aiming for what PLA thinkers term “mind superiority” (制脑权) or “cognitive control”.7 The ultimate strategic objective is to achieve victory by disintegrating an adversary’s societal and military will to fight, thereby realizing the Sun Tzu ideal of “winning without fighting”.7

The Military Brain Science (MBS) Framework

The scientific underpinning for this new form of warfare is a comprehensive framework proposed by Chinese military medical researchers called Military Brain Science (MBS).14 MBS is a cutting-edge, interdisciplinary science guided by potential military applications. It systematically organizes research into nine distinct but interrelated fields, creating a roadmap for transforming neuroscience into military capability 14:

  1. Understanding the Brain: Foundational research into neural principles.
  2. Protecting the Brain: Developing defensive countermeasures to protect PLA personnel from cognitive attacks.
  3. Monitoring the Brain: Using technologies like smart sensor bracelets to assess the real-time cognitive and emotional states of soldiers to determine their combat status.15
  4. Injuring the Brain: Researching non-kinetic and kinetic methods to cause targeted neurological damage.
  5. Interfering with the Brain: Developing capabilities to disrupt enemy cognitive processes, sow confusion, and degrade decision-making.
  6. Repairing the Brain: Advancing neuro-medical treatments for PLA personnel.
  7. Enhancing the Brain: Augmenting the cognitive capabilities of PLA soldiers through neurotechnology, pharmacology, and other means.
  8. Simulating the Brain: Leveraging insights from neuroscience to advance brain-inspired computing and artificial intelligence.
  9. Arming the Brain: Creating direct neural control of weapons systems through technologies like Brain-Computer Interfaces (BCIs) to establish a command system where “perception is decision making, decision making is attack”.14

The “One Body, Two Wings” Principle

This military framework mirrors the structure of China’s national-level civilian “China Brain Project.” That project is organized on the principle of “One body, two wings” (一体两翼), where the “body” is the fundamental study of neural cognition, and the “two wings” are the dual applications of treating brain disease and developing new brain-inspired AI and computing technologies.14 The MBS framework functions similarly, leveraging fundamental research for direct, dual-use military applications, ensuring a rapid transition from laboratory to battlefield.

To clarify the distinct nature of cognitive warfare, the following table compares it with the PLA’s other information operations concepts. A failure by policymakers to grasp these distinctions can lead to a critical underestimation of the threat, as cognitive warfare represents a qualitative leap in capability and intent.

Table 2.1: A Comparative Analysis of PLA Information Operations Concepts

ConceptPrimary TargetCore MethodsEnabling TechnologiesStrategic Goal
Public Opinion Warfare (舆论战)Domestic and international audiences; public sentimentPropaganda; narrative shaping; media guidanceMass media; social media networksBuild support; shape perceptions; seize moral high ground 7
Psychological Warfare (心理战)Enemy military personnel and leaders; adversary psychologyDeception; coercion; intimidation; demoralizationPropaganda; targeted communicationsWeaken fighting will; induce doubt; disintegrate enemy morale 7
Information Warfare (信息战)Enemy information systems and data flowsCyber attack; electronic warfare; network disruptionC4ISR systems; cyber tools; electronic weaponsControl the flow of information; achieve information superiority 3
Cognitive Warfare (认知作战)Human cognitive processes; rationality; decision-makingNeuro-manipulation; AI-driven disinformation; cognitive interferenceWeaponized neuroscience; AI; BCIs; biotechnologyControl thought processes; paralyze decision-making; “win without fighting” 8

III. The Technological Arsenal: Weaponizing Neuroscience, AI, and Biotechnology

China is aggressively developing and integrating a suite of emerging technologies to provide the tangible capabilities required by its cognitive warfare doctrine. This effort is focused on two parallel tracks: enhancing the capabilities of its own forces through human-machine fusion and developing novel weapons to attack the cognitive functions of its adversaries.

A. Brain-Computer Interfaces (BCI): The Cornerstone of Human-Machine Fusion

BCIs are the central enabling technology for the PLA’s vision of “hybrid intelligence.” China’s progress in this field is rapid, state-directed, and explicitly dual-use.

Rapid, State-Supported Progress

China’s BCI development is a national priority, driven by the “China Brain Project” (2016-2030) and substantial state funding.2 This has resulted in China becoming second only to the United States in BCI-related patents and, critically, the second country in the world to advance invasive BCI technology to the clinical trial phase.19

Technical Achievements

Chinese institutions have achieved world-class breakthroughs. In a landmark trial, researchers from the Chinese Academy of Sciences (CAS) and Fudan University’s Huashan Hospital successfully implanted an invasive BCI in a tetraplegic patient, enabling him to control electronic devices with his thoughts.20 The research team, led by Zhao Zhengtuo, has also developed ultra-flexible neural electrodes that are the smallest in the world, with a cross-sectional area one-fifth that of Neuralink’s electrodes and over 100 times greater flexibility, significantly reducing damage to brain tissue.20 In the non-invasive domain, research at institutions like Tianjin University has produced high-speed BCI systems with the world’s largest command sets, designed for applications from astronaut support to industrial control.21

Dual-Use Pathway from Medical to Military

China’s public emphasis on the therapeutic benefits of BCI research is a deliberate strategic choice. This focus allows China to participate in and benefit from the open global scientific community, acquire Western technology under a benign pretext, and accelerate its fundamental research. However, under the state’s military-civil fusion framework, these same breakthroughs are immediately funneled to military laboratories for weaponization. This creates a parallel, classified development track that leverages the progress of the unclassified one, masking true intentions and co-opting global research for military ends.2

While public reports highlight medical applications for treating conditions like ALS and paralysis 23, PLA strategists and military-affiliated research institutions are simultaneously pursuing direct military applications.2 These applications fall into three main categories:

  • Soldier Enhancement: This includes using BCI and wearable sensors to monitor soldiers’ health, psychological states, and cognitive load in real-time.15 Other research focuses on enhancing alertness with devices like “anti-sleep glasses” 13 and exploring futuristic concepts like directly “downloading” skills and combat experience into a soldier’s brain.16
  • Human-Machine Teaming: The PLA envisions using BCIs to enable direct “thought control” of unmanned systems like drones and robotic vehicles.2 This would dramatically shorten the OODA loop, creating a direct link from perception to action and bypassing verbal or physical commands.14
  • Hybrid Intelligence: The ultimate goal is to create a new form of “hybrid intelligence” (混合智能) by deeply fusing human and machine cognition. A director at the Central Military Commission’s Science and Technology Commission stated that “human-machine hybrid intelligence will be the highest form of future intelligence”.2

B. Cognitive Attack and Manipulation Technologies

Alongside enhancement, the PLA is developing a portfolio of technologies designed to degrade, disrupt, and damage the cognitive capabilities of its adversaries.

Non-Kinetic Attack: “NeuroStrike”

Chinese military-affiliated reports discuss the concept of “NeuroStrike,” a new class of non-kinetic weapon.13 It is defined as the covert use of combined technologies—including radio frequency, low-megahertz acoustics, nanotechnology, and electromagnetics—to inflict direct and potentially permanent neurological damage or cognitive degradation on targeted individuals from a distance.13 This represents a dangerous escalation from influence operations to direct, non-lethal (but permanently damaging) physical attacks on the brain.

AI-Driven Disinformation and Psychological Manipulation

China is harnessing the convergence of AI, big data, and social media to conduct cognitive warfare at an unprecedented scale and granularity.26 The PLA is developing systems that use Generative AI to create hyper-targeted, culturally resonant disinformation at machine speed.27 These campaigns are designed not merely to spread a message but to achieve specific cognitive effects: polarizing societies, fracturing cohesion within alliances, sowing doubt, and eroding trust in democratic institutions.8

Biotechnology and Pharmacological Enhancement

The PLA’s pursuit of “biological dominance” extends to biotechnology and pharmacology.2 Research is reportedly underway on “genetic drugs” designed to modify the cognitive, emotional, and behavioral traits of targeted populations.13 Concurrently, the PLA is exploring the use of performance-enhancing pharmaceuticals, such as Modafinil, to improve the cognition, alertness, and endurance of its own soldiers.13

IV. Command and Control: The Military-Civil Fusion Ecosystem and PLA Force Structure

China’s Battlefield Brain Program is not an ad-hoc collection of research projects but a coherent national endeavor enabled by a unique organizational architecture. This architecture combines a top-down national strategy, Military-Civil Fusion, with a bottom-up, reorganized military force structure designed for operational execution.

A. The Engine: Military-Civil Fusion (军民融合)

Military-Civil Fusion (MCF) is the primary engine driving the weaponization of brain science in China. It is a national strategy, personally overseen by Xi Jinping, with the explicit goal of developing the PLA into a “world-class military” by eliminating all barriers between China’s civilian research, commercial, and military sectors.22

Application to Brain Science

In the context of brain science, MCF ensures that any innovation, regardless of where it originates, is available for military application. It formalizes the process of leveraging breakthroughs from top civilian institutions and private companies for military purposes.2 This creates a vast, interconnected ecosystem where civilian progress directly fuels military capability. The Central Military Commission (CMC) Science & Technology Commission (S&TC) is a key coordinating body, directing funds and establishing programs specifically focused on military brain science, human enhancement, and human-machine fusion intelligence.2 The table below maps the key players in this ecosystem, illustrating the tangible mechanics of the MCF strategy.

Table 4.1: Key PLA and Civilian Organizations in Brain Science and Cognitive Warfare R&D

OrganizationCategoryPrimary Role/ContributionKey References
CMC Science & Technology CommissionMilitaryStrategic direction; funding; promotion of MCF in brain science and human enhancement.2
Academy of Military Science (AMS)MilitaryDoctrinal development; defines cognitive domain as a battlespace; leads military scientific enterprise.2
National University of Defense Technology (NUDT)MilitaryLong-term BCI research; development of brain-controlled drones and robots.2
Chinese Academy of Sciences (CAS)State-Owned AcademiaFundamental research; key breakthroughs in invasive BCI technology and flexible electrodes.14
Tianjin UniversityUniversity/AcademiaLeading research in non-invasive BCI; development of the “Braintalker” chip.21
Fudan University / Huashan HospitalUniversity/AcademiaConducted China’s first clinical trials for invasive BCIs in collaboration with CAS.20
Beijing Institute for Brain ResearchState-Owned AcademiaAchieved first clinical application of a wireless implanted Chinese language BCI system.23

B. The Operators: PLA Force Structure Reorganization (April 2024)

The April 2024 reorganization of the PLA represents a critical step in the evolution of its cognitive warfare capabilities, marking a shift from integrated research and development to specialized operationalization.

Dissolution of the Strategic Support Force (SSF)

This landmark reform disbanded the Strategic Support Force (SSF), which was created in 2015 as a central hub for the PLA’s space, cyber, electronic, and psychological warfare capabilities.1 The SSF served as a crucial incubator, forcing the integration of previously disparate units and fostering the development of new, cross-domain concepts like cognitive warfare.32 Its dissolution after nine years suggests that this initial phase of conceptual integration was successful and that its component parts had matured sufficiently to become independent, mission-focused forces.30

Creation of New Forces

The SSF was replaced by three new arms that report directly to the Central Military Commission: the Aerospace Force (ASF), the Cyberspace Force (CSF), and the Information Support Force (ISF).1 This new structure is designed for more efficient command and control in a multi-domain conflict.

Roles in Cognitive Warfare

The reorganization created a clearer division of labor for waging cognitive warfare, separating the role of the network “provider” from the operational “user.”

  • Information Support Force (ISF): The ISF has a foundational support role. It is responsible for building, operating, and defending the PLA’s “network information systems”.1 This force provides the secure, resilient, and high-capacity communications and data architecture that is the essential backbone for delivering cognitive effects across the battlespace. Its mission is to ensure information dominance at the infrastructure level.
  • Cyberspace Force (CSF): The CSF inherits and consolidates the SSF’s offensive mission set for the information domain. It is explicitly responsible for conducting cyber attacks, electronic warfare, and psychological warfare.12 The CSF is the PLA’s primary warfighting command for executing cognitive warfare campaigns. Its doctrine combines cyber operations with psychological manipulation to achieve specific cognitive effects against an adversary.12

This separation allows each force to specialize: the ISF focuses on building a robust network, while the CSF focuses on developing and executing sophisticated cognitive attacks that leverage that network. This is a move from an all-encompassing R&D organization to a more streamlined, mission-focused structure designed for warfighting at scale.

V. Strategic Implications for the United States and Allied Nations

China’s systematic development of a cognitive warfare capability, underpinned by a robust scientific and technological base, presents a series of profound and asymmetric challenges to the security of the United States and its allies. The implications extend beyond the traditional military balance, threatening the very foundations of democratic governance and collective defense.

The Threat of “Victory Without Fighting”

The primary strategic danger posed by China’s program is its potential to achieve major geopolitical objectives, such as the forcible annexation of Taiwan, by circumventing a direct military confrontation. The ultimate goal of cognitive warfare is not persuasion, but strategic paralysis. By creating a “competition of truths” 9, flooding information channels, and eroding trust in all institutions, the aim is to make coherent, collective decision-making impossible for an adversary. This could paralyze an adversary’s political and military leadership and collapse its societal will to resist, achieving a state of functional, cognitive disarmament before the first shot is fired.7

Erosion of Alliance Cohesion

AI-driven, micro-targeted cognitive warfare campaigns are potent tools for undermining alliances. These operations can be tailored to exploit pre-existing social, political, and cultural fissures within and between allied nations, amplifying dissent and sowing doubt about the reliability of security commitments.8 By fracturing the internal cohesion of key allies and fostering distrust in institutions like NATO, China could effectively weaken collective defense arrangements and isolate the United States in a crisis.

Destabilization of Democratic Institutions

Cognitive warfare poses a particularly acute threat to open, democratic societies. The principles of free expression and open access to information that are core strengths of democracies also create vulnerabilities that can be exploited by state-sponsored disinformation and manipulation.8 The PLA’s doctrine explicitly targets the process of rationality itself, seeking to destabilize the very bedrock of democratic governance by eroding public trust, exacerbating polarization, and undermining faith in electoral processes and government institutions.8

Degradation of Military Decision-Making

In a direct conflict scenario, cognitive warfare capabilities could be used to degrade U.S. and allied military effectiveness. Attacks could target the cognitive functions of commanders and personnel to induce confusion, slow reaction times, create “mental disarray,” and reduce trust in equipment and intelligence.36 The development of “NeuroStrike” capabilities, even if nascent, introduces the alarming possibility of using directed energy or other means to incapacitate key military and political decision-makers at critical moments, disrupting command and control when it is needed most.13

The New Frontier of Arms Control

The weaponization of neuroscience and AI creates a new and deeply challenging domain for international security norms and arms control. The lines between permissible public diplomacy, covert influence, and an overt cognitive “attack” are dangerously blurred. Attribution for such attacks is technically and politically difficult, which complicates traditional models of deterrence and retaliation. Without established international standards, this domain risks a rapid and destabilizing arms race with few rules of engagement.8

VI. Recommendations for a Proactive National Security Posture

Countering China’s comprehensive strategy for cognitive dominance requires an equally comprehensive and proactive response from the United States and its allies. This response cannot be limited to the military domain but must encompass a whole-of-society effort to build resilience and defend the cognitive security of democratic nations. The U.S. should not—and cannot—mirror China’s authoritarian approach. A successful counter-strategy must be asymmetric, focusing on strengthening the inherent advantages of open societies: critical thinking, institutional trust, and individual cognitive liberty. The goal is to “inoculate” the population and decision-makers against manipulation, rather than engaging in a symmetric race to control minds.

1. Develop a U.S. Cognitive Security Doctrine: The Department of Defense, in coordination with the Intelligence Community and other government agencies, must move beyond ambiguous terms like “information warfare” and develop a formal, structured doctrine for cognitive security. This requires creating a “cognitive-warfare ontology” that maps the domain, defines threats, and establishes clear lines of authority.8 This effort must integrate expertise from not only military and intelligence fields but also from psychology, neuroscience, data science, and ethics to fully grasp the nature of the threat.8

2. Accelerate Defensive Neurotechnology and Cognitive Security R&D: The U.S. must increase investment in research and development aimed at protecting the cognitive functions of its military personnel and decision-makers. This includes expanding the scope and funding for programs like DARPA’s Intrinsic Cognitive Security (ICS), which is developing methods to protect users of mixed-reality systems from cognitive attack.38 Priority should be given to developing neuro-adaptive human-machine interfaces that can monitor cognitive load and augment a warfighter’s cognitive functions under the extreme stress of an intelligentized battlefield.40

3. Establish a “Whole-of-Society” Resilience Strategy: Defending against cognitive warfare is a national security imperative that cannot be shouldered by the military alone. The White House should lead a national effort to:

  • Promote Cognitive Readiness: Develop national-level programs for “cognitive readiness education and training” through the Department of Education and civil society partners. These programs should focus on improving critical thinking skills and media literacy to help citizens of all ages identify and resist disinformation and manipulation.40
  • Secure Critical Infrastructure: The Department of Homeland Security must work with public and private sector partners to identify and fortify critical infrastructure against attacks that blend cyber, physical, and cognitive elements.8
  • Address Algorithmic Amplification: Engage with technology companies and legislators to develop regulations and best practices that mitigate the risk of algorithm-driven social media platforms being exploited to amplify cognitive attacks and societal polarization.8

4. Lead the Development of International Norms: The State Department, in concert with allies, should proactively lead efforts to establish international legal and ethical boundaries for the military application of neurotechnology and cognitive warfare. This includes working through international bodies to define what constitutes a prohibited cognitive attack, developing frameworks for responsible innovation in neuroscience, and creating mechanisms for deterrence and response that do not rely solely on symmetric capabilities.8

5. Enhance Intelligence and Threat Assessment: The Intelligence Community must dedicate increased resources to systematically monitoring, analyzing, and exposing China’s efforts in this domain. This requires a multi-disciplinary approach to track scientific publications in brain science, monitor PLA procurement of dual-use technologies, and map the specific pathways through which the Military-Civil Fusion strategy funnels civilian research into military programs.40 Publicly releasing declassified findings can help build domestic and international awareness of the threat.


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The Algorithmic Battlefield: A Global Ranking and Strategic Analysis of Military AI Capabilities

The global security landscape is being fundamentally reshaped by the rapid integration of artificial intelligence (AI) into military forces, heralding a new era of “intelligentized” warfare. This report provides a comprehensive assessment and ranking of the world’s top 10 nations in military AI, based on a multi-factor methodology evaluating national strategy, foundational ecosystem, military implementation, and operational efficacy. The analysis reveals a distinct, bipolar competition at the highest tier, followed by a diverse and competitive group of strategic contenders and niche specialists.

Top-Line Findings: The United States and the People’s Republic of China stand alone in Tier I, representing two competing paradigms for developing and deploying military AI. The U.S. leverages a dominant commercial technology sector and massive private investment, while China employs a state-directed, whole-of-nation “Military-Civil Fusion” strategy. While the U.S. currently maintains a significant lead, particularly in foundational innovation and investment, China is rapidly closing the gap in application and scale.

Tier II is populated by a mix of powers. Russia, despite technological and economic constraints, has proven adept at asymmetric innovation, battle-hardening AI for electronic warfare and unmanned systems in Ukraine. Israel stands out for its unparalleled operational deployment of AI in high-intensity combat, particularly for targeting. The United Kingdom is the clear leader among European allies, followed by France, which is aggressively pursuing a sovereign AI capability. Rising powers like India and South Korea are leveraging their unique strengths—a vast talent pool and a world-class hardware industry, respectively—to build formidable programs. Germany and Japan are accelerating their historically cautious approaches in response to a deteriorating security environment, while Canada focuses on niche contributions within its alliance structures.

Key Strategic Insight: True leadership in military AI is determined not by technological prowess alone, but by a nation’s ability to create a cohesive ecosystem that integrates technology, data, investment, talent, and—most critically—military doctrine. The core of the U.S.-China competition is a contest between America’s dynamic but sometimes disjointed commercial-military model and China’s centrally commanded but potentially less innovative state-driven model. The ultimate victor will be the nation that can most effectively translate AI potential into tangible, scalable, and doctrinally integrated decision advantage on the battlefield.

Emerging Trends: The conflict in Ukraine has become the world’s foremost laboratory for AI in warfare, demonstrating that battlefield necessity is the most powerful catalyst for innovation. This has validated the strategic importance of low-cost, attritable autonomous systems, a lesson the U.S. is attempting to institutionalize through its Replicator initiative. Furthermore, the analysis underscores the critical strategic dependence on foundational hardware, particularly advanced semiconductors and cloud computing infrastructure, which represents a key advantage for the U.S. and its allies and a significant vulnerability for China. Finally, a clear divergence is emerging in doctrinal and ethical approaches, with some nations rapidly fielding systems for immediate effect while others prioritize developing more deliberate, human-in-the-loop frameworks.

RankCountryOverall Score (100)
1United States94.5
2China79.0
3Israel61.5
4Russia55.5
5United Kingdom51.0
6France45.5
7South Korea43.0
8India41.0
9Germany37.5
10Japan35.0

The New Topography of Warfare: The Rise of Military AI

The character of warfare is undergoing its most profound transformation since the advent of nuclear weapons. The shift from the “informatized” battlefield of the late 20th century to the “intelligentized” battlefield of the 21st is not an incremental evolution but a genuine revolution in military affairs (RMA). Artificial intelligence is not merely another tool; it is a foundational, general-purpose technology, much like electricity, that is diffusing across every military function and fundamentally altering the calculus of combat.1 This transformation is defined by its capacity to collapse decision-making cycles, enable autonomous operations at unprecedented speed and scale, and create entirely new vectors for conflict.

The core military applications of AI are already reshaping contemporary battlefields. They span a wide spectrum, from enhancing command and control (C2) and processing vast streams of intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance (ISR) data to optimizing logistics, conducting cyber and information operations, and fielding increasingly autonomous weapon systems.1 The war in Ukraine serves as a stark preview of this new reality. The widespread use of unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs), often augmented with AI for targeting and navigation, is reported to account for 70-80% of battlefield casualties.4 AI-based targeting has dramatically increased the accuracy of low-cost first-person-view (FPV) drones from a baseline of 30-50% to approximately 80%, demonstrating a tangible increase in lethality.4

This proliferation of cheap, smart, and lethal systems is challenging the decades-long dominance of expensive, exquisite military platforms. A commercial drone enhanced with an AI targeting module costing as little as $25 can now threaten a multi-million-dollar main battle tank, creating an extreme cost-imbalance that upends traditional force-on-force calculations.4 This dynamic is forcing a strategic re-evaluation within the world’s most advanced militaries. The future battlefield may not be won by the nation with the most sophisticated fighter jet, but by the one that can most effectively deploy, coordinate, and sustain intelligent swarms of attritable systems. This reality is the direct impetus for major strategic initiatives like the U.S. Department of Defense’s (DoD) Replicator program, which aims to counter adversary mass with a new form of American mass built on thousands of autonomous systems.5

This technological upheaval is unfolding within a clear geopolitical context: an intensifying “artificial intelligence arms race”.7 This competition is most acute between the United States and China, both of which recognize AI as a decisive element of future military power and are racing to integrate it into their strategies.1 However, they are not the only actors. A host of other nations are making significant investments, developing niche capabilities, and in some cases, gaining invaluable operational experience, creating a complex and dynamic global landscape. Understanding this new topography of warfare is essential for navigating the strategic challenges of the coming decades.

Global Military AI Power Rankings, 2025

The following ranking provides a holistic assessment of national military AI capabilities. It is derived from a composite score based on the detailed methodology outlined in the Appendix of this report. The index evaluates each nation across four equally weighted pillars: National Strategy & Investment, Foundational Ecosystem, Military Implementation & Programs, and Operational Efficacy & Deployment. This structure provides a comprehensive view, moving beyond simple technological metrics to assess a nation’s complete capacity to translate AI potential into effective military power.

The scores reveal a clear two-tiered structure. Tier I is exclusively occupied by the United States and China, who are in a league of their own. Tier II comprises a competitive and diverse group of nations, each with distinct strengths and strategic approaches, from the battle-tested pragmatism of Israel and Russia to the alliance-focused innovation of the United Kingdom and the sovereign ambitions of France.

RankCountryOverall ScoreStrategy & InvestmentFoundational EcosystemMilitary ImplementationOperational Efficacy
1United States94.592989395
2China79.090857863
3Israel61.555655868
4Russia55.558455465
5United Kingdom51.060584541
6France45.557484235
7South Korea43.050523832
8India41.052473530
9Germany37.545443328
10Japan35.040423028

Tier I Analysis: The Bipolar AI World Order

The global military AI landscape is dominated by two superpowers, the United States and China. They are not merely the top two contenders; they represent fundamentally different models for harnessing a transformative technology for national power. Their competition is not just a race for better algorithms but a clash of entire systems—one driven by a vibrant, chaotic commercial ecosystem, the other by the centralized, unyielding will of the state.

United States: The Commercial-Military Vanguard

The United States holds the top position in military AI, a status derived from an unparalleled private-sector innovation engine, overwhelming financial investment, and a clear strategic pivot towards integrating commercial technology at unprecedented speed and scale. Its strength lies in its dynamic, bottom-up ecosystem. However, this model is not without friction; the U.S. faces significant challenges in overcoming bureaucratic acquisition hurdles, bridging the cultural gap between Silicon Valley and the Pentagon, and navigating complex ethical debates that can temper the pace of adoption.

National Strategy and Vision

The U.S. approach has matured from establishing foundational principles to prioritizing agile adoption. The 2018 DoD AI Strategy laid the groundwork, directing the department to accelerate AI adoption and establishing the Joint Artificial Intelligence Center (JAIC) as a focal point.9 This initial strategy emphasized the need to empower, not replace, servicemembers and to lead in the responsible and ethical use of AI.9

Building on this, the 2023 Data, Analytics, and AI Adoption Strategy, developed by the Chief Digital and AI Officer (CDAO), marks a significant evolution.10 It supersedes the earlier documents and shifts the focus from a handful of specific capabilities to strengthening the entire organizational environment for continuous AI deployment. The strategy’s central objective is to achieve and maintain “decision advantage” across the competition continuum.10 It prescribes an agile approach to development and delivery, targeting five specific outcomes:

  1. Superior battlespace awareness and understanding
  2. Adaptive force planning and application
  3. Fast, precise, and resilient kill chains
  4. Resilient sustainment support
  5. Efficient enterprise business operations 10

This strategic framework is supported by a clear hierarchy of needs: quality data, governance, analytics, and responsible AI assurance, all managed under the centralizing authority of the CDAO.10

Investment and Foundational Ecosystem

The scale of U.S. investment in AI is staggering and unmatched globally. In 2024, private AI investment in the U.S. reached $109.1 billion, a figure nearly twelve times greater than that of China.12 This torrent of private capital fuels a hyper-competitive ecosystem of startups and established tech giants, creating a vast wellspring of innovation from which the military can draw.

This private investment is mirrored by a dramatic increase in defense-specific spending. The potential value of DoD AI-related contracts surged by nearly 1,200% in a single year, from $355 million to $4.6 billion between 2022 and 2023, with the DoD driving almost the entire increase.14 The Pentagon’s fiscal year 2025 budget request includes over $12 billion for unmanned systems and AI autonomy programs, signaling a firm, top-level commitment.16

This financial dominance underpins a foundational ecosystem that leads the world in nearly every metric. The U.S. possesses the largest and highest-quality pool of AI talent, is home to the world’s leading research universities, and dominates open-source contributions.17 In 2023, U.S.-based institutions produced 61 notable machine learning models, compared to just 15 from China.19 Crucially, the U.S. and its close allies control the most critical chokepoints of the AI hardware supply chain, including high-end semiconductor design (Nvidia, Intel, AMD) and manufacturing, as well as the global cloud computing infrastructure (Amazon Web Services, Microsoft Azure, and Google Cloud), which provides the raw computational power necessary for training and deploying advanced AI models.20

Flagship Programs and Demonstrated Efficacy

The U.S. has moved beyond theoretical research to the development and operational deployment of key military AI systems.

  • Project Maven (Algorithmic Warfare Cross-Functional Team): Initially launched in 2017 to use machine learning for analyzing full-motion video from drones, Maven has evolved into the Pentagon’s flagship AI project for targeting.22 It is a sophisticated data-fusion platform that integrates information from satellites, sensors, and communications intercepts to identify and prioritize potential targets.22 Its effectiveness has been proven in the “Scarlet Dragon” series of live-fire exercises, where it enabled an AI-driven kill chain from target identification in satellite imagery to a successful strike by an M142 HIMARS rocket system.22 Maven has been deployed in active combat zones, assisting with targeting for airstrikes in Iraq, Syria, and Yemen, and has been used to provide critical intelligence to Ukrainian forces.22 In 2023, the geospatial intelligence (GEOINT) aspects of Maven were transferred to the National Geospatial-Intelligence Agency (NGA), signifying its maturation from a pilot project into an enterprise-level capability for the entire intelligence community.23
  • Replicator Initiative: Unveiled in August 2023, Replicator is the DoD’s doctrinal and industrial response to the lessons of the Ukraine war and the challenge of China’s military mass.5 The initiative’s stated goal is to field thousands of “all-domain, attritable autonomous” (ADA2) systems—small, cheap, and intelligent drones—by August 2025.5 Replicator has a dual purpose: to deliver a tangible warfighting capability that can overwhelm an adversary and to force a revolution in the Pentagon’s slow-moving acquisition process by leveraging the speed and innovation of the commercial sector.27 Approximately 75% of the companies involved are non-traditional defense contractors, a deliberate effort to break the traditional defense-industrial mold.27 However, the program has reportedly faced significant challenges, including software integration issues and systems that were not ready for scaling, highlighting the persistent “valley of death” between prototype and mass production that plagues DoD procurement.28

The development of these programs reveals a distinct philosophy of AI-enabled command. U.S. strategic documents and program designs consistently emphasize that AI is a tool to “empower, not replace” the human warfighter.9 The Army’s doctrinal approach to integrating AI into its targeting cycle explicitly maintains that human commanders must remain the “final arbiters of lethal force”.29 This “human-on-the-loop” model, where AI provides recommendations and accelerates analysis but a human makes the critical decision, is a core tenet of the American approach.

CategoryUnited States: Military AI Profile
National Strategy2023 Data, Analytics, & AI Adoption Strategy; focus on “decision advantage” through agile adoption.
Key InstitutionsChief Digital and AI Officer (CDAO), Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency (DARPA), Defense Innovation Unit (DIU), National Security Agency (NSA) AI Security Center.
Investment FocusMassive private sector investment ($109.1B in 2024); significant DoD budget increases for AI and autonomy ($12B+ in FY25 request).
Flagship ProgramsProject Maven (AI-enabled targeting), Replicator Initiative (attritable autonomous systems).
Foundational StrengthsWorld-leading AI talent, R&D, and commercial tech sector; dominance in semiconductors and cloud computing.
Demonstrated EfficacyProject Maven battle-tested in Middle East and used to support Ukraine; advanced exercises like Scarlet Dragon prove AI kill-chain concepts.
Key ChallengesBureaucratic acquisition processes (“valley of death”), ethical constraints slowing adoption, potential for C2 doctrine to be outpaced by adversaries.

China: The State-Directed Challenger

The People’s Republic of China is the only nation with the scale, resources, and strategic focus to challenge U.S. preeminence in military AI. Its approach is the antithesis of the American model: a top-down, state-directed effort that harnesses the entirety of its national power to achieve a singular goal. Through its “Military-Civil Fusion” strategy, a clear doctrinal commitment to “intelligentized warfare,” and access to vast data resources, China is rapidly developing and scaling AI capabilities. While it may lag the U.S. in foundational innovation and high-end hardware, its ability to direct and integrate technology for state purposes presents a formidable challenge.

National Strategy and Doctrine

China’s ambition is codified in a series of high-level strategic documents. The State Council’s 2017 “New Generation Artificial Intelligence Development Plan” serves as the national blueprint, with the explicit goal of making China the world’s “major AI innovation center” by 2030, identifying national defense as a key area for application.14

This national ambition is translated into military doctrine through the concept of “intelligentized warfare” (智能化战争). This is the official third stage of the People’s Liberation Army’s (PLA) modernization, following mechanization and informatization.1 It is not simply about adding AI to existing systems; it is a holistic vision for re-engineering the PLA to operate at machine speed, infusing AI into every facet of warfare to gain decision superiority over its adversaries.31 The PLA aims to achieve this transformation by 2035 and become a “world-class” military by mid-century.32

The engine driving this transformation is the national strategy of “Military-Civil Fusion” (军民融合). This policy erases the institutional barriers between China’s civilian tech sector and its military-industrial complex, compelling private companies, universities, and state-owned enterprises to contribute to the PLA’s technological advancement.8 This allows the PLA to directly leverage the innovations of China’s tech giants—such as Baidu, Alibaba, and Tencent (BAT)—for military purposes, creating a deeply integrated ecosystem designed to “leapfrog” U.S. capabilities.8

Investment and Foundational Ecosystem

While China’s publicly reported private AI investment ($9.3 billion in 2024) is an order of magnitude smaller than that of the U.S., this figure is misleading.12 The state plays a much more direct role, with government-backed guidance funds targeting a staggering $1.86 trillion for investment in strategic technologies like AI.14

This state-directed investment has cultivated a vast domestic ecosystem. China leads the world in the absolute number of AI-related scientific publications and patents, indicating a massive and active research base.12 It possesses the world’s second-largest pool of AI engineers and is making concerted efforts to retain this talent domestically.17 While U.S. institutions still produce more top-tier, notable AI models, Chinese models have rapidly closed the performance gap on key benchmarks to near-parity.12 A crucial advantage for China is its ability to generate and access massive, state-controlled datasets, particularly from its extensive domestic surveillance apparatus. While this data is not directly military in nature, the experience gained in deploying and scaling AI systems across a population of over a billion people provides invaluable, if morally troubling, operational expertise that can be indirectly applied to military challenges.37

Flagship Programs and Ambitions

The PLA’s pursuit of intelligentized warfare is centered on several key concepts and programs designed to contest U.S. military dominance.

  • “Command Brain” (指挥大脑): This is the PLA’s conceptual centerpiece for an AI-driven command and control system. It is designed to be the nerve center for “multi-domain precision warfare,” the PLA’s concept for defeating the U.S. military by attacking the networked nodes that connect its forces.32 The Command Brain would ingest and fuse immense quantities of ISR data at machine speed, identify adversary vulnerabilities in real-time, and generate or recommend optimal courses of action, thereby compressing the OODA loop and seizing decision advantage.32 The PLA has already begun testing AI systems to assist with artillery targeting and is reportedly using the civilian AI model DeepSeek for non-combat tasks like medical planning and personnel management, signaling a willingness to integrate commercial tech directly.32
  • Autonomous Systems and Swarming: Leveraging its world-leading position in commercial drone manufacturing, the PLA is aggressively pursuing military applications for autonomous systems, particularly drone swarms.32 It is also developing “loyal wingman” concepts, such as the FH-97A autonomous aircraft designed to fly alongside crewed fighters, mirroring U.S. efforts.32
  • Cognitive and Information Warfare: PLA strategists see AI as a critical tool for cognitive warfare, using it to shape the information environment and affect an adversary’s will to fight.8 This aligns with China’s broader strategic emphasis on winning wars without fighting, or shaping the conditions for victory long before kinetic conflict begins.

The Chinese approach to AI in command and control appears to diverge philosophically from the American model. While U.S. doctrine emphasizes AI as a decision-support tool for a human commander, PLA writings on intelligentization focus on using AI to overcome the inherent cognitive limitations of human decision-makers in complex, high-speed, multi-domain environments.8 The development of an “AI military commander” for use in large-scale wargaming simulations suggests an ambition to create a more deeply integrated human-machine command system, where the AI’s role extends beyond simple recommendation to active participation in planning and execution.2 This points toward a potential future where a PLA command structure, optimized for machine-speed analysis, could outpace a U.S. structure that remains doctrinally bound to human-centric decision cycles, creating a critical vulnerability in a crisis.

CategoryChina: Military AI Profile
National StrategyNew Generation AI Development Plan (2017); Military-Civil Fusion (MCF); doctrinal focus on “Intelligentized Warfare.”
Key InstitutionsCentral Military Commission (CMC), People’s Liberation Army (PLA) Strategic Support Force (SSF), state-owned defense enterprises, co-opted tech giants (BAT).
Investment FocusMassive state-directed investment through guidance funds; focus on dual-use technologies and domestic application.
Flagship Programs“Command Brain” (AI for C2), autonomous swarming systems, “loyal wingman” concepts (FH-97A), AI for cognitive warfare.
Foundational StrengthsWorld’s largest data pools, massive talent base, leads in AI publications/patents, world-leading drone manufacturing industry.
Demonstrated EfficacyExtensive deployment of AI for domestic surveillance provides scaling experience; testing AI for artillery targeting; DeepSeek model used for non-combat military tasks.
Key ChallengesLagging in foundational model innovation, critical dependency on foreign high-end semiconductors, potential for top-down system to stifle creativity.

Tier II Analysis: The Strategic Contenders and Niche Specialists

Beyond the bipolar competition of the United States and China, a diverse second tier of nations is actively developing and deploying military AI capabilities. These countries, while lacking the sheer scale of the superpowers, possess significant technological prowess, unique strategic drivers, and in some cases, invaluable combat experience that make them formidable players in their own right. This tier is characterized by a variety of approaches, from the asymmetric pragmatism of Russia to the battle-hardened agility of Israel and the alliance-integrated strategies of key U.S. allies.

Russia: The Asymmetric Innovator

Lacking the vast economic resources and deep commercial technology base of the U.S. and China, Russia has adopted a pragmatic and asymmetric approach to military AI. Its strategy is not to compete head-on in developing the most advanced foundational models, but to incrementally integrate “good enough” AI into its existing areas of military strength—namely electronic warfare (EW), cyber operations, and unmanned systems. The goal is to develop force-multiplying capabilities that can disrupt and debilitate a more technologically advanced adversary.38

Russia’s strategic thinking is guided by its “National Strategy on the Development of Artificial Intelligence until 2030” and the Ministry of Defense’s 2022 “Concept” for AI use, though its most important developmental driver is the ongoing war in Ukraine.39 The conflict has become Russia’s primary laboratory for testing and refining AI applications under combat conditions. This includes developing AI-powered drones, such as the ZALA Lancet loitering munition, that are more resilient to EW and capable of autonomous target recognition and even rudimentary swarming.39 AI is also being integrated into established platforms like the Pantsir, S-300, and S-400 air defense systems to improve target tracking and engagement efficiency against complex threats like drones and cruise missiles.39

Despite these battlefield adaptations, Russia faces significant headwinds. It lags considerably in foundational AI research and investment and is hampered by international sanctions that restrict its access to high-end hardware like semiconductors.40 Its domestic technology sector is a fraction of the size of its American and Chinese counterparts.39 A particularly concerning aspect of Russia’s program is its stated intent to integrate AI into its nuclear command, control, and communications (C3) systems, including the automated security for its Strategic Rocket Forces. This pursuit raises profound questions about strategic stability and the risk of accidental or automated escalation in a crisis.42

CategoryRussia: Military AI Profile
National StrategyPragmatic and utilitarian focus on asymmetric force multipliers; guided by 2030 National AI Strategy and 2022 MoD Concept.
Key InstitutionsMinistry of Defense (MOD), military-industrial complex (e.g., Kalashnikov Concern for drones), academic research network.
Investment FocusState-driven R&D focused on near-term military applications, particularly for unmanned systems and EW.
Flagship ProgramsAI-enabled Lancet loitering munitions, integration of AI into air defense systems (Pantsir, S-400), AI for nuclear C3.
Foundational StrengthsDeep experience in EW and cyber operations; ability to rapidly iterate based on combat experience in Ukraine.
Demonstrated EfficacyWidespread and effective use of AI-assisted drones and loitering munitions in Ukraine; demonstrated EW resilience.
Key ChallengesSignificant lag in foundational AI research and investment; dependence on foreign components and impact of sanctions; demographic decline.

Israel: The Battle-Hardened Implementer

Israel stands apart from all other nations in its unparalleled record of deploying sophisticated AI systems in high-intensity combat. Its military AI program is not defined by aspirational strategy documents but by a relentless, operationally-driven innovation cycle born of constant and existential security threats. This has allowed the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) to field effective, if highly controversial, AI capabilities at a pace that larger, more bureaucratic militaries cannot match.

The IDF’s Digital Transformation Division, established in 2019, is a key enabler of this effort, tasked with bringing cutting-edge civilian technology into the military.43 The results of this focus are most evident in the IDF’s targeting process. During the recent conflict in Gaza, Israel has made extensive use of at least two major AI systems:

  • “Habsora” (The Gospel): This AI-powered system analyzes vast amounts of surveillance data to automatically generate bombing target recommendations. It has reportedly increased the IDF’s target generation capacity from around 50 per year to over 100 per day, solving the long-standing problem of running out of targets in a sustained air campaign.2
  • “Lavender”: This is an AI database that has reportedly been used to identify and create a list of as many as 37,000 potential junior operatives affiliated with Hamas or Palestinian Islamic Jihad for targeting.2

The use of these systems marks the most extensive and systematic application of AI for target generation in the history of warfare.43 Beyond targeting, Israel integrates AI across its defense architecture. It is a key component of the Iron Dome and David’s Sling missile defense systems, where algorithms analyze sensor data to prioritize threats and calculate optimal intercept solutions.45 AI is also used for border surveillance, incorporating facial recognition and video analysis tools.45 This rapid and widespread implementation is fueled by Israel’s world-class technology ecosystem (“Silicon Wadi”), which boasts the highest per-capita density of AI talent in the world, and by deep technological partnerships with U.S. tech giants through programs like Project Nimbus.17

CategoryIsrael: Military AI Profile
National StrategyOperationally-driven, bottom-up innovation focused on immediate security needs rather than grand strategy documents.
Key InstitutionsIDF Digital Transformation Division, Unit 8200 (signals intelligence), robust defense industry (Elbit, Rafael), vibrant startup ecosystem.
Investment FocusStrong venture capital scene; targeted government investment in defense tech; deep partnerships with U.S. tech firms (Project Nimbus).
Flagship Programs“Habsora” (The Gospel) and “Lavender” (AI-assisted targeting systems), AI integration in missile defense (Iron Dome).
Foundational StrengthsWorld’s highest per-capita AI talent density; agile and innovative tech culture (“Silicon Wadi”); deep integration between military and tech sectors.
Demonstrated EfficacyUnmatched record of deploying AI systems (Habsora, Lavender) at scale in high-intensity combat operations.
Key ChallengesInternational legal and ethical scrutiny over AI targeting practices; resource constraints compared to superpowers.

United Kingdom: The Leading Ally

The United Kingdom is firmly positioned as the leader among European nations and a crucial Tier II power, combining a strong national AI ecosystem with a clear strategic defense vision and deep integration with the United States. Its approach seeks to leverage its strengths in research and talent to maintain influence and interoperability within key alliances.

The UK’s 2022 Defence Artificial Intelligence Strategy articulates a vision to become “the world’s most effective, efficient, trusted and influential Defence organisation for our size”.47 This is complemented by service-specific plans, such as the British Army’s Approach to Artificial Intelligence, which focuses on delivering decision advantage from the “back office to the battlefield”.48 The UK has also sought to position itself as a global leader in the normative and ethical dimensions of AI, hosting the world’s first AI Safety Summit in 2023, which enhances its diplomatic influence in the field.19

The UK’s foundational ecosystem is a key strength. It ranks third globally in AI talent depth and density, with world-renowned research hubs in London, Cambridge, and Oxford creating a steady pipeline of expertise.17 While its private investment in AI is a distant third to the U.S. and China, it significantly outpaces other European nations.12 The country is home to major defense primes like BAE Systems, which are actively integrating AI into electronic warfare and autonomous platforms, as well as a dynamic startup scene that includes leading AI companies like ElevenLabs and Synthesia.50 This combination of strategic clarity, a robust talent base, and strong alliance partnerships solidifies the UK’s position as a top-tier military AI power.

CategoryUnited Kingdom: Military AI Profile
National Strategy2022 Defence AI Strategy; focus on being “effective, efficient, trusted, and influential.” Strong emphasis on ethical leadership and alliance interoperability.
Key InstitutionsMinistry of Defence (MOD), Defence Science and Technology Laboratory (Dstl), major defense primes (BAE Systems), leading universities.
Investment FocusThird-largest private AI investment globally; government funding for defense R&D.
Flagship ProgramsFocus on cyber, stealth naval AI, and development of 6th-gen air power (Tempest program) with AI at its core.
Foundational StrengthsRanks 3rd globally in AI talent; world-class research universities (Oxford, Cambridge); strong defense-industrial base.
Demonstrated EfficacyActive in joint R&D and exercises with the U.S. and NATO; deploying AI-based cyber defense systems.
Key ChallengesBridging the gap between research and scaled military procurement; maintaining competitiveness with superpower investment levels.

France: The Sovereign Contender

France’s military AI strategy is defined by its long-standing pursuit of “strategic autonomy.” Wary of becoming technologically dependent on either the United States or China, Paris is investing heavily in building a sovereign AI capability that allows it to maintain its freedom of action on the world stage. This ambition is backed by a robust industrial base and a clear, state-led implementation plan.

AI is officially designated a “priority for national defence,” with a strategy that emphasizes a responsible, controlled, and human-in-command approach to its development and use.52 The most significant step in realizing this vision was the creation in 2024 of the

Ministerial Agency for Artificial Intelligence in Defense (MAAID). Modeled on the French Atomic Energy Commission, MAAID is designed to ensure France masters AI technology sovereignly.55 With an annual budget of €300 million and plans for its own dedicated “secret defense” supercomputer by 2025, MAAID represents a serious, centralized commitment to developing military-grade AI.55

This state-led effort is supported by a strong ecosystem. France is home to the Thales Group, a major European defense contractor heavily involved in integrating AI into radar and C2 systems, and a vibrant commercial AI scene.51 This includes Mistral AI, one of Europe’s most prominent foundational model developers and a direct competitor to U.S. giants like OpenAI and Anthropic, highlighting France’s capacity for cutting-edge innovation.50 By combining state direction with commercial dynamism, France is building a formidable and independent military AI capability.

CategoryFrance: Military AI Profile
National StrategyDriven by “strategic autonomy”; 2019 AI & Defense Strategy emphasizes sovereign capability and responsible, human-controlled use.
Key InstitutionsMinisterial Agency for Artificial Intelligence in Defense (MAAID), Direction générale de l’armement (DGA), Thales Group.
Investment FocusDedicated budget for MAAID (€300M annually); broader national investments to make France an “AI powerhouse.”
Flagship ProgramsMAAID is the central program, focusing on developing sovereign AI for C2, intelligence, logistics, and cyberspace.
Foundational StrengthsStrong defense-industrial base (Thales); leading commercial AI companies (Mistral AI); high-quality engineering talent.
Demonstrated EfficacyActive in European joint defense projects (e.g., FCAS); developing AI tools for intelligence analysis and operational planning.
Key ChallengesBalancing sovereign ambitions with the need for allied interoperability; scaling capabilities to compete with larger powers.

India: The Aspiring Power

Driven by acute strategic competition with China and a national imperative for self-reliance (“Atmanirbhar Bharat”), India is rapidly emerging as a major military AI power. It is building a comprehensive ecosystem from the ground up, leveraging its immense human capital and a growing defense-industrial base. While it currently faces challenges in infrastructure and bureaucratic efficiency, its trajectory is steep and its ambitions are clear.

India’s strategy is outlined in an ambitious 15-year defense roadmap that heavily features AI-driven battlefield management, autonomous systems, and cyber warfare capabilities.56 Institutionally, this is guided by the

Defence AI Council (DAIC) and the Defence AI Project Agency (DAIPA), which were established to coordinate research and guide project development.57 A notable aspect of India’s approach is its proactive development of a domestic ethical framework, known as ETAI (Evaluating Trustworthiness in AI), which is built on principles of reliability, safety, transparency, fairness, and privacy.57

India’s greatest asset is its vast and growing talent pool. It ranks among the top three nations globally for the number of AI professionals and the volume of AI research publications.35 The government is working to build the necessary infrastructure to support this talent, including through the AIRAWAT initiative, which provides a national AI computing backbone.57 On the implementation front, the Ministry of Defence has launched 75 indigenously developed AI products and is investing in a range of capabilities, including autonomous combat vehicles, robotic surveillance platforms, and drone swarms.41 These technological efforts are intended to be integrated within a broader military reform known as “theatreisation,” which aims to create the joint command structures necessary to conduct cohesive, AI-driven multi-domain operations.60

CategoryIndia: Military AI Profile
National StrategyAmbitious 15-year defense roadmap focused on AI, autonomy, and self-reliance (“Atmanirbhar Bharat”).
Key InstitutionsDefence AI Council (DAIC), Defence AI Project Agency (DAIPA), Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO).
Investment FocusGrowing defense budget with dedicated funds for AI projects; focus on nurturing a domestic defense startup ecosystem (DISC).
Flagship ProgramsDevelopment of autonomous combat vehicles, drone swarms, AI for ISR; national ethical framework (ETAI).
Foundational StrengthsMassive and growing AI talent pool; ranks 3rd in AI publications; strong and growing domestic software industry.
Demonstrated EfficacyDeployed 75 indigenous AI products; using AI in intelligence and reconnaissance systems; procuring AI-powered UAVs.
Key ChallengesBureaucratic procurement delays; infrastructure gaps; translating vast research output into scaled, fielded military capabilities.

South Korea: The Hardware Integrator

South Korea is leveraging its status as a global leader in hardware, robotics, and advanced manufacturing to pursue a sophisticated military AI strategy. Its approach is focused on integrating cutting-edge AI into next-generation military platforms to ensure a decisive technological overmatch against North Korea and to maintain a competitive edge in a technologically dense region.

The national goal is to become a “top-three AI nation” (AI G3), an ambition that extends directly to its defense sector.61 Military efforts are guided by the “Defense Innovation 4.0” project and the Army’s “TIGER 4.0” concept, which aim to systematically infuse AI across all warfighting functions.62 The Ministry of National Defense has outlined a clear, three-stage development plan, progressing from “cognitive intelligence” (AI for surveillance and reconnaissance) to “partially autonomous” capabilities, and ultimately to “judgmental intelligence” for complex manned-unmanned combat systems.63

South Korea’s primary strength is its world-class industrial and technological base. It is a dominant force in the global semiconductor market with giants like Samsung and SK Hynix, providing a critical hardware foundation.20 This is complemented by a robust robotics industry and a government committed to massive investments in AI computing infrastructure and R&D.61 This industrial prowess is being translated into tangible military projects, such as the development of the future

K3 main battle tank, which will feature an unmanned turret and an AI-assisted fire control system for autonomous target tracking and engagement. Another key initiative is the development of unmanned “loyal wingman” aircraft to operate in tandem with the domestically produced KF-21 next-generation fighter jet, a concept designed to extend reach and reduce risk to human pilots.62

CategorySouth Korea: Military AI Profile
National Strategy“Defense Innovation 4.0”; goal to become a “top-three AI nation”; phased approach from ISR to manned-unmanned teaming.
Key InstitutionsMinistry of National Defense (MND), Agency for Defense Development (ADD), Defense Acquisition Program Administration (DAPA), industrial giants (Hyundai Rotem, KAI).
Investment FocusSignificant government and private sector investment in AI, semiconductors, and robotics.
Flagship ProgramsAI integration into future platforms like the K3 tank (AI-assisted targeting) and unmanned wingmen for the KF-21 fighter.
Foundational StrengthsWorld-leading semiconductor industry (Samsung, SK Hynix); strong robotics and advanced manufacturing base.
Demonstrated EfficacyAdvanced development of AI-enabled military hardware; exporting sophisticated conventional platforms with increasing levels of automation.
Key ChallengesNational AI strategy has been described as vague on security specifics; coordinating roles between various ministries.

Germany: The Cautious Industrial Giant

As Europe’s largest economy and industrial powerhouse, Germany possesses a formidable technological base for developing military AI. However, its adoption has historically been cautious, constrained by political sensitivities and a strong societal emphasis on ethical considerations. The Zeitenwende (“turning point”) announced in response to Russia’s 2022 invasion of Ukraine has injected new urgency and funding into German defense modernization, significantly accelerating its military AI efforts.

Germany’s 2018 National AI Strategy identified security and defense as a key focus area, and the Bundeswehr (German Armed Forces) has since developed position papers outlining goals and fields of action for AI integration, particularly for its land forces.64 The German approach places a heavy emphasis on establishing a robust ethical and legal framework, rejecting fully autonomous lethal systems and mandating meaningful human control.67

This renewed focus is now translating into concrete programs. A key initiative is Uranos KI, a project to develop an AI-backed reconnaissance and analysis system to support the German brigade being deployed to Lithuania, directly addressing the Russian threat.68 Another significant effort is the

GhostPlay project, run out of the Defense AI Observatory (DAIO) at Helmut Schmidt University, which is developing AI for enhanced defense decision-making.69 Germany’s traditional defense industry is being complemented by a burgeoning defense-tech startup scene, most notably the Munich-based company

Helsing. Helsing specializes in developing AI software to upgrade existing military platforms and is a key supplier of AI-enabled reconnaissance and strike drones to Ukraine, demonstrating a newfound agility in the German defense ecosystem.68

CategoryGermany: Military AI Profile
National Strategy2018 National AI Strategy; strong focus on ethical frameworks and human control, accelerated by post-2022 Zeitenwende.
Key InstitutionsBundeswehr, Center for Digital and Technology Research (dtec.bw), Defense AI Observatory (DAIO), emerging startups (Helsing).
Investment FocusIncreased defense spending post-Zeitenwende; growing venture capital for defense-tech startups.
Flagship ProgramsUranos KI (AI reconnaissance), GhostPlay (AI for decision-making), development of AI-enabled drone capabilities.
Foundational StrengthsEurope’s leading industrial and manufacturing base; high-quality engineering and research talent.
Demonstrated EfficacyHelsing’s AI-enabled drones are being used by Ukraine; Uranos KI has shown promising results in initial experiments.
Key ChallengesOvercoming historical and cultural aversion to military risk-taking; streamlining slow procurement processes; navigating complex EU regulations.

Japan: The Alliance-Integrated Technologist

Japan’s approach to military AI is shaped by a unique combination of factors: its post-war pacifist constitution, a rapidly deteriorating regional security environment, and its status as a technological powerhouse. This has resulted in a rapid but cautious push to adopt AI, primarily for defensive, surveillance, and logistical purposes, all in close technological and doctrinal alignment with its key ally, the United States.

Increasing threats from China and North Korea have prompted Japan to explicitly identify AI as a critical capability in its National Security Strategy, particularly for enhancing cybersecurity and information warfare defenses.72 In July 2024, the Ministry of Defense released its first basic policy on the use of AI, which formalizes its human-centric approach. The policy emphasizes maintaining human control over lethal force and explicitly prohibits the development of “killer robots” or lethal autonomous weapon systems (LAWS).73

Japan’s implementation strategy focuses on leveraging AI as a force multiplier in non-lethal domains to compensate for its demographic challenges. This includes developing remote surveillance systems, automating logistics and supply-demand forecasting, and creating AI-powered decision-support tools.73 A cornerstone of its R&D effort is the

SAMURAI (Strategic Advancement of Mutual Runtime Assurance Artificial Intelligence) initiative, a formal project arrangement with the U.S. Department of War. This cooperative program focuses on developing Runtime Assurance (RTA) technology to ensure the safe and reliable performance of AI-equipped UAVs, with the goal of informing their future integration with next-generation fighter aircraft.76 This project highlights Japan’s strategy of deepening interoperability with the U.S. while advancing its own technological expertise in AI safety and assurance.

CategoryJapan: Military AI Profile
National StrategyCautious, defense-oriented approach guided by National Security Strategy and 2024 MoD AI Policy; explicitly bans LAWS and emphasizes human control.
Key InstitutionsMinistry of Defense (MOD), Acquisition, Technology & Logistics Agency (ATLA), strong partnership with U.S. DoD.
Investment FocusIncreasing defense R&D budget; focus on dual-use technologies and international collaboration, particularly with the U.S.
Flagship ProgramsSAMURAI initiative (AI safety for UAVs with U.S.), AI for cybersecurity, remote surveillance, and logistics.
Foundational StrengthsWorld-leading robotics, sensor, and advanced manufacturing industries; highly skilled technical workforce.
Demonstrated EfficacyAdvanced R&D in AI safety and human-machine teaming; deep integration into U.S.-led technology development and exercises.
Key ChallengesConstitutional and political constraints on offensive capabilities; aging demographics impacting recruitment; balancing alliance integration with sovereign development.

Canada: The Niche Contributor

As a committed middle power and a member of the Five Eyes intelligence alliance, Canada’s military AI strategy is not aimed at competing with global powers but at developing niche capabilities that enhance its contributions to collective defense and ensure interoperability with its principal allies, especially the United States. Its approach is strongly defined by a commitment to the responsible and ethical development of AI.

The Department of National Defence and Canadian Armed Forces (DND/CAF) AI Strategy lays out a vision to become an “AI-enabled organization” by 2030.78 The strategy is built on five lines of effort: fielding capabilities, change management, ethics and trust, talent, and partnerships.47 It is closely aligned with broader Government of Canada policies such as the Directive on Automated Decision Making and the Pan-Canadian AI Strategy.78

Canada’s implementation efforts are focused on specific, high-value problem sets, particularly in the ISR domain. Key R&D projects led by Defence Research and Development Canada (DRDC) include:

  • JAWS (Joint Algorithmic Warfighter Sensor): A suite of multi-modal sensors and AI models designed to automate the detection and tracking of objects, reducing the cognitive load on operators.81
  • MIST (Multimodal Input Surveillance and Tracking): An AI system for the automated analysis of full-motion video from aerial platforms to detect and localize objects of interest.81

These systems are being actively tested and refined in large-scale multinational exercises like the U.S. Army’s Project Convergence, demonstrating Canada’s focus on ensuring its technology is integrated and effective within an allied operational context.81 While Canada has a strong academic history as a pioneer in deep learning, it has faced a recognized “adoption problem” in translating this foundational research into scaled commercial and military applications, a challenge the government is actively working to address.82

CategoryCanada: Military AI Profile
National StrategyDND/CAF AI Strategy (AI-enabled by 2030); focused on niche capabilities, alliance interoperability, and ethical/responsible AI.
Key InstitutionsDepartment of National Defence (DND), Defence Research and Development Canada (DRDC), Innovation for Defence Excellence and Security (IDEaS) program.
Investment FocusTargeted funding for R&D through programs like IDEaS; leveraging the Pan-Canadian AI Strategy.
Flagship ProgramsJAWS (AI sensor suite), MIST (AI video analysis for ISR), participation in allied experiments like Project Convergence.
Foundational StrengthsStrong academic research base in AI; close integration with U.S. and Five Eyes partners.
Demonstrated EfficacySuccessful experimentation with JAWS and MIST in multinational exercises, proving interoperability concepts.
Key Challenges“Adoption problem” in scaling research to fielded capability; limited budget compared to larger powers; reliance on allied platforms for integration.

Honorable Mention: Ukraine, The Wildcard Innovator

While not a top-10 global power by traditional metrics, Ukraine’s performance since the 2022 Russian invasion warrants special mention. It has transformed itself into the world’s foremost laboratory for AI in modern warfare, demonstrating an unparalleled ability to rapidly adapt and deploy commercial technology for military effect under the intense pressure of an existential conflict. Its experience is actively shaping the doctrine and procurement strategies of every major military power.

Lacking a large, pre-existing defense-industrial base for AI, Ukraine has relied on agility, decentralization, and partnerships. The “Army of Drones” initiative is a comprehensive national program that encompasses international fundraising, direct procurement of commercial drones, fostering domestic production, and training tens of thousands of operators.83 Ukrainian forces, often working with civilian volunteer groups, have become masters of battlefield adaptation, integrating AI-based targeting software into low-cost commercial FPV drones.4 This has had a dramatic impact on lethality, with strike accuracy for these systems reportedly increasing from a baseline of 30-50% to around 80%.4 The Defense Intelligence of Ukraine (DIU) has also emerged as a sophisticated user of AI for analyzing vast amounts of intelligence data and for enabling long-range autonomous drone strikes deep into Russian territory.83 Ukraine’s experience provides a powerful lesson: in the age of AI, the ability to innovate and adapt at speed can be a decisive advantage, capable of offsetting a significant numerical and material disadvantage.

Comparative Strategic Assessment: Doctrines, Efficacy, and Future Trajectory

A granular analysis of individual national programs reveals a broader strategic landscape defined by competing visions, divergent levels of efficacy, and a critical dependence on the foundational layers of the digital age. The future of military power will be determined not just by who develops the best AI, but by who can best synthesize it with their doctrine, industrial base, and human capital.

A Clash of Strategic Visions

The world’s leading military AI powers are not converging on a single model; instead, they are pursuing distinct and often competing strategic philosophies:

  • The U.S. Commercial-Military Vanguard: Relies on a decentralized, bottom-up innovation ecosystem fueled by massive private capital. The strategic challenge is to harness this commercial dynamism for military purposes without being stifled by bureaucracy, a problem initiatives like Replicator are designed to solve. The doctrinal emphasis remains firmly on “human-on-the-loop” empowerment.9
  • China’s State-Directed Intelligentization: A top-down, centrally planned model that mobilizes the entire nation through Military-Civil Fusion. The goal is to achieve decision superiority through the deep integration of AI into a “Command Brain,” potentially affording the machine a more central role in the command process than in the U.S. model.8
  • Russia’s Asymmetric Disruption: A pragmatic approach focused on using “good enough” AI as a force multiplier in areas like EW and unmanned systems to counter a technologically superior foe. The war in Ukraine serves as a brutal but effective R&D cycle.38
  • Israel’s Operational Rapid-Fielding: An agile, threat-driven model that prioritizes getting effective capabilities into the hands of warfighters as quickly as possible, often accepting higher risks and bypassing the lengthy development cycles common in larger nations.43
  • The European Pursuit of Sovereignty and Ethics: Powers like France and Germany are driven by a desire for strategic autonomy and a strong commitment to developing AI within a robust ethical and legal framework, seeking a “third way” between the U.S. and Chinese models.55

This divergence between “battle-tested” powers like Israel, Russia, and Ukraine and more “theory-heavy” powers in Western Europe is a critical dynamic. The former are driving rapid, iterative development based on immediate combat feedback, while the latter are focused on building more deliberate, ethically-vetted systems. This creates a potential temporal disadvantage, where nations facing immediate threats are forced to accept risks and bypass traditional procurement, giving them a lead in practical application. A nation with a perfectly ethical and robustly tested AI system that arrives on the battlefield two years late may find the conflict has already been decided by an adversary who scaled a “good enough” system across their forces.

The Spectrum of Demonstrated Efficacy

When moving from strategic plans to tangible results, a clear spectrum of operational efficacy emerges.

  • High Deployment & Efficacy: Israel, Russia, and Ukraine stand at one end. Their AI systems are not experimental; they are core components of ongoing, high-intensity combat operations, directly influencing tactical and operational outcomes on a daily basis.4
  • Selective Deployment & Proving: The United States occupies the middle ground. Key programs like Project Maven are fully operational and battle-tested.22 However, broader, more transformative initiatives like Replicator are still in the process of proving their ability to deliver capability at scale, facing significant integration and production challenges.28
  • Development & Aspiration: Many other advanced nations, including the UK, France, Germany, and Japan, are at the other end of the spectrum. They have ambitious plans, strong foundational ecosystems, and promising pilot programs (e.g., Uranos KI, MAAID, SAMURAI), but have yet to deploy AI systems at a comparable scale or intensity in combat operations.55

The Hardware Foundation: A Strategic Chokepoint

The entire edifice of military AI rests on a physical foundation of advanced hardware: semiconductors for processing and cloud computing infrastructure for data storage and model training. Control over this foundation is a decisive strategic advantage.

The United States and its democratic allies—Taiwan (TSMC), South Korea (Samsung), and the Netherlands (ASML for lithography equipment)—dominate the design and fabrication of the world’s most advanced semiconductors.20 This creates a critical vulnerability for China, which, despite massive investment, remains dependent on foreign technology for the highest-end chips required to train and run state-of-the-art AI models. U.S. export controls are a direct attempt to exploit this chokepoint and slow China’s military AI progress.

Similarly, the global cloud infrastructure market is dominated by American companies. Amazon Web Services (AWS), Microsoft Azure, and Google Cloud collectively control approximately 63% of the market, with Chinese competitors like Alibaba and Tencent holding much smaller shares.21 This provides the U.S. military and its innovation ecosystem with access to a massive, secure, and scalable computational backbone that is difficult for any other nation to replicate.

The following matrix provides a comprehensive, at-a-glance comparison of the top 10 nations across these key strategic vectors.

CountryStrategic VisionKey ProgramsInvestment & ScaleTalent & R&D BaseHardware FoundationDeployed EfficacyDoctrinal Integration
United StatesCommercial-military vanguard; achieve “decision advantage.”Project Maven, Replicator InitiativeUnmatched public & private fundingWorld leader in talent & model developmentDominant (Semiconductors, Cloud)High (Maven deployed)High (Evolving)
ChinaState-directed “intelligentization”; Military-Civil Fusion.“Command Brain,” Drone SwarmsMassive state-directed fundsMassive scale, closing quality gapMajor vulnerability (Semiconductors)Medium (Scaling in non-combat)Very High (Central tenet)
IsraelOperationally-driven rapid fielding for immediate threats.Habsora, Lavender (AI targeting)Strong, focused on defense techWorld-leading per capitaStrong, deep U.S. integrationVery High (Combat-proven)High (Operationally embedded)
RussiaAsymmetric disruption of superior adversaries.AI-enabled Lancet drones, Air Defense AILimited, focused on near-term effectConstrained, practical focusHeavily constrained by sanctionsHigh (Battle-hardened in Ukraine)Medium (Adaptive)
United KingdomLeading ally; trusted, ethical, interoperable AI.6th-Gen Fighter (Tempest), Naval AIStrong, 3rd in private investmentStrong, top-tier research hubsModerate, reliant on alliesLow-Medium (Exercises, Cyber)Medium (Developing)
FranceSovereign capability; “strategic autonomy.”MAAID (central AI agency)Strong, state-led investmentStrong, with leading AI firmsModerate, pursuing sovereigntyLow (In development)Medium (Developing)
South KoreaHardware-led integration for technological overmatch.K3 Tank, KF-21 Unmanned WingmanStrong, industry-ledGood, focused on applicationWorld Leader (Semiconductors)Low (In advanced development)Medium (Platform-centric)
IndiaAspiring power; self-reliance and strategic competition.DAIPA/DAIC projects, ETAI frameworkGrowing rapidly, state-supportedMassive, but with infrastructure gapsLagging, but growingLow (Early deployments)Medium (Tied to reforms)
GermanyCautious industrial giant, accelerated by Zeitenwende.Uranos KI, GhostPlayIncreasing significantlyStrong industrial R&D baseStrong industrial baseLow (Early deployments)Low-Medium (Developing)
JapanAlliance-integrated technologist; defensive focus.SAMURAI (AI safety w/ U.S.)Cautious but growingStrong in robotics & sensorsStrong, reliant on alliesLow (R&D, exercises)Low (Constrained)

Conclusion: Navigating the Dawn of Intelligentized Conflict

The evidence is unequivocal: artificial intelligence is catalyzing a fundamental revolution in military affairs, and the global competition to master this technology is accelerating. The strategic landscape is solidifying into a bipolar contest between the United States and China, two powers with the resources, scale, and national will to pursue dominance across the full spectrum of AI-enabled warfare. Yet, the field is far from a simple two-player game. The agility and combat experience of nations like Israel and Ukraine, the asymmetric tactics of Russia, and the focused ambitions of key U.S. allies create a complex, multi-polar dynamic where innovation can emerge from unexpected quarters.

Looking forward over the next five to ten years, several trends will define the trajectory of military AI. First, the degree of autonomy in weapon systems will steadily increase, moving from decision support to human-supervised autonomous operations, particularly in contested environments like electronic warfare or undersea domains. Second, human-machine teaming will become a core military competency. The effectiveness of a fighting force will be measured not just by the quality of its people or its machines, but by the seamlessness of their integration. Third, the battlefield will continue to trend towards a state of hyper-awareness and hyper-lethality. The proliferation of intelligent sensors and autonomous weapons will compress the “detect-to-engage” timeline to mere seconds, making concealment nearly impossible and survival dependent on speed, dispersion, and countermeasures.4

The central conclusion of this analysis is that the nation that achieves a decisive and enduring advantage in 21st-century conflict will be the one that masters the difficult synthesis of technology, data, doctrine, and talent. Technological superiority in algorithms or hardware alone will be insufficient. Victory will belong to the power that can build a national ecosystem capable of rapidly innovating, fielding AI capabilities at scale, adapting its operational concepts to exploit those capabilities, and training a new generation of warfighters to trust and effectively command their intelligent machine partners. The race for military AI supremacy is not merely a technological marathon; it is a test of a nation’s entire strategic, industrial, and intellectual capacity.

Appendix: Military AI Capability Ranking Methodology

Introduction

The objective of this methodology is to provide a transparent, defensible, and holistic framework for assessing and ranking a nation’s military artificial intelligence (AI) capabilities. It moves beyond singular metrics to create a composite index that evaluates the entire national ecosystem required to develop, deploy, and effectively utilize AI for military purposes. The index is structured around four core pillars, each assigned a weight reflecting its relative importance in determining overall military AI power.

Pillar 1: National Strategy & Investment (25% Weight)

This pillar assesses the top-down strategic direction and financial commitment a nation dedicates to military AI. A clear strategy and robust funding are prerequisites for any successful national effort.

  • Metric 1.1: Strategic Clarity & Coherence (10%): Evaluates the quality, ambition, and implementation plan of national and defense-specific AI strategies. A high score is given for published, detailed strategies with clear objectives, timelines, and designated responsible institutions (e.g., U.S. 2023 AI Adoption Strategy, China’s New Generation AI Development Plan).10 A lower score is given for vague or purely aspirational statements.
  • Metric 1.2: Financial Commitment (15%): Quantifies direct and indirect investment in military AI. This includes analysis of national defense budgets, specific R&D allocations for AI and autonomy, the scale of state-backed technology investment funds, and the volume of government AI-related procurement contracts.14

Pillar 2: Foundational Ecosystem (25% Weight)

This pillar measures the underlying national capacity for AI innovation, which forms the bedrock of any military application. It assesses the raw materials of AI power: talent, research, and hardware.

  • Metric 2.1: Talent Pool (10%): Ranks countries based on the quantity and quality of their human capital. Data points include the absolute number of AI professionals, the concentration of top-tier AI researchers (e.g., authors at premier conferences like NeurIPS), and the quality of university pipelines producing AI graduates.17
  • Metric 2.2: Research & Innovation Output (10%): Measures a nation’s contribution to the global state-of-the-art in AI. This is assessed through the volume and citation impact of AI research publications, the number of AI-related patents filed, and, critically, the number of notable, state-of-the-art AI models produced by a country’s institutions.12
  • Metric 2.3: Hardware & Infrastructure (5%): Assesses sovereign or secure allied access to the critical enabling hardware for AI. This includes domestic capacity for advanced semiconductor design and manufacturing and the availability of large-scale, secure cloud computing infrastructure, which are essential for training and deploying large AI models.20

Pillar 3: Military Implementation & Programs (25% Weight)

This pillar evaluates a nation’s ability to translate strategic ambition and foundational capacity into concrete military AI programs and applications.

  • Metric 3.1: Flagship Program Maturity (15%): Assesses the scale, sophistication, and developmental progress of major, publicly acknowledged military AI programs (e.g., U.S. Project Maven, China’s “Command Brain,” France’s MAAID). High scores are awarded for programs that are well-funded, have moved beyond basic research into advanced development or prototyping, and are aimed at solving critical operational challenges.22
  • Metric 3.2: Breadth of Application (10%): Measures the diversity of AI applications being pursued across the full spectrum of military functions, including ISR, command and control, logistics, cybersecurity, electronic warfare, and autonomous platforms. A broad portfolio indicates a more mature and integrated approach to military AI adoption.3

Pillar 4: Operational Efficacy & Deployment (25% Weight)

This is the most critical pillar, assessing whether a nation’s military AI capabilities exist in practice, not just on paper. It measures the translation of programs into proven, operational reality.

  • Metric 4.1: Demonstrated Deployment (15%): Awards points for clear evidence of AI systems being used in active combat operations or large-scale, realistic military exercises. This is the ultimate test of a system’s effectiveness and reliability. Nations with battle-tested systems (e.g., Israel’s Habsora, Russia’s Lancet, U.S. Maven) receive the highest scores.4
  • Metric 4.2: Doctrinal Integration (10%): Assesses the extent to which AI is being formally integrated into military doctrine, training curricula, and concepts of operation (CONOPS). This metric indicates true institutional adoption beyond isolated technology projects and reflects a military’s commitment to fundamentally changing how it fights.29

Scoring and Normalization

For each of the eight metrics, countries are scored on a qualitative scale based on the available open-source evidence. These scores are then converted to a numerical value. The metric scores are then weighted according to the percentages listed above and aggregated to produce a final composite score for each country, normalized to a 100-point scale to allow for direct comparison and ranking. This multi-layered, weighted approach ensures that the final ranking reflects a balanced and comprehensive assessment of a nation’s true military AI power.


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The Cognitive Contest: Deconstructing China’s ‘Military Brain’ and Forging America’s Path to AI Supremacy

The strategic competition between the United States and the People’s Republic of China (PRC) is increasingly defined by the race for artificial intelligence (AI) supremacy. This contest extends far beyond technological one-upmanship, representing a fundamental clash of military doctrines, organizational structures, and philosophical visions for the future of warfare. This report provides a comparative analysis of China’s multi-faceted military AI initiatives—collectively termed the “Military Brain”—and the United States’ efforts to secure a decisive technological edge. While the U.S. currently maintains a foundational lead in key technologies such as advanced semiconductors and aggregate computing power, China possesses a more cohesive, expansive, and arguably more revolutionary strategic vision. Beijing’s approach is not merely to field new weapons but to fundamentally alter the character of conflict, shifting the central arena from the physical battlefield to the cognitive domain. This presents a unique and asymmetric challenge that U.S. strategy, currently focused on achieving “decision advantage” within existing warfighting paradigms, is not yet fully configured to meet. Overcoming this requires the United States to not only accelerate its own technological integration but also to broaden its strategic vision to compete and win in the cognitive contest that has already begun.


I. Deconstructing the ‘China Military Brain’: From Cognitive Warfare to Intelligentization

The concept of a “China Military Brain” is not a single, monolithic program but rather a strategic constellation of advanced doctrine, ambitious technology projects, and novel operational concepts. It represents a “whole-of-society” endeavor aimed at achieving a revolutionary leap in military affairs, moving beyond the physical and informational to target the cognitive faculties of an adversary. This holistic vision is underpinned by a new warfighting paradigm, specific technological pursuits in brain-machine science, a focus on cognitive dominance, and a state-directed system for harnessing national innovation.

The Doctrine of Intelligentized Warfare (智能化战争): Charting the PLA’s New Paradigm

The People’s Liberation Army (PLA) is formally charting a new military paradigm centered on AI, viewing it as a historical shift on par with mechanization and informatization.1 PLA theorists conceptualize this evolution as a progression of military enhancement: mechanization extended the military’s “limbs,” informatization sharpened its “senses” (eyes and ears), and intelligentization will now augment its “brain”.4 This is not seen as a mere technological upgrade but as a fundamental change in the character of war.

Core to this doctrine is the concept of “intelligentized warfare” (智能化战争), which PRC writers describe as a new stage of conflict based on the extensive use of AI and autonomy, creating a hybrid of human and machine intelligence.1 This paradigm is built on three pillars: data, which is considered the “new oil”; algorithms, which will turn warfare into a contest between competing code; and massive computing power.5 In this vision, intelligent systems are expected to augment and, in some cases, partially replace human command functions to achieve unprecedented speed and efficiency.6

This doctrine extends into highly advanced theoretical constructs. One such concept, articulated by China’s Ministry of Defense, is “Dissipative Warfare” (耗散战). This framework views future conflict as a comprehensive, integrated confrontation across the physical, information, and cognitive domains.7 It explicitly merges military offense and defense with political maneuvering, economic competition, and cultural conflict, shifting the strategic center of gravity from an adversary’s military forces to its entire social system.7 This reveals a holistic approach to national power where victory is achieved by inducing systemic collapse in an opponent.

The ultimate culmination of this thinking is what PLA theorists call “Meta-War” (元战争). This concept links the physical battlefield with a parallel virtual battlefield and, most critically, the “brain battlefield” (头脑战场) of human perception and cognition.2 In this framework, human soldiers and their weapons function as “dual entities,” existing simultaneously in the physical world and as digital twins in a virtual space, able to switch between these realities to simulate, predict, and engage in combat.2

The China Brain Project (中国脑计划): The Technological Pillars

The technological heart of this strategic vision is the “China Brain Project” (中国脑计划), a 15-year national initiative approved in 2016.9 Its structure is deliberately dual-use, described as “one body, two wings.” The “body” is the core scientific goal of understanding the fundamental principles of the human brain. The “two wings” represent the project’s co-equal applications: treating brain disorders and developing brain-machine intelligence technologies.10 This structure provides a benign, publicly acceptable facade for research that directly feeds advanced military capabilities. By framing half of the initiative around medical benefits, Beijing gains access to international scientific collaboration and talent that a purely military program could not, while its Military-Civil Fusion strategy ensures all breakthroughs are immediately evaluated for defense applications. This represents a strategically shrewd approach to pursuing paradigm-shifting asymmetric capabilities.

The project is focused on three key research areas:

  1. Brain-Inspired Artificial Intelligence (BI-AI, 类脑智能): This research seeks to move beyond current machine learning by emulating the actual neuronal functioning and architecture of the biological brain, not just mimicking its behavioral outputs. The goal is to create AI that is far more efficient and capable of the high-order tasks that humans perform effortlessly.9
  2. Connectomics (“Brain Mapping,” 人脑连接组): This involves the empirical and computational effort to map and replicate the brain’s complex structure and functioning. AI is used both to test the resulting simulations and to interpret the vast amounts of data generated from imaging brain sections.9
  3. Brain-Computer Interfaces (BCI, 脑机接口): This is the most direct military application, aiming to create high-bandwidth pathways between the human brain and external machines.9 PLA-affiliated writings describe using BCIs to allow soldiers to control drones and other robotic systems with their thoughts, to have their sensory perception augmented with digital sensor data (achieving “千里眼,” or thousand-mile eyes), and even to enable a form of battlefield “telepathy” for silent, covert communication in high-risk environments.2

Cognitive Domain Operations: The War for the Mind

Perhaps the most ambitious and potentially disruptive element of China’s strategy is its explicit focus on the cognitive domain. The ultimate goal is to achieve “mind dominance” 12 by “controlling the brain” of an adversary to subdue their will to fight, thereby realizing Sun Tzu’s ancient ideal of winning without a single battle (“不战而屈人之兵”).8

This effort is a supercharged extension of the PLA’s long-standing “Three Warfares” doctrine, which targets public opinion, psychological states, and legal frameworks.8 AI and big data are seen as the catalysts that can elevate these concepts to a new level of precision and scale. By harvesting and analyzing massive datasets on populations, the PLA aims to conduct cognitive warfare at a granular level, crafting influence operations at machine speed that are tailored to specific demographics, groups, or even key individuals to shape perceptions, sow discord, and disrupt societal cohesion.8

This ambition extends to the development of what U.S. intelligence and PLA writings refer to as “neuro-strike” or “brain-control weaponry” (脑控武器).13 While the technological maturity of such concepts is uncertain, the clear intent is to research capabilities that can directly interfere with human cognitive functions, disrupt leadership decision-making, and demoralize entire populations. This represents a profound asymmetric threat that seeks to bypass conventional military strength entirely.

Military-Civil Fusion (MCF): The Engine of Advancement

The engine driving this entire enterprise is China’s national strategy of Military-Civil Fusion (MCF, 军民融合). Personally overseen by Xi Jinping, MCF is a state-directed, whole-of-society effort to eliminate all barriers between China’s civilian research institutions, its commercial technology sector, and its military-defense industrial base.16 The explicit goal is to ensure that any and all national innovation, particularly in dual-use fields like AI, directly serves the PLA’s modernization.19

Under MCF, the PLA is able to leverage China’s unique advantages, including its vast, state-accessible data resources for training AI models 21, and to tap into the dynamism of its private technology companies.19 The strategy also facilitates the acquisition of foreign technology and expertise through a variety of means, both licit and illicit, including talent recruitment programs, academic collaboration, and outright theft.16 While MCF faces its own internal bureaucratic and cultural hurdles 23, its top-down, state-directed nature provides a powerful mechanism for mobilizing national resources toward a singular strategic goal, creating a stark contrast with the U.S. innovation model.


II. The American Pursuit of Decision Advantage

The United States’ approach to military AI is philosophically and structurally distinct from China’s. It is rooted in a more pragmatic, capability-focused vision aimed at empowering the human warfighter rather than fundamentally redefining the nature of war. This vision is being pursued through a massive networking initiative, foundational research programs focused on trustworthiness, and a unique public-private innovation ecosystem that is both a source of immense strength and significant friction.

The JADC2 Imperative: A Networked Vision of Warfare

The central organizing concept for the U.S. military’s AI-enabled future is the pursuit of “Decision Advantage”.25 The core premise is that in a future conflict against a peer adversary, victory will belong to the side that can most rapidly and effectively execute the decision cycle: sensing the battlefield, making sense of the information, and acting upon it.27

The primary vehicle for achieving this is Joint All-Domain Command and Control (JADC2). JADC2 is not a single weapon system but a broad, conceptual approach to connect sensors, platforms, and personnel from all branches of the military—Army, Navy, Air Force, Marines, and Space Force—into a single, unified, AI-powered network.29 The goal is to break down traditional service stovepipes and deliver the right information to the right decision-maker at the “speed of relevance,” enabling commanders to act inside an adversary’s decision cycle.27 This effort is being built upon service-specific contributions, including the Army’s Project Convergence, the Navy’s Project Overmatch, and the Air Force’s Advanced Battle Management System (ABMS).29 Recognizing the importance of coalition warfare, the concept is evolving into

Combined JADC2 (CJADC2), which aims to integrate the command and control systems of key allies and partners into this network architecture.31

The U.S. approach is thus focused on perfecting its existing doctrine of joint, all-domain operations by developing a new set of technological capabilities. Where China’s doctrine speaks of a new conceptual state of being (“intelligentized warfare”), the U.S. focuses on a measurable, operational outcome (“decision advantage”). This makes the U.S. vision more pragmatic and quantifiable, but also potentially less strategically ambitious than China’s revolutionary aims.

Foundational Programs: From Maven to DARPA’s Moonshots

The technological underpinnings of JADC2 are driven by several key initiatives. Project Maven, officially the Algorithmic Warfare Cross-Functional Team, has served as a critical pathfinder for operationalizing AI.33 Its initial focus was on applying machine learning and computer vision to autonomously detect and classify objects of interest from the massive volume of full-motion video and imagery collected by ISR platforms.34 Project Maven has demonstrated real-world utility, having been used to support the 2021 Kabul airlift and to provide intelligence to Ukrainian forces, proving its value in turning data into actionable intelligence.33

While Maven operationalizes existing AI, the Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency (DARPA) pushes the technological frontier. DARPA’s multi-billion-dollar “AI Next” campaign was designed to move the field beyond the limitations of current (second-wave) machine learning toward a third wave of AI capable of “contextual reasoning,” with the goal of transforming AI from a mere tool into a true partner for human operators.36 Building on this, the subsequent

“AI Forward” initiative has pivoted to address what the Department of Defense (DoD) sees as the most critical barrier to widespread adoption: the need for trustworthy AI.38 This effort focuses on developing AI that is explainable, robust, and reliable, with an emphasis on foundational theory, rigorous AI engineering, and effective human-AI teaming.38 This deep institutional focus on trust and explainability represents a core philosophical divergence from China’s approach, which prioritizes performance and political control.

The Public-Private Ecosystem: Harnessing Commercial Innovation

The U.S. military AI strategy relies heavily on leveraging the nation’s world-leading commercial technology sector, a stark contrast to China’s state-centric MCF model.21 Programs like Project Maven have been built through partnerships with private industry leaders such as Palantir, Microsoft, and Amazon Web Services.33 This model provides the DoD with access to cutting-edge innovation, a dynamic and competitive ecosystem, and a massive advantage in private R&D investment, which dwarfed China’s by nearly a factor of ten in 2023 ($67.2 billion vs. $7.8 billion).21

However, this reliance on the private sector also introduces unique challenges. The cultural and ethical divides between Silicon Valley and the Pentagon can create friction, as exemplified by the employee protests that led Google to withdraw from Project Maven.33 It necessitates new and flexible partnership models, such as the General Services Administration’s landmark agreement to provide OpenAI’s enterprise tools across the federal government, to bridge these gaps.42

Implementation Realities: The Hurdles to a Unified Network

Despite its technological strengths, the full realization of the JADC2 vision is hindered by significant, primarily non-technological, barriers. The central U.S. challenge is not a lack of innovation but a persistent difficulty with integration. The DoD’s vast, federated structure has proven resistant to the kind of top-down, unified approach that JADC2 requires.

Key implementation hurdles include:

  • Inter-service Stovepipes: Deep-seated cultural and budgetary divisions between the military services have led to each developing its own interpretation of JADC2, resulting in a lack of alignment, common standards, and true interoperability.43
  • Data Governance and Sharing: A pervasive culture of “data ownership” within individual services and agencies prevents the free flow of information that is the lifeblood of JADC2. Shifting to an enterprise-wide “data stewardship” model has proven to be a major cultural and policy challenge.43
  • Bureaucratic and Acquisition Inertia: The DoD’s traditional, slow-moving acquisition system is ill-suited for the rapid, iterative development cycles of software and AI. Overcoming this inertia and moving away from legacy systems is a persistent struggle.45
  • Over-classification: The tendency to over-classify information creates unnecessary barriers to sharing data both within the joint force and with crucial international partners, directly undermining the goals of CJADC2.44

Reports from the Government Accountability Office confirm that the DoD remains in the early stages of defining the detailed scope, cost, and schedule for JADC2, underscoring the immense difficulty of implementing such a sweeping vision across a complex and often fragmented organization.46 This reveals the core asymmetry of the competition: the United States excels at creating superior individual components but struggles to integrate them into a coherent whole, whereas China’s state-directed model is designed for integration but faces challenges in innovating those foundational components.


III. Comparative Assessment: A Tale of Two Visions

A direct comparison of U.S. and Chinese military AI efforts reveals a complex landscape of asymmetric advantages. The question of “who is more advanced” cannot be answered with a single verdict; rather, it requires a multi-layered assessment of technology, data, integration, and strategic vision. The two nations are not simply running the same race at different speeds; they are pursuing fundamentally different goals, driven by divergent philosophies of warfare and national power.

Who is More Advanced? A Multi-Layered Analysis

The leadership in military AI is contested and varies significantly depending on the metric of evaluation:

  • Foundational Technology (Advantage: USA): The United States maintains a decisive lead in the most critical enabling technologies. This includes a multi-generational advantage in high-end semiconductor design and fabrication, a critical bottleneck for China.48 Furthermore, the U.S. possesses a substantial lead in aggregate compute capacity, which is essential not only for training advanced AI models but also for deploying and integrating them at scale across the military enterprise.49 While Chinese models are rapidly closing the gap on performance benchmarks, America’s underlying hardware and systems integration capacity provide a more durable and comprehensive advantage.49
  • Data Resources (Advantage: China): China possesses a significant advantage in the sheer volume of data available for training AI models. Its large population, centralized data collection systems, and lax privacy regulations create a vast reservoir of information, particularly for developing surveillance and recognition algorithms that have direct military applications in intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance (ISR) and automated targeting.21
  • Operational Integration and Procurement (Advantage: Contested/Leaning China): Analysis from the Center for Security and Emerging Technology (CSET) suggests the PLA has made “extraordinary progress” in procuring AI systems for combat and support functions, with annual spending estimated to be on par with that of the U.S. military.51 China’s state-directed MCF model may enable faster and more focused adoption of specific capabilities, such as drone swarms and autonomous undersea vehicles, compared to the bureaucratically encumbered U.S. JADC2 effort.50 However, some Chinese defense experts express their own concerns that the PLA remains behind the U.S. in fielding and effectively using AI-enabled systems, indicating this is a highly contested area.53
  • Doctrinal Absorption (Advantage: China): The PLA appears to be more deeply and holistically integrating AI-centric concepts into its highest levels of military doctrine and strategic thought.1 Concepts like “intelligentized warfare” are central to the PLA’s vision of the future. In contrast, the U.S. is still largely focused on fitting new AI capabilities into its existing doctrinal frameworks, wrestling with the organizational changes required for true transformation.46

Breadth and Logic of Vision: Holistic Transformation vs. Decisive Advantage

The most significant divergence lies in the scope and ambition of each nation’s strategic vision.

  • China’s Vision (Broader): China’s vision is a “whole-of-society” endeavor that is demonstrably broader and more holistic.20 It fuses military objectives with economic, political, and cognitive strategies, aiming not just for battlefield victory but for “mind dominance” and the systemic paralysis of an adversary.7 The logic is totalistic: to leverage every instrument of national power, amplified by AI, to achieve strategic goals and reshape the international order.15 Its primary strength is this top-down strategic alignment; its potential weakness is the rigidity and fragility inherent in a system dependent on a single point of political control.
  • U.S. Vision (More Focused): The U.S. vision is more focused, pragmatic, and centered on a military-operational problem: achieving “decision advantage” to win on the future battlefield.26 The logic is to use superior technology to sense, process, and act on information faster than an adversary, empowering human commanders to make better, quicker decisions.27 Its strength lies in its alignment with democratic values, its emphasis on human agency, and its ability to harness a dynamic commercial innovation base. Its primary weakness is its potential narrowness, which risks underestimating and failing to prepare for the broader cognitive and political dimensions of the competition that China is actively prioritizing.

The Ethical Divide: Political Control vs. Principled Responsibility

The ethical frameworks governing military AI in each country represent a fundamental and strategic point of contrast.

  • China’s Approach: The PLA’s primary ethical consideration is internal and political: how to reconcile the operational necessity of AI autonomy with the Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) non-negotiable demand for absolute political control over all military assets.55 The PLA’s approach is highly pragmatic and opaque; “ethical” behavior is ultimately defined as that which aligns with Party guidance and maintains Party control.55 While China engages in international discussions on AI ethics, its core driver remains political reliability, not abstract principle.57
  • U.S. Approach: The DoD has publicly adopted a formal, principles-based framework for Responsible AI (RAI).59 This framework is explicitly grounded in pre-existing legal commitments, including the Law of War, and established ethical norms.60 It emphasizes concepts such as meaningful human control over lethal force, transparency, traceability, and accountability. The United States is actively promoting this framework on the world stage, seeking to establish it as a global standard for responsible military innovation.62

The question of which nation has the “best” or most logical vision is therefore contingent on one’s theory of future great power conflict. If that conflict remains primarily a contest of military force where the speed and precision of effects are decisive, the U.S. vision is well-calibrated. However, if future conflict is primarily a cognitive and political struggle where societal cohesion and the will to fight are the main targets, China’s doctrine is more explicitly designed for this reality. A truly resilient and logical strategy must be able to compete and win in both arenas. Currently, China’s vision is more comprehensive in its definition of the problem, creating a strategic imperative for the United States to broaden its own.

Table 1: Comparative Framework of U.S. and Chinese Military AI Strategies

AttributePeople’s Republic of ChinaUnited States
Overarching DoctrineIntelligentized Warfare / Meta-WarDecision Advantage / JADC2
Core VisionHolistic transformation of warfare; achieving “mind dominance”Empowering human decision-makers; achieving speed and precision
Key National ProgramChina Brain Project (BI-AI, BCI)DARPA AI Next / AI Forward (Trustworthy AI)
Organizational ModelMilitary-Civil Fusion (State-Directed)Public-Private Partnership (Commercially-Led)
Primary FocusCognitive domain, BCI, swarm autonomy, systems destructionNetworked C2, data fusion, human-machine teaming, ISR
Ethical FrameworkPragmatic; driven by the need for CCP political controlFormalized Responsible AI (RAI); driven by legal/ethical principles
Key StrengthsTop-down strategic alignment; rapid resource mobilization; vast data accessFoundational tech leadership (chips); superior compute; dynamic innovation ecosystem
Key WeaknessesTechnological chokepoints (chips); potential for systemic rigidity; the paradox of controlBureaucratic hurdles to adoption; inter-service stovepipes; integration challenges

IV. The Path Forward: A Five-Year Strategy for the United States

To counter China’s comprehensive strategy and secure a durable advantage in the AI era, the United States must pursue a multi-pronged strategy over the next five years. This strategy must address its primary internal weaknesses in integration while simultaneously expanding its asymmetric strengths and broadening its strategic vision to meet the full scope of the cognitive challenge.

Recommendation 1: Solidify the Foundations – Win the JADC2 Battle at Home

The most significant impediment to U.S. military AI dominance is the failure to effectively integrate its superior technological components. This internal challenge must be the first priority.

Actions:

  • Empower a JADC2 Authority: Establish a JADC2 “czar” or a fully empowered joint program office with genuine budgetary and requirements authority over the services’ JADC2-related programs. This body must be empowered to enforce common standards, break down stovepipes, and ensure true interoperability.43
  • Mandate Enterprise-Wide Data Sharing: The Secretary of Defense should issue a directive mandating a shift from a culture of “data ownership” to one of “data stewardship.” This must be enforced by a central DoD data governance body with the authority to compel services to make data assets visible, accessible, and intelligible across the joint force.43
  • Reform AI Acquisition: Aggressively expand the use of agile acquisition pathways, such as Other Transaction Authority (OTA), for all AI and software-intensive programs. This will create streamlined mechanisms to rapidly transition cutting-edge commercial innovation from the private sector to the warfighter, bypassing legacy bureaucratic hurdles.45

Recommendation 2: Expand the Asymmetric Advantage – Compute, Talent, and Alliances

The U.S. must widen its lead in the foundational elements of AI power where China remains most vulnerable and where the U.S. holds a distinct advantage.

Actions:

  • Dominate the Semiconductor Race: Double down on policies like the CHIPS and Science Act and coordinate with allies to not only onshore manufacturing but to accelerate R&D into next-generation semiconductor design and advanced packaging. The goal should be to maintain a multi-generational technological lead in the hardware that powers AI.21
  • Launch a National Defense AI Talent Initiative: Create a concerted national effort to attract and retain the world’s best AI talent. This should include streamlining security clearance processes for AI experts, establishing new talent exchange programs between the DoD and private industry, and reforming immigration policies to create a fast track for top-tier global AI researchers.16
  • Operationalize CJADC2 as a Diplomatic Priority: Elevate the “Combined” aspect of CJADC2 from a technical goal to a core diplomatic effort. This involves deepening collaborative AI R&D, establishing common data and ethical frameworks, and conducting regular, large-scale joint exercises with key allies (e.g., the Five Eyes, Japan, South Korea, and key NATO partners) to build a deeply integrated, networked coalition that China cannot replicate.31

Recommendation 3: Counter the Cognitive Threat

The U.S. must develop a comprehensive national strategy to defend against and deter China’s cognitive warfare operations, an area where current defenses are dangerously inadequate.

Actions:

  • Establish a National Cognitive Security Center: Create a new, inter-agency center co-led by the DoD, the Intelligence Community, and the Department of Homeland Security. Its mission would be to coordinate the detection, analysis, and countering of foreign, AI-driven disinformation and influence operations targeting the U.S. military and public.8
  • Spur Counter-Influence Technology: Launch a DARPA-led grand challenge to develop advanced, real-time technologies for detecting and attributing AI-generated deepfakes, synthetic media, and coordinated inauthentic behavior online.
  • Build Societal Resilience: Invest in public education and media literacy programs to inoculate the American populace against the divisive narratives that are the primary weapons of cognitive warfare, thereby strengthening the nation’s cognitive defenses from the ground up.

Recommendation 4: Beyond Decision Advantage – Crafting a Broader American Vision

To effectively compete with China’s holistic strategy, the U.S. must evolve its own military doctrine to formally recognize and address the broader dimensions of modern conflict.

Actions:

  • Develop a Doctrine for Integrated Cognitive-Domain Operations: The Joint Staff, in coordination with the National Security Council, should initiate a formal process to develop a U.S. doctrine for operations in the cognitive domain. This would recognize the human mind as a contested battlefield and articulate how the instruments of national power—diplomatic, informational, military, and economic (DIME)—can be integrated to defend against and conduct cognitive operations in a manner consistent with democratic principles.
  • This new doctrine must explicitly address the role of AI in both defending against and, where necessary and lawful, conducting influence and psychological operations to deter aggression and shape the strategic environment.

Recommendation 5: Weaponize Responsibility – Leveraging the Ethical High Ground

The U.S. commitment to Responsible AI should be transformed from a perceived constraint into a potent strategic advantage that distinguishes the U.S. and its allies from their authoritarian rivals.

Actions:

  • Lead on International Norms: Launch a major diplomatic initiative to build upon the U.S. Political Declaration on Responsible Military Use of AI, with the goal of making its principles the foundation for a binding international treaty or a widely adopted set of norms among the world’s democracies.62
  • Condition AI Sales and Transfers: In all foreign military sales and technology-sharing agreements involving AI-enabled systems, require partner nations to adopt and adhere to RAI principles as a condition of the transfer. This will help build a global military AI ecosystem based on U.S. standards of safety, ethics, and reliability.
  • Highlight the Authoritarian Contradiction: Use public diplomacy and strategic communications to consistently expose the fundamental weakness in China’s approach: the impossibility of guaranteeing safe, reliable, or ethical AI when a system’s ultimate arbiter is not objective law or principle, but the shifting political imperatives of the CCP.55

V. Conclusion

The contest for military AI supremacy between the United States and China is a competition between two profoundly different systems. The United States currently holds a critical advantage in foundational technology, talent, and innovation, but this lead is fragile. China’s broader, more cohesive, and more revolutionary strategic vision—which integrates technological development with a “whole-of-society” mobilization and a doctrine aimed at cognitive dominance—poses a long-term threat that cannot be countered by superior microchips alone.

China is preparing for a future war fought not just on land, at sea, and in the air, but in the virtual space of networks and the cognitive space of the human mind. The U.S., while building a formidable technological arsenal, is still primarily focused on winning a faster and more efficient version of the last war. The nation with the best vision for the future will not be the one with the single best algorithm, but the one that can most successfully integrate its technological prowess, its organizational structure, and its guiding principles into a coherent and resilient whole. The five-year strategy outlined in this report is designed to ensure that nation is the United States, by first fixing its critical internal integration challenges while simultaneously broadening its strategic vision to compete and win in every domain—physical, virtual, and, most decisively, cognitive.


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Enter the Battleverse: China’s Pursuit of Intelligentized Warfare in the Metaverse

This report provides a comprehensive intelligence assessment of the People’s Republic of China’s (PRC) strategic endeavor to develop a military-specific metaverse, termed the “battleverse” (战场元宇宙). Analysis of authoritative Chinese military-technical literature and procurement data indicates that this initiative is not a speculative or isolated technological pursuit, but a core component of the People’s Liberation Army’s (PLA) future warfighting doctrine and a key project within the PRC’s national “Digital China” (数字中国) grand strategy. The battleverse is the logical and necessary culmination of the PLA’s concept of “Intelligentized Warfare” (智能化战争), the designated successor to modern “informatized” conflict.

The PLA envisions the battleverse as a persistent, high-fidelity, virtual-real fused environment that will fundamentally revolutionize military operations across all domains. Its primary purpose is to enable the PLA to achieve “cognitive dominance” over an adversary by seamlessly integrating the physical, virtual, and cognitive (“brain battlefield”) dimensions of conflict. While the comprehensive battleverse remains a future objective, its foundational technologies—particularly Artificial Intelligence (AI) and Digital Twins—are being actively researched, developed, and procured. The most mature applications are currently in advanced training and simulation, where VR/AR systems and AI-driven “Blue Army” adversaries are enhancing training realism and accelerating tactical development.

Concurrently, the PLA is aggressively exploring advanced conceptual frameworks for “Meta-War,” a new form of conflict waged within and through the battleverse. These concepts include combat conducted by virtual avatars, by remotely operated robotic “simulacrums,” and by human soldiers who exist as “dual entities” in both the physical and virtual worlds. This theoretical work, combined with tangible technological progress, presents a significant long-term challenge to the military-technological superiority of the United States and its allies. The PLA’s approach is distinguished by its top-down, doctrine-driven integration and its exploration of higher levels of AI-driven autonomy, creating a potential divergence in the character of future warfare.

This report assesses the strategic drivers behind the battleverse, deconstructs its conceptual architecture, details its current and future applications, provides a comparative analysis with U.S. efforts, and evaluates the associated challenges and strategic implications. The PLA’s pursuit of the battleverse signals a determined effort to master a new form of warfare, one that could provide significant asymmetric advantages in a future conflict, particularly in a scenario involving Taiwan.

I. The Strategic Imperative: From Informatization to Intelligentization

The PLA’s ambition to construct a battleverse is not an ad-hoc reaction to a technological trend. It is the product of a deliberate, decades-long strategic modernization effort, guided by a clear doctrinal vision for the future of warfare and supported by a whole-of-nation grand strategy. Understanding this context is critical to appreciating the depth and seriousness of the battleverse initiative.

The PLA’s Three-Step Modernization Framework

The PLA’s contemporary modernization is structured around a three-phase strategic framework articulated by senior leadership, including PRC President Xi Jinping.1 These overlapping phases are mechanization, informatization, and intelligentization.1

  • Mechanization (机械化), the process of incorporating advanced machinery, vehicles, and conventional platforms, was the primary focus through the early 21st century and was intended to be largely completed by 2020.1
  • Informatization (信息化), the current phase, involves the introduction of networks, information systems, and data into all facets of military operations, from command and control (C2) and intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance (ISR) to cyber operations.1
  • Intelligentization (智能化), first formally mentioned in 2019, is the PLA’s vision for the future. While still pursuing the goals of informatization, the PLA is doctrinally and technologically pivoting toward this next phase, which it sees as a new Revolution in Military Affairs.1 Intelligentization is defined by the transformative impact of emerging technologies—specifically Artificial Intelligence (AI), big data, quantum computing, virtual and augmented reality (VR/AR), autonomous systems, and the Internet of Things (IoT)—on 21st-century warfare.1

Recent PLA writings explicitly describe the culmination of this intelligentization phase as leading to “Metaverse War” or “Meta-War,” making the battleverse a defining feature of this future conflict paradigm.1

Defining “Intelligentized Warfare” (智能化战争)

Intelligentized warfare is the PLA’s core warfighting theory for the 21st century. It represents a fundamental shift in the character of conflict, driven primarily by the maturation of AI.3 PLA theorists draw a clear distinction between this new stage and its predecessors based on the human functions they augment. Whereas mechanized warfare enhanced the physical capabilities of the soldier—their “hands and feet”—and informatized warfare enhanced their sensory capabilities—their “ears and eyes”—intelligentized warfare is conceived as enhancing the cognitive function of the commander and the force itself—the “brain”.6 This enhancement is to be achieved through advanced brain-computer interaction and AI-human teaming.6

The central tenets of this doctrine reveal why a battleverse is not merely useful, but essential:

  • Shift to Cognitive Dominance: The primary objective in intelligentized warfare shifts from achieving information superiority to seizing “cognitive dominance” (制智权).6 This is a more profound concept, focused on fundamentally disrupting, degrading, and manipulating the adversary’s decision-making processes. The goal is to render the opponent cognitively paralyzed, effectively turning them into an “idiot” in the battlespace, unable to process information or make sound judgments.6
  • Expansion of the Battlefield: The domains of conflict expand beyond the traditional physical realms of land, sea, air, and space. Intelligentized warfare explicitly incorporates the virtual space and, most critically, the “cognitive domain” or “brain battlefield” (头脑战场) of commanders, soldiers, and even national leaders as primary arenas for confrontation.1 Victory in the virtual and cognitive spaces is seen as a prerequisite for victory in the physical world.6

This doctrinal framework, with its focus on cognitive paralysis and the fusion of physical and non-physical domains, creates a clear and compelling military requirement for a persistent, integrated, virtual-real environment. The PLA is not simply adopting metaverse technology because it is available; it is pursuing the technology because its pre-existing theory of victory demands it. This doctrinal pull, rather than a simple technological push, indicates a far more deliberate and strategically integrated approach, suggesting that the battleverse concept is deeply embedded in the PLA’s long-term institutional planning.

Linkage to the “Digital China” Grand Strategy

The PLA’s military ambitions are inextricably linked to and enabled by a broader national strategy. The battleverse initiative is explicitly framed within PLA literature as a central component of the PRC’s societal transformation under the “Digital China” (数字中国) grand strategy.1 Described as the world’s first “digital grand strategy,” this whole-of-nation effort is personally championed by Xi Jinping and aims to “win the future” by achieving comprehensive digital supremacy.1

The “Digital China” strategy, which has roots in regional initiatives like “Digital Fujian” and “Digital Zhejiang” that Xi oversaw as a local leader, aims for the complete digital transformation of the PRC’s economy, governance, and society.8 In this context, the metaverse is seen as the next evolutionary stage of the internet and a critical new frontier for national power.9 By leading in its development, Beijing seeks to achieve several national objectives:

  • Technological Self-Reliance: Reduce dependency on foreign technology and establish “first-mover advantages” in a critical future industry.9
  • Economic Growth: Dominate what is expected to be a multi-trillion-dollar global market, further fueling China’s digital economy.9
  • Norm Shaping: Position the PRC to guide the development of international norms, standards, and governance structures for the metaverse.9
  • Sovereignty and Control: Extend state sovereignty into the virtual domain, ensuring the digital “spiritual home” of its citizens operates according to the Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) principles.9

This national-level strategic alignment creates a powerful symbiotic relationship, a prime example of the PRC’s Military-Civil Fusion (军民融合) strategy. The PLA’s demanding requirements for a high-fidelity, secure, AI-driven battleverse provide a clear strategic direction and a lucrative market for China’s civilian tech sector, driving national innovation in critical areas like AI, 5G, VR hardware, and advanced computing.11 In turn, the rapid growth of the civilian tech sector, such as China’s massive domestic VR market (estimated at 44% of the global market by late 2020), provides the PLA with a broad, resilient, and innovative industrial and R&D base from which to draw technology and talent.11 This whole-of-nation symbiosis provides a formidable strategic tailwind for the battleverse project, granting it a level of national priority and resource allocation that a purely military-siloed program could not achieve.

II. Deconstructing the Battleverse: Concept, Architecture, and Key Technologies

The PLA’s concept of the battleverse has evolved rapidly from a nascent idea into a sophisticated theoretical construct for future warfare. It is envisioned not as a single piece of software, but as a comprehensive military ecosystem with a specific architecture and a foundation built on the convergence of several key emerging technologies.

Defining the “Battleverse” (战场元宇宙)

The term “battleverse” (战场元宇宙) first entered the PLA’s public discourse in a November 2021 article in the official PLA Daily.1 Initially, the concept was framed in a defensive, soft-power context. The article proposed using the metaverse to create immersive reconstructions of historical battles to vividly depict the horrors of war, thereby deterring conflict and stimulating a desire for peace among the civilian population.1

This narrative, however, pivoted with remarkable speed. Within a matter of months, by early 2022, the discussion in official military media had shifted decisively toward building a separate, secure, and highly militarized metaverse designed explicitly to win future intelligentized wars.1 This rapid evolution from a public-facing deterrence tool to a core warfighting concept is significant. Such a fundamental shift in the official military newspaper is unlikely to be accidental; it strongly suggests that an internal consensus was reached at a high level to prioritize and accelerate the development of the metaverse as a primary warfighting domain. The initial “deterrence” framing may have served as strategic misdirection for external audiences, or it may reflect a genuine but quickly superseded initial thought.

In its current conception, the military metaverse is defined as a new and comprehensive military ecosystem that integrates the virtual and real worlds.17 It is distinguished from its civilian counterparts by a set of unique military requirements, including:

  • High Security: The system must handle highly classified information, requiring robust security protocols far beyond those of commercial platforms.17
  • High Credibility: Simulations and models must be of extremely high fidelity, based on real-world physics and validated data, to be useful for training and operational planning.17
  • Identity Determinacy: Users have pre-determined and authenticated military identities (e.g., commander, pilot, logistics officer) with clear roles and permissions.17

The Concept of “Meta-War”

Flowing from the battleverse concept is the PLA’s theory of “Meta-War.” This is defined as a new type of military activity that leverages the battleverse’s technological capabilities to achieve the strategic objective of conquering an opponent’s will.1 The architecture of Meta-War is designed to link three distinct but interconnected battlefields 1:

  1. The Physical Battlefield: The traditional domain of land, sea, air, and space where kinetic actions occur.
  2. The Virtual Battlefield: The digital space within the battleverse where simulations, cyber operations, and virtual combat take place.
  3. The “Brain Battlefield” (头脑战场): The cognitive space representing the conscious perceptions, situational awareness, and decision-making processes of soldiers and commanders.

The core function of the battleverse in Meta-War is to fuse these three domains, allowing personnel to seamlessly switch between the real-world battlefield and a virtual parallel battlefield as needed. This enables them to engage in live combat, run complex simulations of future actions, and predict outcomes in a fully immersive environment, all in real-time.1

Core Enabling Technologies

The PLA’s vision for the battleverse is predicated on the successful convergence and integration of a suite of advanced technologies.

  • Digital Twins: This technology is the architectural linchpin of the entire battleverse concept. A digital twin is a high-fidelity, virtual replica of a physical asset, process, or even an entire environment that is continuously updated with real-time data from its real-world counterpart.17 The PLA defines it as a mapping in virtual space that reflects the full life cycle of a piece of physical equipment.18 It is the digital twin that bridges the virtual and the real. Without accurate, persistent, real-time digital twins of weapon platforms, sensors, infrastructure, and geographical terrain, the battleverse would be merely a sophisticated but disconnected simulation. The digital twin provides the essential data-driven foundation that allows for realistic training, predictive maintenance, logistics optimization, and credible mission rehearsal.18 The PLA’s progress in creating a functional battleverse can, therefore, be most accurately measured by its progress in developing and integrating digital twin technology across its forces.
  • Artificial Intelligence (AI): If the digital twin is the skeleton of the battleverse, AI is its brain. AI is envisioned to perform a multitude of functions: generating rich and dynamic virtual scenes, providing real-time battlefield object recognition, powering intelligent “Blue Army” adversaries, and offering intelligent-assisted decision-making support to commanders.3 Crucially, AI systems themselves are expected to be trained within the battleverse through processes of “self-play and confrontational evolution,” allowing them to become “strategists” for conquering the virtual cognitive space without human intervention.6
  • Extended Reality (XR): XR technologies—including Virtual Reality (VR), Augmented Reality (AR), and Mixed Reality (MR)—serve as the primary human-machine interface for the battleverse.1 VR headsets, AR glasses, and haptic feedback suits are the tools that will provide the immersive, “on-site feeling” for soldiers in training, commanders directing battles, or maintainers repairing equipment.17
  • Supporting Infrastructure: A robust technological foundation is required to support these core components. This includes high-bandwidth, low-latency networking (such as 5G and beyond) to transmit vast amounts of data between the physical and virtual worlds; advanced computing (cloud for data storage and processing, and potentially quantum for complex calculations) to run the simulations; and a ubiquitous Internet of Things (IoT) to provide the constant stream of sensor data needed to keep the digital twins synchronized with reality.1 PLA theorists also explicitly mention brain-computer interfaces (BCIs) as a potential future interface for controlling systems directly.1

III. Applications and Concepts of Operation: Waging “Meta-War”

The PLA’s development of the battleverse is not purely theoretical. It is pursuing a dual-track approach: actively implementing mature, battleverse-related technologies for near-term gains while simultaneously developing radical new concepts of operation for future, fully-realized “Meta-War.”

A. Current and Near-Term Applications (The “Practice”)

The most tangible progress in implementing battleverse technologies is evident in areas that offer immediate improvements to readiness, efficiency, and force development.

  • Training and Education: This is the most mature and widely documented application area. The PLA is leveraging immersive technologies to create training environments that are more realistic, repeatable, cost-effective, and safer than traditional methods.9
  • Skill-Based VR Training: The PLA has fielded VR systems for specific tasks, such as parachute training. These systems use virtual simulation and spatial positioning to expose new paratroopers to a range of aerial emergencies and unfamiliar environments in a risk-free setting, improving their real-world performance and adaptability.9 Similar systems are used for training operators of man-portable air-defense systems (MANPADS), allowing them to practice engaging diverse aerial targets like helicopters, cruise missiles, and fighter jets in a virtual environment.23
  • Tactical VR Training: More advanced systems are emerging for collective training. The “Wisdom Commando VR Training System,” developed by the state-owned China Electronics Technology Group Corporation (CETC), is a prime example. It uses VR helmets, haptic feedback suits, and simulated weapons to immerse a squad of soldiers in a virtual battlefield where they can train alongside both their real teammates and AI-powered virtual teammates. The system leverages key technologies like large-space positioning to allow free movement and machine learning algorithms to evaluate performance.20
  • Psychological Conditioning: The PLA is also exploring the use of VR to conduct wartime psychological training. The goal is to create hyper-realistic, high-stress virtual combat environments to better prepare soldiers for the psychological shock of real battle.24
  • Wargaming and Simulation (The “Blue Army”): The PLA has long used simulations for wargaming, but is now investing heavily in creating a next-generation, AI-driven “Blue Army”—the PLA’s term for a simulated adversary force, akin to a U.S. “Red Team”.25 The objective is to move beyond scripted, service-level simulations to a dynamic, all-element joint combat simulation platform. The AI-powered Blue Army is intended to perfectly mimic the command decision-making behavior and tactics of a potential adversary, allowing the PLA to rigorously test its own operational concepts, identify weaknesses, and discover “possible blind spots” at a pace and scale impossible in live exercises.25 This effort is augmented by research at institutions like Xi’an Technological University, where AI models like DeepSeek are being used to autonomously generate tens of thousands of potential battlefield scenarios in seconds, transforming simulation from a static, pre-programmed system into an “autonomously evolving intelligent agent”.26
  • Equipment R&D, Maintenance, and Logistics: Digital twin technology is the centerpiece of efforts to modernize the entire lifecycle of military equipment.
  • Research & Development: The PLA envisions using digital twins to dramatically shorten the R&D cycle for complex platforms like warships and aircraft.17 By creating and testing virtual prototypes in a realistic, simulated combat environment, engineers can validate designs, assess combat effectiveness, and identify flaws before any physical manufacturing begins, saving immense time and resources.17
  • Maintenance and Logistics: In the sustainment phase, a digital twin of a platform, continuously fed with real-world performance data, can enable predictive maintenance, anticipating part failures before they occur.18 In logistics, digital twins of supply chains and transportation networks can create a system of “intelligent war logistics,” allowing for a more flexible, on-demand, and resilient supply chain that can adapt to the dynamic needs of the battlefield.18
  • Procurement and Development Ecosystem: The PLA’s commitment is reflected in its procurement activities and the emergence of a specialized development ecosystem. Analysis of PLA procurement records reveals a clear focus on acquiring “smart” and “intelligent” systems, including augmented reality sandboxes for training and intelligent interactive control systems.28 A 2020 analysis showed significant purchasing in intelligent and autonomous vehicles and AI-enabled ISR, sourced from a diverse ecosystem of both traditional state-owned defense enterprises and smaller, non-traditional vendors.15 Specialized entities are also emerging, such as the “Digital Twin Battlefield Laboratory,” which offers bespoke R&D services, consulting, and the construction of digital twin test ranges, indicating a professionalization of the field.30

B. Future Combat Concepts (The “Theory of Meta-War”)

Beyond near-term applications, PLA strategists are developing highly advanced, and in some cases radical, theories for how a fully realized battleverse will change the nature of combat itself. These concepts are detailed in an article titled “Meta-War: An Alternative Vision of Intelligentized Warfare” and represent the PLA’s theoretical end-state for metaverse-enabled conflict.1

  • The Three Methods of “Meta-War”:
  1. “(Virtual) Clone/Avatar [分身] Combat in the Virtual World”: This form of combat takes place entirely within the digital realm of the battleverse. It encompasses activities like cyber warfare, psychological operations, and the manipulation of public opinion, conducted from behind the scenes to shape the battlespace before and during a conflict.1 On the virtual “front lines,” combatants would use avatars to conduct highly realistic pre-battle training, mission rehearsals, and simulated combat exercises.1
  2. “Simulacrum/Imitation [仿身] Combat in the Real World”: This concept describes real-world combat where human soldiers are replaced on the front lines by weaponized “simulacrums.” These are not fully autonomous robots but rather platforms—such as humanoid robots, bionic machines, or mechs—that are controlled in real-time by human operators from a safe distance.1 These simulacrums would carry the human operator’s perception and intent onto the battlefield, allowing them to perform dangerous and complex tasks. The control interfaces could include remote controls, tactile devices, or even direct brain-computer interfaces.1 This concept represents a pragmatic approach to the challenges of fully autonomous AI. Instead of waiting for a breakthrough in artificial general intelligence that can handle the complexities and ethical dilemmas of combat, this model uses the human brain as the advanced processor, effectively “teleporting” a soldier’s cognitive abilities into an expendable, physically superior machine. It leverages the unique strengths of both humans (adaptability, creativity, ethical judgment) and machines (speed, endurance, resilience) to field a highly capable semi-autonomous force in the near-to-mid term.
  3. “Incarnation/Embodiment [化身] Combat in Parallel Worlds”: This is the ultimate synthesis of the first two concepts, representing the full fusion of the real and virtual. In this mode of combat, human soldiers, their virtual avatars, and their controlled simulacrums would operate in unison across parallel realities.1 A human soldier and their weapon system would function as a “dual entity,” existing simultaneously in the physical world and as a digital twin in the virtual world. They would be capable of switching between and interacting across these realities. In this paradigm, victory might not be determined solely by physical destruction but by which side first achieves a critical objective in the virtual world, such as discovering a hidden key or disabling a virtual command node, which then translates to a decisive advantage in the real world.1
  • The Centrality of the “Brain Battlefield” (头脑战场): Underlying all three methods of Meta-War is the focus on the “brain battlefield”—the cognitive state of the adversary.1 The ultimate purpose of fusing the virtual and real is to create an environment where the PLA can manipulate the enemy’s perception of reality. By using highly deceptive information, injecting false virtual targets into an enemy’s augmented reality display, or creating confusing scenarios, the PLA aims to directly attack the enemy’s cognitive processes, interfering with their judgment, slowing their decision-making, and inducing fatal errors.10 This represents a profound doctrinal shift away from a primary focus on physical attrition. The goal of Meta-War is not just to destroy the enemy’s forces, but to achieve a state of cognitive paralysis, shattering their will and ability to fight by making them incapable of trusting their own senses and systems. A successful campaign might result in an enemy force that is physically intact but rendered completely combat-ineffective, achieving victory with potentially less kinetic violence.

IV. The Geopolitical Battlefield: U.S.-China Competition in the Military Metaverse

The PLA’s pursuit of a battleverse is not occurring in a vacuum. It is a central element of its broader strategic competition with the United States, which is pursuing its own, parallel efforts to develop next-generation synthetic training and operational environments. While there are technological similarities, a comparative analysis reveals significant divergences in strategic vision, doctrinal approach, and organizational structure.

China’s Approach: Top-Down, Doctrine-Driven, and Integrated

As previously established, the PLA’s battleverse initiative is a key component of a unified, top-down national and military strategy.1 This provides a coherent vision that integrates technological development with a pre-defined warfighting doctrine—”Intelligentized Warfare.” The explicit goal is to leverage these technologies to generate “asymmetric advantages” against the United States, which the PLA regards as a “strong enemy” and its primary strategic competitor.29 A defining feature of this approach is the PLA’s doctrinal willingness to explore higher levels of AI autonomy. PLA writings suggest a desire to remove the human soldier from certain decision-making loops where possible, believing that machine-driven speed can provide a decisive edge in achieving “decision dominance”.31

The U.S. Approach: Bottom-Up, Technologically Focused, and Federated

The United States does not use the term “battleverse,” but its armed services and research agencies are developing a suite of highly advanced capabilities that aim to achieve similar outcomes in training and operations.33 The U.S. effort, however, is more federated and appears to be driven more by technological opportunity than by a single, overarching new doctrine.

  • U.S. Army Synthetic Training Environment (STE): This is one of the Army’s top modernization priorities, designed to revolutionize training by converging live, virtual, constructive, and gaming environments into a single, interoperable platform.11 The STE is software-focused, leverages cloud computing, and is designed to be accessible to soldiers at their “point of need,” from home station to deployed locations.34 Its goal is to allow soldiers to conduct dozens of “bloodless battles” in a realistic virtual world before ever seeing combat.34
  • U.S. Air Force Digital Twin Programs: The U.S. Air Force is a global leader in the practical application of digital twin technology. Notable projects include the creation of a complete, engineering-grade digital twin of the F-16 Fighting Falcon to streamline sustainment, modernization, and repairs 38, and the development of a massive, installation-scale digital twin of Tyndall Air Force Base in Florida. This virtual replica of the base is used to manage its multi-billion-dollar reconstruction after a hurricane, optimize planning, and run realistic security simulations, such as active shooter drills.39 These programs demonstrate a high level of maturity in deploying the foundational technology of any military metaverse.
  • DARPA Research: The Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency (DARPA) is pushing the technological frontier. Its programs are not only developing the building blocks of future synthetic environments but are also proactively researching defenses against the threats they might pose. Programs like Perceptually-enabled Task Guidance (PTG) are developing AI assistants that can guide personnel through complex physical tasks using augmented reality.41 More critically, there is a striking parallel between the PLA’s offensive cognitive warfare concepts and DARPA’s defensive research. The PLA is actively theorizing about using the metaverse to conduct cognitive attacks to “confuse the opponent’s cognition” and “mislead their decision-making”.10 In response, DARPA’s Intrinsic Cognitive Security (ICS) program is explicitly designed to build tactical mixed reality systems that can protect warfighters from precisely these kinds of “cognitive attacks,” such as “information flooding,” “injecting virtual data to distract personnel,” and “sowing confusion”.42 This indicates that U.S. defense planners are taking this threat vector seriously, and the competition is already well underway at the conceptual and R&D level. DARPA is, in effect, attempting to build the shield for a sword the PLA is still designing.

Comparative Analysis: Key Divergences

The competition between the U.S. and China in this domain is not a simple technology race but a clash of strategic philosophies. The U.S. appears to possess more advanced individual components and a more vibrant R&D ecosystem, but China’s top-down, integrated approach may allow for faster and more cohesive implementation of a unified vision. The strategic contest may hinge on which model proves more effective: the U.S. model of federated innovation and gradual integration into existing structures like Joint All-Domain Command and Control (JADC2), or China’s model of unified, doctrine-driven development.

The most critical point of divergence is the doctrinal approach to autonomy. U.S. military doctrine, policy, and ethics heavily prioritize a “human-in-the-loop” or human-machine teaming paradigm, where AI serves as an assistive tool to enhance, not replace, human decision-making.31 In contrast, PLA writings are more ambitious, exploring concepts of greater AI autonomy and explicitly discussing the potential advantages of removing the human from the decision-making process to achieve superior speed and “decision dominance”.31 This fundamental difference in philosophy could lead to two very different types of “intelligentized” forces in the future.

Table 1: Comparative Analysis of U.S. and PRC Military Metaverse Initiatives

FeatureU.S. Synthetic Training Environment (STE) & Related ProgramsPRC “Battleverse” (战场元宇宙)
Primary DoctrineJoint All-Domain Command and Control (JADC2); Human-Machine TeamingIntelligentized Warfare (智能化战争); Cognitive Dominance
Key ProgramsArmy STE, USAF Digital Twin (F-16, Tyndall AFB), DARPA research (ICS, PTG)CETC VR Systems, Digital Twin Battlefield Lab, AI-driven “Blue Army” Simulations
Technological FocusInteroperability, COTS integration, augmented reality (IVAS), cloud computingAI-driven autonomy, digital twins, VR immersion, brain-computer interfaces
Development StatusMultiple programs in advanced development and initial fielding (demonstrating high component maturity)Extensive conceptual work; foundational technologies in active development and procurement (demonstrating high strategic integration)
Approach to Autonomy“Human-in-the-loop” prioritized; AI as an assistive tool for human decision-makersExploration of higher degrees of AI autonomy; potential for machine-driven decision-making to gain speed

V. Assessment of Challenges, Vulnerabilities, and Strategic Implications

Despite the PLA’s ambitious vision and strategic commitment, the path to a fully functional battleverse is fraught with significant internal challenges and creates new strategic vulnerabilities. Realizing this complex ecosystem is a monumental undertaking, and its successful implementation has profound implications for regional security, particularly concerning a potential conflict over Taiwan.

Internal PLA Challenges

Chinese military experts and technical analysts are themselves candid about the significant barriers the PLA faces.

  • Technological and Integration Hurdles: The technical challenges are immense. In a comprehensive review of Chinese-language defense journals, PLA officers and defense industry researchers identified several key concerns. These include the ability to guarantee network and cyber security for such a complex system, the difficulty of maintaining robust communications in a high-intensity conflict, and the need to develop the high-end sensors required to feed the digital twins with accurate data.45 Integrating dozens of disparate, specialized AI systems from various vendors into a coherent, multi-domain “system of systems” is an enormous software and systems engineering challenge that no military has yet solved.46
  • Data and AI Trustworthiness: The entire concept of intelligentized warfare hinges on the reliability of data and the trustworthiness of AI. However, AI systems are notoriously vulnerable to flawed, biased, or maliciously manipulated input data, which can lead to catastrophic errors in judgment.46 Many Chinese experts express deep misgivings about deploying insufficiently trustworthy AI systems in lethal contexts, citing the risks of unintended escalation, civilian casualties, and friendly fire incidents.45 The inherent “black box” nature of some advanced AI models makes it difficult for human commanders to understand, verify, and ultimately trust their recommendations, a critical barrier to effective human-machine teaming.46
  • Systemic Vulnerability to Attack: The battleverse’s greatest strength—its hyper-connectivity and total integration—is also its greatest weakness. This creates a strategic paradox: while it promises unprecedented operational coherence, it also presents a systemic, single-point-of-failure vulnerability. PLA thinkers acknowledge that the algorithms and networks at the core of the battleverse are prime targets. A successful cyber or electronic attack that compromises the integrity of the battleverse’s data or manipulates its core algorithms could lead to a total loss of combat capability for the entire force.47 This suggests that a U.S. strategy should not necessarily be to build a mirror-image battleverse, but to develop the asymmetric capabilities required to disrupt, deceive, and disable the PLA’s version.
  • Ethical and Legal Dilemmas: The prospect of intelligentized warfare raises profound ethical and legal questions that Chinese strategists are beginning to grapple with. These include the morality of delegating life-and-death decisions to machines and the intractable problem of assigning legal accountability for war crimes committed by an autonomous system.48

Strategic Implications for the United States and Allies

The PLA’s development of a battleverse, even if only partially successful, will have significant strategic implications.

  • The Taiwan Scenario: The battleverse is a powerful tool for a potential Taiwan contingency. The PLA could leverage a high-fidelity digital twin of Taiwan and its surrounding environment to wargame an invasion scenario thousands of times, allowing them to meticulously test operational plans, identify weaknesses in Taiwan’s defenses, and perfect their joint force coordination at minimal cost and risk.18 This would enable the PLA to enter a conflict with a level of rehearsal and optimization previously unimaginable. Furthermore, the initial phase of an invasion could be non-kinetic, launched from within the battleverse. It could consist of massive, coordinated cyber, electronic, and cognitive attacks designed to paralyze Taiwan’s command and control, sow chaos and confusion, and degrade its will to fight before a single ship or plane crosses the strait.10 The battleverse also provides a new and potent platform for “gray zone” activities. In the years leading up to a potential conflict, the PLA could use the virtual space to conduct persistent, low-threshold operations against a digital twin of Taiwan—testing cyber defenses, mapping critical infrastructure, and running subtle cognitive influence campaigns, all below the threshold of armed conflict but effectively shaping the future battlefield.
  • Accelerated PLA Modernization: A functional battleverse would act as a powerful force multiplier for PLA modernization. It would create a virtual feedback loop, allowing the PLA to develop, test, and refine new technologies, tactics, and doctrine at a speed that cannot be matched by traditional, resource-intensive live exercises. This could dramatically shorten the timeline for the PLA to achieve its goal of becoming a “world-class” military capable of fighting and winning wars against a strong adversary.
  • Risk of Rapid Escalation: A key objective of intelligentized warfare is to accelerate the decision-making cycle (the OODA loop) to a speed that overwhelms an opponent. However, this reliance on AI-driven speed could have a destabilizing effect in a crisis. It could drastically shorten the time available for human deliberation and diplomacy, potentially leading to a rapid and unintended escalation from a regional crisis to a major conflict.46

Conclusion and Recommendations

The People’s Liberation Army’s pursuit of a military metaverse, or “battleverse,” is a serious, coherent, and long-term strategic endeavor that is deeply integrated with its national and military modernization goals. It is the designated operational environment for the PLA’s future warfighting doctrine of “Intelligentized Warfare.” While the vision of a fully fused virtual-real battlefield remains aspirational, and significant technical and systemic challenges persist, the conceptual groundwork is well-established, and foundational investments in enabling technologies like AI, digital twins, and VR are well underway. The most critical divergence from Western military development lies in the PLA’s doctrinal embrace of AI-driven autonomy and its explicit focus on achieving victory through cognitive dominance.

Over the next five years, the PLA will likely field advanced, networked VR/AR training and large-scale simulation systems across all services, significantly improving training realism, joint operational proficiency, and tactical development speed. Within a decade, it is plausible that the PLA will be experimenting with integrated “Meta-War” concepts in major exercises, fusing digital twin environments with live forces and testing rudimentary “simulacrum” platforms under direct human control. This trajectory presents a formidable challenge that requires a proactive and multi-faceted response from the United States and its allies.

Based on this assessment, the following recommendations are offered for the U.S. intelligence community, the Department of Defense, and associated policymakers:

  1. Prioritize Intelligence Collection on PLA Digital Twin Development: Intelligence collection and analysis should shift from a primary focus on individual hardware procurement to tracking the PLA’s progress in developing and integrating high-fidelity digital twins. Monitoring the creation of virtual replicas of key platforms (e.g., aircraft carriers, advanced destroyers, 5th-generation aircraft) and strategic locations (e.g., Taiwan, Guam, key U.S. bases in the Indo-Pacific) will serve as the most accurate barometer of the PLA’s true battleverse capability and its operational readiness for specific contingencies.
  2. Invest in “Red Team” Cognitive and Algorithmic Warfare Capabilities: The Department of Defense should fund and prioritize the development of offensive capabilities designed specifically to target the inherent vulnerabilities of a centralized, hyper-networked battleverse architecture. This includes advanced research in data poisoning, algorithm manipulation, network deception, and cognitive attacks designed to sow mistrust between PLA operators and their AI systems. The goal should be to develop the means to turn the battleverse’s greatest strength—its integration—into a critical vulnerability.
  3. Accelerate and Integrate U.S. Synthetic Environment Efforts: While maintaining a firm doctrinal commitment to human-centric command and control, the Department of Defense should accelerate the integration of its disparate synthetic environment programs (e.g., Army STE, Air Force digital twins, Navy trainers) into a coherent, JADC2-enabled operational environment. The strategic objective should be to outpace the PLA’s integration efforts by leveraging the U.S. technological advantage in areas like cloud computing, COTS software, and advanced AI to create a more flexible, resilient, and effective human-machine teaming ecosystem.
  4. Establish Ethical and Policy Guardrails for AI in Warfare: The United States should lead a robust and sustained dialogue with key allies to establish clear norms, ethical red lines, and policies for the use of AI and autonomous systems in combat. Codifying a commitment to meaningful human control will create a clear strategic and moral distinction from the PLA’s more ambiguous doctrinal path, strengthen allied cohesion on this critical issue, and provide a framework for future arms control discussions.

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The Gray Dragon and the Archipelago: Five Scenarios for an Unconventional Conflict in the South China Sea

The strategic competition between the United States and the People’s Republic of China (PRC) is increasingly centered on the South China Sea, with the U.S.-Philippines alliance emerging as a critical focal point. While the prospect of conventional, high-intensity warfare often dominates strategic planning, the most probable form of conflict will be unconventional, waged across a spectrum of non-military domains. This report posits that an unconventional war between the U.S.-Philippines alliance and China will not be a singular, decisive event but a protracted, integrated campaign of coercion designed to test the alliance’s resilience, political will, and legal foundations. China’s strategy is calibrated to achieve strategic objectives below the threshold of what would traditionally constitute an “armed attack,” thereby complicating the invocation of the 1951 Mutual Defense Treaty (MDT) and placing the onus of escalation on Washington and Manila.

This analysis presents five plausible scenarios for such a conflict, each rooted in a different primary domain: maritime lawfare, cyber warfare, economic coercion, information warfare, and proxy conflict. These scenarios are not mutually exclusive; rather, they represent distinct but interconnected fronts in a single, cohesive strategy of integrated coercion. From a legally ambiguous “quarantine” of a Philippine outpost to a crippling cyberattack on critical infrastructure and an AI-driven disinformation blitz aimed at fracturing the alliance from within, these scenarios illustrate the multifaceted nature of the threat.

Key findings indicate a fundamental asymmetry in strategic philosophy. China pursues a patient, indirect strategy of accumulating advantages over time, akin to the game of Go, aimed at creating a new status quo. The U.S.-Philippines alliance, conversely, is postured to respond to discrete, escalatory events, a more reactive model. China deliberately exploits this doctrinal gap, employing gray-zone tactics to create strategic dilemmas that force the alliance into a perpetual state of reactive uncertainty, caught between the risks of overreaction and the erosion of credibility.

The report concludes with strategic recommendations for the alliance. These include bolstering integrated deterrence through multi-domain exercises, enhancing Philippine national resilience with a focus on cyber defense and societal immunity to disinformation, and, most critically, clarifying alliance commitments to address severe non-kinetic attacks. To prevail in this unconventional arena, the alliance must shift from a posture of event-based response to one of proactive, persistent, and integrated resistance across all domains of national power.

I. The Arena: Doctrines and Capabilities in the South China Sea

Understanding the nature of a potential unconventional conflict requires a foundational assessment of the competing doctrines, capabilities, and strategic philosophies of the primary actors. The South China Sea is not merely a geographic theater; it is an arena where fundamentally different approaches to statecraft and coercion collide. China’s actions are guided by a holistic doctrine of integrated coercion, while the U.S.-Philippines alliance is adapting a more traditional defense posture to confront these 21st-century challenges.

A. China’s Doctrine of Integrated Coercion

Beijing’s strategy is not predicated on winning a conventional military battle but on achieving its objectives—namely, the assertion of sovereignty over the South China Sea and the displacement of U.S. influence—without firing a shot. This is accomplished through a sophisticated, multi-layered approach that blurs the lines between war and peace.

The Gray Zone as the Primary Battlefield

The central feature of China’s strategy is its mastery of the “gray zone,” an operational space where actions are coercive and aggressive but deliberately calibrated to remain below the threshold of conventional armed conflict. This approach is designed to paralyze an adversary’s decision-making cycle. By using paramilitary and civilian assets, such as the China Coast Guard (CCG) and its vast maritime militia, Beijing creates a deliberate ambiguity that complicates a response under international law and the terms of existing defense treaties. Actions like ramming, the use of water cannons, and deploying military-grade lasers against Philippine vessels are designed to intimidate and assert control without constituting a clear “armed attack” that would automatically trigger a U.S. military response under the MDT. This strategy of “salami-slicing” allows China to gradually erode the sovereignty of other claimants and establish a new status quo, one incident at a time.

The “Three Warfares” in Practice

Underpinning China’s gray-zone operations is the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) doctrine of the “Three Warfares”: Public Opinion (Media) Warfare, Psychological Warfare, and Legal Warfare (“Lawfare”). This doctrine provides the intellectual framework for integrating non-kinetic efforts into a cohesive campaign.

  • Legal Warfare (Lawfare) involves using and manipulating domestic and international law to assert the legitimacy of China’s actions. Declaring vast swathes of the South China Sea as subject to Chinese domestic law and then using CCG vessels to “enforce” those laws against foreign vessels is a textbook example. This tactic seeks to reframe acts of coercion as legitimate law enforcement, putting the burden of challenge on other nations.
  • Public Opinion Warfare aims to shape domestic and international narratives to support China’s objectives. This involves a constant stream of state-sponsored media content that portrays China as a peaceful and constructive regional actor, while casting the United States as an external provocateur and the Philippines as an illegitimate claimant.
  • Psychological Warfare seeks to erode an adversary’s will to resist. This is achieved through demonstrations of overwhelming force, such as swarming disputed features with hundreds of militia vessels, or conducting provocative military exercises intended to signal inevitability and intimidate regional states into accommodation.

Key Actors and Their Tools

China employs a diverse set of state and parastatal actors to execute this strategy:

  • China Coast Guard (CCG) & Maritime Militia: These are the frontline forces in the gray zone. The CCG, now under the command of the Central Military Commission, is the world’s largest coast guard and acts as the primary enforcer of China’s maritime claims. It is supported by a state-subsidized maritime militia, comprised of fishing vessels trained and equipped by the military, which provides a deniable force for swarming, blockading, and harassing foreign ships. These forces operate from a well-established playbook of 18 core tactics, including bow-crossing, blocking, ramming, and using sonic and optical weapons.
  • PLA Strategic Support Force (SSF): Established in 2015, the SSF is the nerve center of China’s information-centric warfare. It integrates the PLA’s space, cyber, electronic, and psychological warfare capabilities into a single, unified command. The SSF is responsible for conducting sophisticated cyber operations against foreign military and civilian targets, as well as executing the disinformation campaigns that form the backbone of China’s Public Opinion Warfare.

Asymmetric Philosophy: “Warfare of Non-Matching Facets”

The Chinese approach is deeply rooted in an ancient strategic tradition that emphasizes asymmetry. Often translated as “warfare of non-matching facets,” this philosophy seeks to leverage a weaker party’s strengths against a stronger adversary’s vulnerabilities. Rather than attempting to match the U.S. military ship-for-ship or plane-for-plane, Chinese doctrine, influenced by strategists from Sun Tzu to Mao Zedong, focuses on “overcoming the superior with the inferior”. This explains the heavy investment in asymmetric capabilities like anti-ship ballistic missiles, cyber warfare, and gray-zone tactics. These tools are designed to counter America’s comprehensive power by targeting specific “pockets of excellence” and vulnerabilities, such as its reliance on digital networks and its legalistic, alliance-based approach to conflict.

B. The Alliance’s Evolving Defense Posture

In response to China’s integrated coercion, the U.S.-Philippines alliance is undergoing a significant modernization and recalibration, shifting its focus from decades of internal security operations to the pressing challenge of external territorial defense.

The MDT as Bedrock and Ambiguity

The 1951 Mutual Defense Treaty remains the “ironclad” foundation of the bilateral relationship, obligating both nations to defend each other against an external armed attack. For decades, the precise conditions for the treaty’s invocation remained ambiguous. However, facing escalating Chinese gray-zone aggression, both sides have worked to add clarity. The May 2023 Bilateral Defense Guidelines explicitly state that an armed attack in the Pacific, “including anywhere in the South China Sea,” on either nation’s armed forces, public vessels, or aircraft—including those of their Coast Guards—would invoke mutual defense commitments. This clarification was a crucial act of strategic signaling, intended to deter China from escalating its harassment of Philippine Coast Guard vessels, which are often on the front lines of encounters with the CCG.

Operationalizing the Alliance: EDCA and Joint Exercises

The alliance is being operationalized through tangible agreements and activities. The 2014 Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement (EDCA) grants U.S. forces rotational access to nine strategic locations within the Philippines. These sites are critical for prepositioning equipment for humanitarian assistance and disaster relief, and they also serve as vital forward staging points for U.S. forces, enhancing joint operational readiness and responsiveness in a crisis. This presence is complemented by increasingly complex and large-scale joint military exercises. Annual drills like Balikatan and KAMANDAG now involve thousands of U.S. and Philippine personnel, often joined by partners like Japan and Australia, training in amphibious operations, maritime security, and counterterrorism. These exercises are not merely for training; they are a powerful form of strategic messaging, demonstrating the alliance’s growing interoperability and collective resolve.

The AFP’s Strategic Pivot: From Internal to External Defense

For the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP), the current era represents the most significant strategic shift in its modern history. After decades of being primarily focused on internal counter-insurgency campaigns, the AFP is now reorienting toward external and territorial defense. This pivot is backed by the ambitious “Re-Horizon 3” modernization program, a decade-long, $35 billion initiative to acquire a credible deterrent capability. Key acquisitions include multi-role fighter jets like the FA-50, modern missile-capable frigates, offshore patrol vessels, and land-based anti-ship missile systems like the BrahMos. This effort aims to remedy decades of neglect and build a force capable of defending Philippine sovereignty in the maritime and air domains, moving beyond a reliance on decommissioned U.S. vessels for patrols.

U.S. Unconventional Warfare (UW) Doctrine

The U.S. military’s role in an unconventional conflict would be guided by its doctrine of Unconventional Warfare (UW). This doctrine is not about direct U.S. combat but focuses on enabling a partner force to “coerce, disrupt or overthrow an occupying power or government”. In the context of a conflict with China, U.S. Special Operations Forces (SOF) would apply this doctrine by advising, assisting, training, and equipping their AFP counterparts to counter Chinese gray-zone tactics, resist cyber intrusions, and combat disinformation. The U.S. role would be that of a force multiplier, supplementing and substituting for conventional forces in politically sensitive or denied areas, and working “through, with, and by” the AFP to build its capacity to resist Chinese coercion independently.

This doctrinal landscape reveals a fundamental mismatch. China’s strategy is holistic, patient, and indirect, seeking to win by accumulating small, non-military advantages over time to change the strategic environment—a philosophy comparable to the board game Go. The alliance, with its focus on the MDT, EDCA sites, and conventional modernization, is structured to deter and respond to discrete, escalatory events—a more direct, force-on-force approach reminiscent of Chess. China’s entire gray-zone playbook is designed to operate within this doctrinal gap, to probe and coerce in ways that fall just short of the “armed attack” that would trigger the alliance’s primary response mechanism. This creates a dangerous “MDT Trap”: if the U.S. responds to a non-military provocation (like a CCG water cannon) with a military asset (a U.S. Navy destroyer), it risks falling into China’s narrative of U.S. militarization and escalating the conflict on Beijing’s terms. If it fails to respond, it risks undermining the credibility of its “ironclad” security guarantee. The central challenge for the alliance is to adapt its event-response model to counter China’s process-oriented strategy of coercion.

II. Five Scenarios of Unconventional War

The following scenarios illustrate how an unconventional conflict between the U.S.-Philippines alliance and China could unfold. These narratives are designed to be plausible, grounded in current doctrines and capabilities, and representative of the multi-domain nature of modern coercion. They explore how conflict could be initiated and contested across the maritime, cyber, economic, information, and proxy domains.

Table 1: Scenario Summary Matrix

Scenario TitlePrimary Domain of ConflictTrigger EventKey Chinese ActorsKey Alliance RespondersPrimary Escalation Risk
1. The Quarantine of Second Thomas ShoalMaritime / LegalAFP completes major reinforcement of the BRP Sierra Madre, signaling permanence.China Coast Guard (CCG), Maritime Militia, Ministry of Foreign AffairsPhilippine Coast Guard (PCG), AFP, U.S. INDOPACOM, Dept. of State, Allied Navies (Japan, Australia)Miscalculation during enforcement leads to a kinetic clash between coast guard vessels.
2. The Cyber Pearl HarborCyberHeightened regional tension (e.g., major U.S. arms sale to Taiwan, start of Balikatan exercises).PLA Strategic Support Force (SSF), Ministry of State Security (MSS), APT groups (e.g., Volt Typhoon)DICT/CICC, AFP Cyber Group, U.S. Cyber Command, CISA, NSACascading failure of critical infrastructure leading to civil unrest; debate over MDT invocation.
3. The Economic Strangulation GambitEconomicPhilippines wins a new international tribunal ruling against China (e.g., on fishing rights).Ministry of Commerce, General Administration of Customs, CCG, Maritime MilitiaDept. of Trade and Industry, Dept. of Agriculture, Dept. of Foreign Affairs, U.S. Trade Representative, USAIDSevere economic pain creates domestic political instability in the Philippines, pressuring a policy change.
4. The Disinformation BlitzInformation / CognitiveLead-up to a Philippine national election with a pro-alliance candidate favored to win.PLA SSF, MSS, United Front Work Dept., State-controlled media, “Spamouflage” networksDICT/CICC, Presidential Comms Office, U.S. State Dept. (GEC), U.S. Intelligence CommunityErosion of public trust in democratic institutions and the U.S. alliance, regardless of the election outcome.
5. The Proxy IgnitionAsymmetric / ProxyA new EDCA site in a strategic northern province becomes fully operational.Ministry of State Security (MSS), PLA intelligence assetsArmed Forces of the Philippines (AFP), Philippine National Police (PNP), U.S. Special Operations ForcesAFP resources are diverted from external to internal defense, achieving a key Chinese objective without direct confrontation.

Scenario 1: The Quarantine of Second Thomas Shoal

Trigger: After months of escalating harassment during resupply missions, the Philippines, with covert U.S. Navy Seabee technical assistance and materials delivered in small, successive batches, successfully completes a major reinforcement of the BRP Sierra Madre. The operation reinforces the ship’s hull and living quarters, signaling to Beijing that Manila intends to maintain a permanent physical outpost on the shoal indefinitely.

China’s Move (Lawfare & Maritime Coercion): In response to what it calls an “illegal and provocative” alteration of the status quo, Beijing initiates a novel coercive measure. It avoids a military blockade, which is an unambiguous act of war under international law. Instead, it announces the establishment of a “temporary maritime traffic control and customs supervision zone” around Second Thomas Shoal, citing its domestic laws on maritime safety and customs enforcement. This is a carefully constructed “quarantine,” a law enforcement-led operation designed to control traffic rather than seal off the area completely, thereby creating legal and operational ambiguity.

Within hours, a flotilla of over a dozen CCG cutters and three dozen maritime militia vessels establish a persistent presence, forming a tight cordon around the shoal. They do not fire upon approaching vessels. Instead, they use their physical mass to block access, hailing all ships—including Philippine Coast Guard (PCG) patrols—on marine radio channels, informing them they have entered a “Chinese law enforcement zone” and must submit to “on-site safety and customs inspections” before proceeding. Any Philippine vessel that refuses to comply is subjected to escalating non-lethal harassment: aggressive bow-crossing, shadowing, and sustained high-pressure water cannon attacks.

Alliance Counter-Move (Diplomacy & Assertive Presence): The alliance, anticipating this move, refrains from sending a U.S. Navy warship to directly breach the quarantine line, thereby avoiding the “MDT Trap” of a military-on-civilian confrontation. Instead, the response is multi-layered and multilateral. The Philippines immediately launches a campaign of “assertive transparency,” embedding journalists from international news agencies onto its PCG vessels and live-streaming the CCG’s coercive actions to a global audience.

Diplomatically, the U.S. and the Philippines convene an emergency session of the UN Security Council and issue a joint statement with G7 partners condemning China’s actions as a violation of UNCLOS and a threat to freedom of navigation. Operationally, the U.S. organizes a multinational “maritime security patrol” consisting of a Philippine Coast Guard cutter, an Australian frigate, and a Japanese destroyer. The U.S. contribution is a Coast Guard cutter, emphasizing the law enforcement nature of the mission, while a U.S. Navy Arleigh Burke-class destroyer provides over-the-horizon intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance (ISR) support but remains outside the immediate area. This multinational flotilla escorts a Philippine supply ship toward the shoal, publicly declaring its mission is to ensure the “safe passage of humanitarian supplies consistent with international law.”

Strategic Implications: This scenario transforms the standoff from a simple maritime dispute into a high-stakes test of political will and legal narratives. China’s objective is to demonstrate it can control access to disputed features at will, using civilian means that make a military response from the U.S. appear disproportionate and aggressive. The alliance’s counter-move aims to internationalize the crisis, framing it as a defense of the global maritime order rather than a bilateral U.S.-China confrontation. The outcome hinges on the critical moment when the multinational escort flotilla approaches the Chinese quarantine line. If the CCG backs down, its lawfare gambit fails. If it uses force against the ships of multiple nations, it risks a significant diplomatic and potentially military escalation that it may not be prepared for.

Scenario 2: The Cyber Pearl Harbor

Trigger: Tensions in the region are at a peak following the announcement of a landmark U.S. arms sale to Taiwan. In the South China Sea, the annual U.S.-Philippines Balikatan exercises are underway, featuring live-fire drills and simulated retaking of islands, which Beijing publicly denounces as a “provocation.”

China’s Move (Cyber Warfare): The PLA’s Strategic Support Force, operating through a known advanced persistent threat (APT) group like Volt Typhoon, activates malware that has been covertly pre-positioned for months, or even years, within Philippine critical infrastructure networks. The attack is not a single event but a coordinated, cascading series of disruptions designed to induce panic and paralyze the country’s ability to respond to an external crisis.

The multi-vectored assault unfolds over 48 hours:

  • Maritime Logistics: The terminal operating systems at the Port of Manila and the strategic port of Subic Bay are targeted. Malware disrupts the software that manages container movements, causing cranes to freeze and creating massive backlogs that halt both commercial shipping and the logistical support for the ongoing Balikatan exercises.
  • Financial System: Several of the Philippines’ largest banks are hit with what appears to be a massive ransomware attack. Online banking portals go down, and ATMs cease to function. The attackers, using criminal fronts to maintain deniability, demand exorbitant ransoms, but their true goal is to shatter public confidence in the financial system and create widespread economic anxiety.
  • Military Command and Control (C2): Simultaneously, a massive distributed denial-of-service (DDoS) attack is launched against the AFP’s primary command-and-control networks and the Department of National Defense. Communications between military headquarters in Manila and naval and air units participating in the exercises become severely degraded, hampering operational coordination. The attack exploits known vulnerabilities in the Philippines’ underdeveloped and fragmented cybersecurity infrastructure.

Alliance Counter-Move (Cyber Defense & Attribution): The Philippine government activates its National Cybersecurity Plan 2023-2028 and its National Computer Emergency Response Team (NCERT). However, the scale and sophistication of the coordinated attack quickly overwhelm the nascent capabilities of these institutions.

Manila formally requests emergency cybersecurity assistance from the United States under the 2023 Bilateral Defense Guidelines, which specifically mandate cooperation to “secure critical infrastructure and build protection against attacks emanating from state and non-state actors”. In response, U.S. Cyber Command, in coordination with the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency (CISA), deploys “hunt forward” teams. These elite cyber defense experts work alongside their Philippine counterparts inside compromised networks to identify the malware, eject the intruders, and restore services.

Crucially, the U.S. intelligence community rapidly analyzes the malware’s code, tactics, and infrastructure, attributing the attack with high confidence to the Chinese state. The White House, in a coordinated action with the Philippines and other “Five Eyes” partners, publicly exposes China’s role, releasing detailed technical indicators of compromise and imposing a new round of economic and diplomatic sanctions against entities linked to the PLA’s SSF.

Strategic Implications: The “Cyber Pearl Harbor” exposes the extreme vulnerability of a key U.S. ally to modern, multi-domain warfare. It demonstrates that an adversary can inflict strategic-level damage and chaos comparable to a military strike without firing a single missile. The attack forces a critical and difficult debate within the alliance: does a state-sponsored cyberattack that cripples a nation’s economy and critical infrastructure constitute an “armed attack” under the MDT? The U.S. response—providing defensive assistance and leading a campaign of public attribution and sanctions—tests whether non-military countermeasures can effectively deter future cyber aggression.

Scenario 3: The Economic Strangulation Gambit

Trigger: The Philippines, building on its 2016 legal victory, wins another significant ruling at the Permanent Court of Arbitration. The new ruling holds China financially liable for causing massive environmental damage through its island-building activities and for systematically violating the traditional fishing rights of Filipinos around Scarborough Shoal. Manila announces its intention to enforce the ruling through all available diplomatic and legal channels.

China’s Move (Economic & Gray-Zone Coercion): Beijing, which rejects the tribunal’s authority, retaliates with a campaign of calibrated economic coercion designed to inflict maximum pain on key sectors of the Philippine economy and foment domestic opposition to the government’s foreign policy. The Ministry of Commerce announces an immediate and indefinite ban on all imports of Philippine bananas, mangoes, and other agricultural products, citing fabricated “phytosanitary concerns” and a sudden outbreak of “pests”. This move targets a politically sensitive industry and a major source of export revenue.

Simultaneously, the CCG and maritime militia escalate their gray-zone operations across the South China Sea. They shift from harassment to interdiction, systematically detaining Filipino fishing vessels in disputed waters. Boats are impounded, catches are confiscated, and crews are held for weeks at Chinese-controlled outposts in the Spratly Islands before being released. This campaign effectively paralyzes the Philippine fishing industry in the region, threatening the livelihoods of tens of thousands.

This economic pressure is amplified by a coordinated information campaign. Chinese state-controlled media and affiliated social media accounts run stories highlighting the plight of struggling Filipino farmers and fishermen, blaming their suffering directly on the Marcos administration’s “provocative” and “pro-American” policies. The narrative suggests that prosperity can only return if Manila abandons its legal challenges and adopts a more “cooperative” stance with Beijing.

Alliance Counter-Move (Economic Resilience & Diplomatic Pressure): The Philippine government immediately seeks emergency economic support. The Department of Trade and Industry works with diplomats from the U.S., Japan, South Korea, and the European Union to secure temporary alternative markets for its agricultural exports. The government also rolls out a program of direct subsidies to the thousands of farmers and fishermen affected by the Chinese actions, using emergency funds supported by U.S. development aid.

The United States leads a diplomatic counter-offensive. The U.S. Trade Representative, in concert with the G7, formally condemns China’s actions at the World Trade Organization as a blatant act of economic coercion and a violation of international trade norms. Washington provides the Philippines with a substantial economic support package, including grants and loan guarantees, explicitly designed to bolster its economic resilience against foreign pressure. To counter the maritime pressure, the U.S. Navy and Coast Guard significantly increase ISR patrols throughout the South China Sea. They use drones and patrol aircraft to meticulously document every instance of a Filipino fishing vessel being illegally detained, sharing the imagery and tracking data with international media to expose and publicize China’s actions, providing a steady stream of evidence for future legal challenges.

Strategic Implications: This scenario shifts the primary battlefield from the sea to the economy, testing the domestic political resilience of the Philippines. China’s objective is to create a pincer movement of economic pain and information pressure to generate a powerful domestic lobby within the Philippines that advocates for accommodation with Beijing. The goal is to demonstrate to the Philippines—and all other regional states—that closer alignment with the United States comes at an unacceptably high economic price. The success of the alliance’s response depends entirely on its speed and effectiveness in mitigating the economic damage and sustaining Manila’s political will to resist the coercion.

Scenario 4: The Disinformation Blitz and Leadership Crisis

Trigger: The Philippines is in the final, heated weeks of a presidential election campaign. The leading candidate is a staunch advocate for the U.S. alliance and has pledged to accelerate the AFP’s modernization and expand U.S. access to EDCA sites. Polling indicates a likely victory, which would solidify the pro-U.S. strategic alignment for another six years.

China’s Move (Information Warfare & Cognitive Manipulation): Beijing launches its most sophisticated and daring information operation to date, aiming to directly interfere in the democratic process and fracture the alliance from within. The operation is a multi-pronged “disinformation blitz” that leverages cutting-edge technology and a deep understanding of Philippine societal fissures.

The centerpiece is a series of hyper-realistic deepfake audio and video clips, generated using advanced AI. The first is an audio clip, “leaked” online, that appears to be a wiretapped phone call in which the pro-alliance candidate is heard promising a lucrative construction contract for a new EDCA facility to a family member. A week later, a deepfake video is released showing a high-ranking U.S. military official meeting with the candidate’s brother at a hotel bar, seemingly exchanging documents. The content is meticulously crafted to exploit long-standing Filipino sensitivities regarding corruption and national sovereignty vis-à-vis the U.S. military presence.

These deepfakes are not simply posted online; they are strategically disseminated. The initial release is on obscure forums to avoid immediate detection, then laundered through a vast network of thousands of automated and human-managed fake social media accounts—part of the “Spamouflage” network—that have been dormant for months. These accounts amplify the content, which is then picked up and promoted by pro-Beijing political influencers and alternative news websites in the Philippines. The narrative quickly spreads: the leading candidate is corrupt, selling out Philippine sovereignty to the Americans for personal gain.

Alliance Counter-Move (Rapid Debunking & Pre-bunking): The alliance, having war-gamed this exact scenario, executes a pre-planned counter-disinformation strategy. The Philippine Department of Information and Communications Technology (DICT) and its Cybercrime Investigation and Coordinating Center (CICC) immediately activate their rapid-response channel with Google, Meta, and X (formerly Twitter), flagging the deepfake content for immediate takedown based on violations of platform policies against manipulated media.

Simultaneously, the U.S. government provides critical support. The National Security Agency and FBI’s forensic analysis units work around the clock to analyze the digital artifacts of the video and audio files, producing a technical report within 24 hours that proves they are AI-generated fakes. This unclassified report is shared with the Philippine government and released to major international news organizations.

Both governments launch a joint public information campaign. The Philippine government holds a high-profile press conference, with the U.S. ambassador present, to present the forensic evidence and denounce the operation as foreign election interference. This is supported by a “pre-bunking” campaign, using social media and public service announcements to educate the public on how to spot deepfakes and reminding them of China’s documented history of using such tactics against Taiwan and other democracies.

Strategic Implications: This scenario represents a direct assault on the cognitive domain and the integrity of a democratic process. It is a test of a society’s resilience to sophisticated information manipulation. The primary challenge is the “liar’s dividend”—even after the content is definitively debunked, a significant portion of the population may continue to believe the fake narrative or become so cynical that they distrust all information. China’s goal is not necessarily to swing the election, but to sow chaos, erode public trust in democratic institutions, and poison the perception of the U.S. alliance for years to come, regardless of who wins. The success of the counter-operation is measured not just in how quickly the fakes are removed, but in how effectively the public can be inoculated against the lingering effects of the disinformation.

Scenario 5: The Proxy Ignition

Trigger: A new EDCA site in Cagayan, a province in the northern Philippines, becomes fully operational. Its strategic location, just 400 kilometers from Taiwan, allows the U.S. to position long-range precision missile batteries and an advanced air and missile defense radar system, giving the alliance a commanding view of the critical Bashi Channel, the waterway between the Philippines and Taiwan. Beijing views this as a direct threat and a key node in a U.S. strategy to intervene in a future Taiwan contingency.

China’s Move (Covert & Asymmetric Warfare): Recognizing that its past support for communist insurgencies in the Philippines is a defunct and counterproductive strategy from a bygone era , China adopts a modern, deniable proxy approach. Agents from the Ministry of State Security (MSS) make covert contact not with ideological rebels, but with a local, non-ideological grievance group—a radical environmental movement protesting the destruction of ancestral lands for the base construction, combined with a local political clan that lost influence due to the base’s establishment.

The support provided is carefully non-attributable. The MSS does not provide weapons or direct training. Instead, it supplies the group with advanced encrypted communication devices, funding laundered through a series of offshore shell corporations and charitable foundations, and critical intelligence, such as AFP patrol schedules and schematics of the local power grid, obtained via cyber espionage.

Empowered by this support, the proxy group launches an escalating campaign of sabotage and disruption. It begins with large-scale protests that block access roads to the EDCA site. This escalates to the sabotage of key infrastructure—blowing up a crucial bridge, toppling power transmission towers that supply the base, and contaminating a local water source used by AFP personnel. The campaign is designed to create a severe and persistent internal security crisis, making the EDCA site a logistical and political nightmare for both Manila and Washington.

Alliance Counter-Move (Partner-led Counter-Insurgency): The alliance response is deliberately calibrated to avoid validating the proxy group’s anti-American narrative. The AFP, leveraging its decades of hard-won counter-insurgency experience, takes the public lead in all security operations. The focus is on classic counter-insurgency tactics: winning the support of the local population to isolate the radical elements, conducting patient intelligence-gathering to uncover the network of external support, and using police action rather than overt military force where possible.

The U.S. role is strictly in the background, guided by its UW doctrine of enabling a partner force. Small, specialized U.S. Special Operations Forces teams are co-located with their AFP counterparts far from the crisis zone. They provide crucial, non-combat support: advanced training in intelligence analysis, signals intelligence (SIGINT) capabilities to help trace the encrypted communications back to their source, and ISR support from unmanned aerial vehicles to monitor the remote, mountainous terrain used by the saboteurs. No U.S. soldier engages in direct action.

Strategic Implications: This scenario achieves a key Chinese strategic objective without a single PLA soldier crossing a border. It forces the AFP to divert significant resources, attention, and political capital away from its primary mission of external territorial defense and back toward internal security, effectively bogging down a key U.S. ally. It creates a major political headache for the Marcos administration and tests the maturity of the alliance, requiring the United States to demonstrate strategic patience, trust its partner to lead the direct fight, and resist the temptation to intervene overtly. The ultimate goal for China is to make the strategic cost of hosting U.S. forces so high that future Philippine governments will reconsider the value of the alliance.

III. Cross-Domain Escalation and Alliance Red Lines

The five scenarios demonstrate that an unconventional conflict will not be confined to a single domain. China’s doctrine of integrated coercion ensures that actions in one sphere are designed to create effects in others. A successful cyberattack (Scenario 2) could degrade the AFP’s command and control, emboldening the CCG to be more aggressive at sea (Scenario 1). A U.S. diplomatic response to economic coercion (Scenario 3) could be met with a targeted disinformation campaign (Scenario 4) to undermine the U.S. position. This interconnectedness creates complex escalation pathways and forces the alliance to confront the fundamental, and dangerously ambiguous, question of what constitutes an “armed attack” in the 21st century.

A. The Escalation Ladder: From Gray Zone to Open Conflict

The primary risk in this environment is unintended escalation born from miscalculation. Each move and counter-move carries the potential to climb the escalation ladder. A confrontation between a PCG cutter and a CCG vessel over a “quarantine” could result in a collision and loss of life, pushing both sides toward a kinetic response. A RAND Corporation analysis on the nature of a potential U.S.-China conflict highlights that such wars could become protracted, with the opening unconventional phase setting the conditions for a much longer and more costly struggle than traditional force planning envisions.

The normalization of high-intensity military signaling, such as large-scale exercises and freedom of navigation operations, also contributes to escalation risk. While intended to deter, these actions can inflate both sides’ tolerance for risk over time, requiring ever-stronger signals to achieve the same effect and narrowing the space for de-escalation once a crisis begins. China’s strategy is to control this ladder, using non-military actions to force a military response from the alliance, thereby framing the U.S. as the escalator.

B. Defining an “Armed Attack” in the 21st Century

The central challenge for the U.S.-Philippines alliance is that the MDT was written for a different era of warfare. China’s unconventional tactics are deliberately designed to exploit the treaty’s 20th-century definition of an “armed attack.” The scenarios presented raise critical questions that the alliance must answer to maintain credible deterrence:

  • Maritime Coercion: Does a CCG-enforced “quarantine” that denies the Philippines access to its own territory and causes severe economic harm, but results in no casualties, meet the threshold for an armed attack? The 2023 Bilateral Defense Guidelines’ inclusion of the Coast Guard was a significant step, but the line between harassment and an “armed attack” remains dangerously blurry.
  • Cyber Warfare: Can a massive, state-sponsored cyber operation that cripples a nation’s financial system, disrupts its power grid, and paralyzes its transportation networks be considered an armed attack? Such an event could cause more damage, death, and chaos than a limited kinetic strike. The alliance guidelines call for cooperation on cyber defense, but do not specify where the red line for a collective defense response lies.
  • Information Warfare: At what point does a foreign-directed disinformation campaign that incites widespread civil unrest, paralyzes government function, and fundamentally subverts a democratic election constitute an attack on the sovereignty and political independence of the state?

Without clear, privately agreed-upon, and publicly signaled red lines for these non-kinetic actions, the deterrent power of the MDT is weakened. China is incentivized to continue pushing the boundaries, confident that its actions will not trigger a decisive response.

C. The Role of Third Parties and Off-Ramps

De-escalation in any of these scenarios will depend heavily on the actions of third parties. China’s diplomatic strategy consistently seeks to frame disputes as bilateral issues to be resolved between it and the other claimant, resisting external “interference”. This approach allows Beijing to leverage its immense comprehensive power against a smaller neighbor.

Conversely, the U.S. and Philippine strategy is to multilateralize the conflict, framing China’s actions as a threat to the entire rules-based international order. The active participation of allies like Japan, Australia, and partners in the EU and ASEAN is critical. By forming multinational maritime patrols, issuing joint diplomatic condemnations, and providing coordinated economic support, the alliance can amplify the costs of Chinese aggression and build a broader coalition to defend international law. The success of any de-escalation effort will hinge on which side more effectively shapes the international environment and isolates its adversary diplomatically.

IV. Strategic Recommendations for a Resilient Alliance

The challenges posed by China’s unconventional warfare strategy require the U.S.-Philippines alliance to move beyond traditional defense planning. Deterrence and defense in the 21st century demand a resilient, integrated, and proactive posture that spans all domains of statecraft. The following recommendations are designed to address the specific vulnerabilities identified in the preceding scenarios.

A. Bolstering Integrated Deterrence

The alliance’s current approach, while strengthening, often addresses threats in domain-specific silos. To counter a strategy of integrated coercion, the alliance must adopt a posture of integrated deterrence.

  • Recommendation 1: Conduct Integrated Alliance Exercises. The alliance should move beyond conventional, domain-specific exercises. It must design and regularly conduct complex, integrated exercises that simulate a multi-domain crisis. A future Balikatan or KAMANDAG should feature a scenario that combines a maritime standoff (Scenario 1) with a simultaneous cyberattack on critical infrastructure (Scenario 2) and a coordinated disinformation campaign (Scenario 4). This would force a whole-of-government response, training personnel from the AFP, PCG, DICT, Department of Foreign Affairs, and their U.S. counterparts to work together under pressure.
  • Recommendation 2: Establish a Joint Alliance Fusion Center. To break down intelligence and operational stovepipes, the U.S. and the Philippines should establish a joint “Alliance Fusion Center for Gray-Zone Threats.” This center would co-locate personnel from the AFP, PCG, DICT, U.S. INDOPACOM, NSA, and CISA to share and analyze real-time intelligence on maritime movements, cyber intrusions, and information operations. This would enable a common operating picture and facilitate a rapid, coordinated response to ambiguous threats before they escalate into a full-blown crisis.

B. Enhancing Philippine National Resilience

The primary target of China’s unconventional strategy is often not the AFP, but the stability and resilience of the Philippine state itself. Therefore, strengthening Philippine national resilience is a core component of collective defense.

  • Recommendation 1: Prioritize Cyber and C4ISR Modernization. While conventional platforms like jets and frigates are important, the scenarios reveal that the Philippines’ most immediate vulnerabilities lie in the cyber and command, control, communications, computers, intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance (C4ISR) domains. The U.S. should prioritize Foreign Military Financing, Foreign Military Sales, and technical assistance toward hardening the Philippines’ critical infrastructure, securing military and government networks, and building a robust national cyber defense capability. This is the most likely “first front” in any future conflict.
  • Recommendation 2: Co-Invest in Societal Resilience to Disinformation. The alliance should jointly fund and support a nationwide media literacy and critical thinking program in the Philippines. Modeled on successful initiatives in states that have long faced information warfare, such as Taiwan and the Baltic nations, this program should be integrated into the national education curriculum and public information campaigns. Building societal “cognitive immunity” is the most effective long-term defense against information warfare and is essential for preserving democratic integrity and the political viability of the alliance itself.

C. Clarifying Alliance Commitments for the Gray Zone

Ambiguity is the currency of gray-zone warfare. To re-establish deterrence, the alliance must reduce the ambiguity surrounding its most solemn commitment.

  • Recommendation 1: Issue a Joint Supplementary Statement to the MDT. The 2023 Bilateral Defense Guidelines were a positive step, but further clarity is needed. The U.S. and the Philippines should negotiate and issue a formal joint supplementary statement to the Mutual Defense Treaty. This statement should not alter the treaty’s text but should explicitly clarify the alliance’s shared understanding that certain severe, non-kinetic actions could be considered tantamount to an armed attack. This could include, for example, a state-sponsored cyberattack that results in the sustained disruption of critical infrastructure leading to widespread societal harm. Such a declaration would reduce China’s perceived freedom of action in the gray zone and strengthen the deterrent power of the alliance for the unconventional challenges of the 21st century.

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How This Blog Is Being Threatened

For over a decade, the internet held a simple promise for creators: if you make good, helpful, or entertaining stuff, people will find it, and you can earn a living. Bloggers, independent writers, and small publishers invested thousands of hours researching, writing, and sharing their passion and expertise. The deal was straightforward: we provide quality content, search engines help people find us, and the resulting visitor traffic allows us to earn a small amount from advertising or affiliate links.

That deal is now broken. Two massive technological shifts, search engine features and artificial intelligence, are quietly siphoning the lifeblood from independent creators, threatening to turn the vibrant, diverse web into a bland echo chamber.

Think about the last time you Googled a simple question, like “how many ounces in a cup?” or “who was the 16th U.S. President?” The answer likely appeared in a neat box right at the top of the search results. Convenient, right?

For the user, yes. For the creator who wrote the article that Google pulled that answer from, it’s a disaster. This is called a “zero-click search.” You get the information you need without ever having to click on a link and visit a website.

Every time this happens, the creator of that information is cut out of the loop. We don’t get the page view, which means the ads on our site aren’t seen, and we earn nothing for our work. We did the research and wrote the article, only for a tech giant to skim the answer off the top and present it as their own, depriving us of the traffic that keeps our sites running. It’s like a library that reads you a single paragraph from a book, so you never have to check it out and the author never gets credit.

AI: The New Content Machine Built on Our Work

The second, and perhaps bigger, threat is the rise of generative AI like ChatGPT. These programs are incredibly powerful. You can ask them to write an essay, plan a vacation, or summarize a complex topic, and they’ll generate a surprisingly coherent answer in seconds.

But where does this AI get its information? It learns by reading, or “training on,” a massive snapshot of the internet. It reads our blog posts, our news articles, our how-to guides, and our reviews. It digitally digests the sum of human knowledge that people like us have painstakingly put online.

When you ask an AI for information, it doesn’t send you to the original sources. It combines what it has learned from thousands of creators and presents a brand-new piece of text. The original writers, the ones who did the actual work, become invisible. We are not credited, we are not compensated, and we are certainly not sent any traffic. Our content is being used as free raw material to build a product that directly competes with us, and it’s happening on an industrial scale.

Why This Matters to You

You might think this is just a problem for a few bloggers. But the long-term consequences will affect everyone who uses the internet. If independent creators can no longer afford to produce high-quality, niche content, they will simply stop.

The passionate hobbyists who review products with brutal honesty, the independent journalists who uncover local stories, and the experts who write detailed guides will disappear. What will be left? A web dominated by mega-corporations and AI-generated articles that are often bland, repetitive, and sometimes just plain wrong. The internet will lose its human touch, its diverse voices, and its soul.

We are at a critical point where the very architecture of how we find information online is undermining the people who create it.


A Direct Appeal

If you found this article helpful, or if you value the kind of independent content we strive to create, please consider supporting our work. The traditional models of funding online content are failing, and direct support from readers like you is becoming the only way for many of us to survive. Your contribution, no matter the size, is a lifeline that allows us to continue researching and writing.

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The New Battlespace: Gray Zone Conflict in an Era of Great Power Competition

The primary arena for great power competition has shifted from conventional military confrontation to a persistent, multi-domain struggle in the “gray zone” between peace and war. This report provides a comprehensive analysis of the alternative forms of conflict employed by the United States, the Russian Federation, and the People’s Republic of China. It moves beyond theoretical frameworks to assess the practical application and effectiveness of economic warfare, cyber operations, information warfare, proxy conflicts, and legal warfare (“lawfare”). The analysis reveals distinct strategic approaches: the United States acts primarily as a defender of the existing international order, using its systemic advantages for targeted coercion; Russia operates as a strategic disrupter, employing asymmetric tools to generate chaos and undermine Western cohesion; and China functions as a systemic revisionist, patiently executing a long-term strategy to displace U.S. influence and reshape global norms in its favor.

The key finding of this report is that while these gray zone methods have proven effective at achieving discrete objectives and managing escalation, their long-term strategic success is mixed. Critically, they often produce significant unintended consequences that are actively reshaping the global security and economic order. The use of broad economic sanctions and tariffs, for example, has accelerated the formation of an alternative, non-Western economic bloc and spurred efforts to de-dollarize international trade. Similarly, persistent cyber and information attacks, while achieving tactical surprise and disruption, have hardened defenses and eroded the trust necessary for international cooperation. The gray zone is not a temporary state of affairs but the new, permanent battlespace where the future of the international order will be decided. Navigating this environment requires a fundamental shift in strategy from crisis response to one of perpetual, integrated competition across all instruments of national power.

Section I: The Strategic Environment: Redefining Conflict in the 21st Century

From Open War to Pervasive Competition

The 21st-century strategic landscape is defined by a distinct shift away from the paradigm of declared, conventional warfare between major powers. The overwhelming military and technological superiority of the United States and its alliance network has created a powerful disincentive for peer competitors to engage in direct armed conflict.1 Consequently, rivals such as Russia and China have adapted by developing and refining a sophisticated toolkit of alternative conflict methods. These strategies are designed to challenge the U.S.-led international order, erode its influence, and achieve significant strategic gains without crossing the unambiguous threshold of armed aggression that would trigger a conventional military response from the United States and its allies.1 This evolution does not signify an era of peace, but rather a transformation in the character of conflict to a state of persistent, pervasive competition waged across every domain of state power, from the economic and digital to the informational and legal.

Anatomy of the Gray Zone

This new era of competition is primarily conducted within a strategically ambiguous space known as the “gray zone.” The United States Special Operations Command defines this arena as “competitive interactions among and within state and non-state actors that fall between the traditional war and peace duality”.3 The central characteristic of gray zone operations is the deliberate calibration of actions to remain below the threshold of what could be legally and politically defined as a use of force warranting a conventional military response under international law (jus ad bellum).2

Ambiguity and plausible deniability are the currency of the gray zone. Actions are designed to be difficult to attribute and interpret, thereby creating confusion and sowing hesitation within an adversary’s decision-making cycle.4 This calculated ambiguity is particularly effective against democratic nations. The legal and bureaucratic structures of democracies are often optimized for a clear distinction between peace and war, making them slow to recognize and counter threats that defy this binary.3 This can lead to policy paralysis or responses that are either disproportionately escalatory or strategically insignificant, a vulnerability that actors like Russia and China consistently exploit.3 The toolkit for gray zone operations is extensive, including but not limited to information operations, political coercion, economic pressure, cyberattacks, support for proxies, and provocations by state-controlled forces.1 While many of these tactics are as old as statecraft itself, their integrated and synergistic application, amplified by modern information and communication technologies, represents a distinct evolution in the nature of conflict.1

The Hybrid Warfare Playbook

If the gray zone is the strategic arena, “hybrid warfare” is the tactical playbook used to compete within it. While not a formally defined term in international law, it is widely understood to describe the synchronized use of multiple instruments of power—military and non-military, conventional and unconventional, overt and covert—to destabilize an adversary and achieve strategic objectives.2 The objective is to create synergistic effects where the whole of the campaign is greater than the sum of its parts.2

The Russian strategic approach, often associated with Chief of the General Staff Valery Gerasimov, explicitly elevates the role of non-military means, viewing them as often more effective than armed force in achieving political and strategic goals.5 This doctrine was vividly demonstrated in the lead-up to the full-scale invasion of Ukraine, where Russia combined a massive military buildup with a sophisticated disinformation campaign, cyberattacks, economic pressure on European energy markets, and nuclear blackmail to shape the strategic environment.2

It is essential to distinguish between these two concepts: the gray zone describes the operational space where competition occurs, while hybrid warfare describes the methods employed within that space.2 Most hybrid tactics are deliberately applied in the gray zone precisely to exploit its ambiguity and avoid triggering a formal state of armed conflict as defined by international humanitarian law.3 This strategic choice is not an accident but a calculated effort to wage conflict in a manner that neutralizes the primary strengths of a conventionally superior adversary. The gray zone is, therefore, an asymmetric battlespace, deliberately crafted to turn the foundational pillars of the liberal international order—its commitment to the rule of law, open economies, and freedom of information—into exploitable vulnerabilities.

Section II: The Economic Arsenal: Geopolitics by Other Means

The US-China Tariff War: A Case Study in Economic Coercion

The economic competition between the United States and China escalated into open economic conflict in 2018, providing a clear case study in the use, effectiveness, and limitations of tariffs as a tool of modern statecraft.

Goals vs. Reality

The Trump administration initiated the trade war with a set of clearly articulated objectives: to force fundamental changes to what it termed China’s “longstanding unfair trade practices,” to halt the systemic theft of U.S. intellectual property, and to significantly reduce the large bilateral trade deficit.8 Beginning in January 2018 with tariffs on solar panels and washing machines, the conflict rapidly escalated. The U.S. imposed successive rounds of tariffs, eventually covering hundreds of billions of dollars of Chinese goods, citing Section 301 of the Trade Act of 1974 as its legal justification.8 China responded with immediate and symmetrical retaliation, targeting key U.S. exports with high political sensitivity, such as soybeans, pork, and automobiles, directly impacting the agricultural and manufacturing heartlands of the United States.8 This tit-for-tat escalation continued through 2019, culminating in a tense “Phase One” agreement in January 2020 that sought to de-escalate the conflict.8

Effectiveness Assessment: A Blunt Instrument

Despite the scale of the tariffs, the trade war largely failed to achieve its primary stated goals. The purchase commitments made by China in the Phase One deal were never fulfilled, with Beijing ultimately buying none of the additional $200 billion in U.S. exports it had pledged.8 Rigorous economic analysis has demonstrated that the economic burden of the tariffs was borne almost entirely by U.S. firms and consumers, not by Chinese exporters.11 This resulted in higher prices for a wide range of goods and was estimated to have reduced U.S. real income by $1.4 billion per month by the end of 2018.12

Furthermore, the pervasive policy uncertainty generated by the conflict had a chilling effect on global business investment and economic growth.13 Companies, unable to predict the future of the world’s most important trade relationship, delayed capital expenditures, disrupting global supply chains and slowing economic activity far beyond the borders of the two belligerents.13 The trade war thus serves as a powerful example of how broad-based tariffs function as a blunt and costly instrument, inflicting significant self-harm while yielding limited strategic gains.

Unintended Consequences

The most profound and lasting impacts of the trade war were not its intended effects but its unintended consequences. Rather than forcing a rebalancing of the U.S.-China economic relationship, the conflict accelerated a process of strategic decoupling. It compelled multinational corporations to begin the costly and complex process of diversifying their supply chains away from China, a trend that benefited manufacturing hubs in other parts of Asia, particularly Vietnam.15

Perhaps more significantly, the trade war reinforced Beijing’s conviction that it could not rely on an open, rules-based global economic system dominated by the United States. In response, China has intensified its national drive for technological self-sufficiency in critical sectors like semiconductors, a move that could, in the long term, diminish U.S. technological and economic leverage.16 By sidelining the World Trade Organization (WTO) in favor of unilateral action, the United States also weakened the very multilateral institutions it had built, encouraging a global shift toward protectionism and regional trade blocs.14

The Sanctions Regime Against Russia: Testing Economic Containment

The Western response to Russia’s 2022 full-scale invasion of Ukraine represents the most comprehensive and coordinated use of economic sanctions against a major power in modern history. This campaign serves as a critical test of the efficacy of economic containment in the 21st century.

Targeting the War Machine

The sanctions regime implemented by the United States and a broad coalition of allies was designed with a clear purpose: to cripple the Russian Federation’s ability to finance and technologically sustain its war of aggression.19 The measures were unprecedented in their scope and speed, targeting the core pillars of the Russian economy. Key actions included freezing hundreds of billions of dollars of the Russian Central Bank’s foreign reserves, disconnecting major Russian banks from the SWIFT financial messaging system, imposing a near-total ban on the export of high-technology goods like semiconductors, and implementing a novel price cap on Russian seaborne crude oil exports.21 This multi-pronged assault aimed to deny Moscow the revenue, financing, and technology essential for its military-industrial complex.20

The Limits of Efficacy and Russian Adaptation

While the sanctions have inflicted undeniable and significant damage on the Russian economy, they have failed to deliver a knockout blow or compel a change in Moscow’s strategic objectives. Estimates suggest that Russia’s GDP is now 10-12% smaller than it would have been without the invasion and subsequent sanctions.22 However, the Russian economy has proven far more resilient than initially expected.19

Moscow’s adaptation has been threefold. First, it transitioned its economy onto a full war footing, with massive increases in defense spending fueling industrial production and stimulating GDP growth, albeit in an unsustainable manner.19 Second, it proved adept at sanctions evasion. Russia successfully rerouted the majority of its energy exports from Europe to new markets in China and India, often selling at a discount but still generating substantial revenue.21 It also developed a “shadow fleet” of oil tankers operating outside of Western insurance and financial systems to circumvent the G7 price cap.22 Third, and most critically, it leveraged its partnership with China to procure essential dual-use technologies, such as microelectronics and machine tools, that were cut off by Western export controls.20

Strategic Realignment

The most significant long-term consequence of the sanctions regime has been a fundamental and likely irreversible strategic realignment of the Russian economy. Forced out of Western markets and financial systems, Moscow has dramatically deepened its economic, technological, and financial integration with China. Bilateral trade has surged to record levels, and the Chinese yuan has increasingly replaced the U.S. dollar in Russia’s trade and foreign reserves.17 This has accelerated the consolidation of a powerful Eurasian economic bloc positioned as a direct counterweight to the U.S.-led financial and trade system. The sanctions, intended to isolate Russia, have inadvertently catalyzed the creation of a more robust and resilient alternative economic architecture, thereby spurring global de-dollarization efforts and potentially weakening the long-term efficacy of U.S. financial power.19

This dynamic illustrates a central paradox of modern economic warfare: the aggressive use of systemic economic power, while effective at inflicting short-term pain, simultaneously provides a powerful incentive for adversaries to build parallel systems designed to be immune to that very power. Each application of sanctions against Russia or tariffs against China acts as a catalyst for the construction of an alternative global economic order, eroding the foundations of U.S. leverage over time.

China’s Belt and Road Initiative: Influence Through Investment

China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is a cornerstone of its foreign policy and a primary instrument of its economic statecraft. While often portrayed through a simplistic lens, its strategic function is nuanced and far-reaching.

Beyond the “Debt-Trap” Narrative

In Western strategic discourse, the BRI is frequently characterized as a form of “debt-trap diplomacy”.27 This narrative posits that China intentionally extends unsustainable loans to developing nations for large-scale infrastructure projects. When these nations inevitably default, Beijing allegedly seizes control of the strategic assets—such as ports or railways—thereby expanding its geopolitical and military footprint.27 The case of Sri Lanka’s Hambantota Port is consistently cited as the primary evidence for this strategy.27

A Nuanced Reality

A detailed examination of the Hambantota Port case, however, reveals a more complex reality that undermines the simplistic debt-trap thesis. The proposal for the port originated with the Sri Lankan government, not with Beijing, as part of a long-standing domestic development agenda.27 Furthermore, Sri Lanka’s severe debt crisis in the mid-2010s was not primarily caused by Chinese lending, but by excessive borrowing from Western-dominated international capital markets and unsustainable domestic fiscal policies.27 Chinese loans constituted a relatively small portion of Sri Lanka’s overall foreign debt.27

Crucially, the port was not seized in a debt-for-equity swap. Instead, facing a balance of payments crisis, the Sri Lankan government chose to lease a majority stake in the port’s operations to a Chinese state-owned enterprise for 99 years in exchange for $1.1 billion in hard currency.27 These funds were then used to shore up Sri Lanka’s foreign reserves and service its more pressing debts to Western creditors.27

While the debt-trap narrative is an oversimplification, it does not mean the BRI is benign. It is a powerful instrument of geoeconomic influence. By becoming the primary financier and builder of critical infrastructure across the developing world, China creates long-term economic dependencies, secures access to resources, opens new markets for its companies, and builds political goodwill that can be translated into diplomatic support on the international stage.30 The BRI allows China to systematically expand its global footprint and embed its economic and, increasingly, technological standards across Asia, Africa, and Latin America, thereby challenging the post-Cold War economic order.

Section III: The Digital Frontlines: Cyber and Electronic Warfare

The cyber domain has emerged as a central theater for great power competition, offering a low-cost, high-impact, and plausibly deniable means of projecting power and undermining adversaries. Russia and China have both developed sophisticated cyber capabilities, but they employ them in pursuit of distinct strategic objectives, reflecting their different geopolitical positions and long-term goals.

Russia’s Doctrine of Disruption

Russia’s approach to cyber warfare is fundamentally asymmetric and disruptive, designed to compensate for its relative weakness in the conventional military and economic domains. Its cyber operations prioritize psychological impact and the creation of societal chaos over permanent destruction.

This doctrine has been demonstrated through a series of high-profile operations against the United States. The cyberattacks on the Democratic National Committee (DNC) in 2015-2016 were not merely an act of espionage but an influence operation designed to disrupt the U.S. presidential election and erode public trust in the democratic process.32 The 2020 SolarWinds supply chain attack represented a new level of sophistication, compromising the networks of numerous U.S. government agencies and thousands of private sector companies by inserting malicious code into a trusted software update.34 This operation provided Russia with widespread, persistent access for espionage and potential future disruption. Similarly, the 2021 ransomware attack on Colonial Pipeline, while attributed to a criminal group, highlighted the profound vulnerability of U.S. critical infrastructure to disruptive cyberattacks, causing widespread fuel shortages along the East Coast.34

The strategic objective underpinning these actions is the generation of uncertainty and the degradation of an adversary’s will to act.37 By demonstrating the vulnerability of critical infrastructure and democratic institutions, Russia aims to create a psychological effect that far exceeds the direct technical damage, sowing division and decision-making paralysis within the target nation.37 Joint advisories from the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency (CISA), the National Security Agency (NSA), and the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) repeatedly confirm that Russian state-sponsored actors are persistently targeting U.S. critical infrastructure sectors, including energy, finance, and defense, for both espionage and disruptive purposes.38

China’s Strategy of Espionage and Exploitation

In contrast to Russia’s disruptive tactics, China’s cyber strategy is characterized by its industrial scale, persistence, and systematic focus on long-term intelligence gathering and intellectual property (IP) theft. It is not primarily a tool of chaos but a core component of China’s comprehensive national strategy to supplant the United States as the world’s leading economic and military power.

The People’s Liberation Army (PLA) maintains dedicated units, such as the infamous Unit 61398 (also known as APT1), tasked with conducting large-scale cyber espionage campaigns against foreign targets.42 These operations have successfully exfiltrated vast quantities of sensitive data from the United States. Notable examples include the systematic theft of design data for numerous advanced U.S. weapons systems, including the F-35 Joint Strike Fighter, the F-22 Raptor, and the Patriot missile system.34 This stolen IP directly fuels China’s own military modernization, allowing it to reverse-engineer and replicate advanced technologies, thereby leapfrogging decades of costly research and development and rapidly eroding America’s qualitative military edge.34

Beyond military secrets, China’s cyber espionage targets a wide array of sectors to advance its economic goals. This includes the theft of trade secrets from leading U.S. companies in industries ranging from energy to pharmaceuticals.34 The massive 2015 breach of the U.S. Office of Personnel Management (OPM), which compromised the sensitive personal data of over 21 million current and former federal employees, provided Beijing with an invaluable database for identifying, targeting, and recruiting intelligence assets for decades to come.34 Recent intelligence reports indicate a dramatic surge in Chinese cyber espionage operations, with a 150% increase in 2024 alone, highlighting the unabated intensity of this campaign.44

Effectiveness and Asymmetry

Both Russia and China have successfully weaponized the cyber domain as a highly effective asymmetric tool. It allows them to contest U.S. power and impose significant costs while operating below the threshold of armed conflict and maintaining a degree of plausible deniability.45 The difficulty of definitive, public attribution for cyberattacks creates a permissive environment for aggression, allowing state sponsors to operate with relative impunity.45

This reality reveals a critical divergence in strategic timelines. Russia’s cyber doctrine is optimized for the short term, employing disruptive attacks to achieve immediate political and psychological effects that can shape a specific crisis or event. China, in contrast, is waging a long-term, strategic campaign of attrition. Its patient, industrial-scale espionage is designed to fundamentally alter the global balance of technological, economic, and military power over the course of decades. The United States, therefore, faces a dual cyber threat: Russia’s acute, shock-and-awe style disruptions and China’s chronic, corrosive campaign of exploitation. Effectively countering these divergent threats requires distinct strategies, mindsets, and capabilities.

Section IV: The War for Minds: Information and Influence Operations

In the gray zone, the cognitive domain is a primary battlefield. The strategic manipulation of information to shape perceptions, control narratives, and undermine societal cohesion has become a central pillar of modern conflict. Russia and China, while often collaborating in this space, pursue fundamentally different long-term objectives with their information and influence operations.

Russia’s “Active Measures 2.0”

Russia’s contemporary information warfare is a direct evolution of the Soviet Union’s “active measures,” updated for the digital age.37 The core strategy is not to persuade foreign audiences of the superiority of the Russian model, but to degrade and disrupt the political systems of its adversaries from within.37

The 2016 U.S. presidential election serves as the canonical example of this doctrine in practice. The operation, directed by President Vladimir Putin, was multifaceted, combining the cyber theft of sensitive information with a sophisticated social media campaign.33 The GRU, Russia’s military intelligence agency, hacked the computer networks of the DNC and Clinton campaign officials, subsequently leaking the stolen emails through fronts like Guccifer 2.0 and platforms like WikiLeaks to generate damaging news cycles.33

Simultaneously, the St. Petersburg-based Internet Research Agency (IRA), a state-sponsored “troll farm,” created thousands of fake social media accounts to impersonate American citizens and political groups.33 The IRA’s primary tactic was not to spread pro-Russian propaganda, but to identify and inflame existing societal fault lines in the United States, particularly those related to race, gun control, immigration, and religion.50 By creating and amplifying hyper-partisan content on both the far-left (e.g., supporting Black Lives Matter) and the far-right (e.g., supporting secessionist movements), the IRA’s goal was to deepen polarization, foster distrust in institutions, suppress voter turnout among targeted demographics, and ultimately undermine faith in the American democratic process itself.50 This approach is highly effective because it acts as a social parasite, feeding on and magnifying organic divisions within an open society, making it difficult for citizens and policymakers to distinguish foreign manipulation from authentic domestic discourse.37

China’s Quest for “Discourse Power”

China’s information strategy is more systematic, ambitious, and long-term than Russia’s. It is explicitly guided by the doctrine of the “Three Warfares”: public opinion warfare (shaping public perception), psychological warfare (influencing the cognition and decision-making of adversaries), and legal warfare (using law to seize the “legal high ground”).54 The ultimate goal of this integrated strategy is to achieve what the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) calls “discourse power” (话语权).56

Discourse power is the ability to shape global norms, values, and narratives to create consensus around a new, China-led international order.56 This involves a multi-pronged effort to legitimize China’s authoritarian governance model and present it as a superior alternative to what it portrays as the chaotic and declining system of Western liberal democracy.56 The CCP pursues this goal through several mechanisms:

  • Massive Investment in State Media: Beijing has poured billions of dollars into expanding the global reach of its state-controlled media outlets, such as CGTN and Xinhua, to broadcast the CCP’s narratives directly to international audiences.54
  • United Front Work: The CCP’s United Front Work Department orchestrates a vast, global effort to co-opt and influence foreign elites, including politicians, academics, business leaders, and media figures, to advocate for China’s interests and silence criticism.54
  • Digital Dominance: China seeks to shape the global digital ecosystem by exporting its model of “cyber sovereignty,” which prioritizes state control over the free flow of information, and by promoting its own technical standards for next-generation technologies like 5G and AI.56

While Russia’s information operations are often opportunistic and focused on tactical disruption, China’s are patient, strategic, and aimed at a fundamental, long-term revision of the global information order.58 Russia seeks to burn down the existing house; China seeks to build a new one in its place, with itself as the architect.

The U.S. Response: Public Diplomacy

The primary instrument for the United States in the information domain is public diplomacy, executed largely through the U.S. Agency for Global Media (USAGM). The USAGM oversees a network of broadcasters, including Voice of America (VOA), Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty (RFE/RL), and Radio Free Asia (RFA).60 The stated mission of these entities is to provide accurate, objective, and comprehensive news and information to audiences in countries where a free press is restricted, thereby serving as a counterweight to state propaganda and supporting the principles of freedom and democracy.60 However, the USAGM has historically faced challenges, including internal political disputes and questions regarding its strategic effectiveness in a modern, saturated, and highly fragmented digital media landscape.61

This reveals a fundamental divergence in strategic approaches. Russian information warfare is a strategy of cognitive disruption, designed to confuse, divide, and ultimately paralyze an opponent by turning its own open information environment against it. Chinese information warfare is a strategy of cognitive displacement, a long-term project aimed at methodically replacing the norms, values, and narratives of the liberal international order with its own. Countering the former requires tactical resilience and societal inoculation against division, while countering the latter requires a sustained, global competition of ideas and a compelling reaffirmation of the value of the democratic model.

Section V: Conflict by Other Means: Proxies and Lawfare

Beyond the economic and digital realms, great powers continue to engage in conflict through indirect means, leveraging third-party actors and legal frameworks to advance their interests while avoiding direct confrontation. Proxy warfare and lawfare are two prominent tools in the gray zone playbook, used to alter the strategic landscape and impose costs on adversaries without resorting to open hostilities.

The Modern Proxy War

Proxy warfare, a hallmark of the Cold War, has been adapted to the contemporary environment. States support and direct non-state or third-party state actors to wage conflict, allowing the sponsoring power to achieve strategic objectives with limited direct risk and cost.

Syria as a Microcosm

The Syrian Civil War serves as a stark example of modern, multi-layered proxy conflict. The Russian Federation intervened militarily in 2015 with the explicit goal of preserving the regime of its client, Bashar al-Assad, which was on the verge of collapse.63 This intervention was a direct pushback against U.S. and Western influence, as it placed Russian forces and their proxies, including the Wagner Group, in direct opposition to various Syrian opposition groups that were receiving support from the United States and its regional partners.63 This created a complex and dangerous battlespace where the proxies of two nuclear powers were engaged in active combat. Throughout this period, the People’s Republic of China played a crucial supporting role for Russia, using its position on the UN Security Council to provide diplomatic cover. Beijing repeatedly joined Moscow in vetoing resolutions that would have condemned or sanctioned the Assad regime, demonstrating a coordinated Sino-Russian effort to thwart Western policy objectives in the Middle East.65

Ukraine and the “Proxy Supporter” Model

The war in Ukraine represents a different but equally significant model of proxy conflict. The United States and its NATO allies are engaged in a classic proxy war, providing massive military, financial, and intelligence support to Ukraine to enable its defense against direct Russian aggression.25 A critical evolution in this conflict is the role played by China as a “proxy supporter” for Russia. While Beijing has refrained from providing large quantities of direct lethal aid, its comprehensive economic and technological support has been indispensable to sustaining Russia’s war effort.25 China has become the primary destination for sanctioned Russian energy, the main supplier of critical dual-use components like microelectronics for Russia’s military-industrial complex, and a key diplomatic partner in shielding Moscow from international condemnation.17 This support, while falling short of a formal military alliance, effectively makes China a co-belligerent in a gray-zone context. The dynamic is further complicated by North Korea’s role as a direct arms supplier to Russia, providing vast quantities of artillery shells and even troops, illustrating a multi-layered proxy network designed to sustain Russia’s war and bleed Western resources.25

China’s Lawfare in the South China Sea

“Lawfare” is the strategic use of legal processes and instruments to achieve operational or geopolitical objectives.69 China has masterfully employed lawfare in the South China Sea as a primary tool to assert its expansive territorial claims and challenge the existing international maritime order.

Challenging the International Order

China’s strategy is centered on enforcing its “nine-dash line” claim, which encompasses nearly the entire South China Sea. This claim was authoritatively invalidated in 2016 by an arbitral tribunal under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), a ruling that Beijing has rejected and ignored.69 China’s lawfare is a systematic effort to create a new legal reality that conforms to its territorial ambitions.

Tactics of Creeping Jurisdiction

Beijing’s lawfare tactics are methodical and multi-faceted, designed to create a state of perpetual contestation and gradually normalize its control:

  1. Domestic Legislation as International Law: China passes domestic laws that treat the international waters of the South China Sea as its own sovereign territory. For example, its 2021 Coast Guard Law authorizes its forces to use “all necessary means,” including lethal force, against foreign vessels in waters it claims, in direct contravention of UNCLOS.70
  2. Creating “Facts on the Water”: China has engaged in a massive campaign of land reclamation, building and militarizing artificial islands on submerged reefs and shoals. These outposts serve as forward operating bases for its military, coast guard, and maritime militia, allowing it to project power and physically enforce its claims.69
  3. Reinterpreting Legal Norms: China actively seeks to redefine long-standing principles of international law. It argues that the right to “freedom of navigation” applies only to commercial vessels and does not permit foreign military activities within its claimed Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ), a position contrary to the consensus interpretation of UNCLOS.70

This strategy of lawfare is not merely a legal or diplomatic maneuver; it is a foundational element of China’s gray zone strategy. By passing domestic laws that criminalize the lawful activities of other nations in international waters, China is attempting to create the legal and political pretext for future military action. This approach aims to reframe a potential act of aggression—such as firing on a Philippine or Vietnamese vessel—not as a violation of international law, but as a legitimate domestic law enforcement action within what it defines as its own jurisdiction. This calculated ambiguity is designed to paralyze the decision-making of adversaries and their allies, most notably the United States, thereby achieving a key objective of gray zone conflict.

Section VI: Strategic Assessment and Outlook

The preceding analysis demonstrates that the contemporary security environment is characterized by persistent, multi-domain competition in the gray zone. The United States, Russia, and China have each developed distinct doctrines and toolkits to navigate this new battlespace, with varying degrees of success and significant long-term consequences for the international order.

Comparative Analysis of National Strategies

The strategic approaches of the three major powers can be synthesized into a comparative framework that highlights their overarching goals and preferred methods across the key domains of conflict. The United States generally acts to preserve the existing international system from which it derives significant benefit, using its power for targeted enforcement and coercion. Russia, as a declining power with significant conventional limitations, acts as a disrupter, seeking to create chaos and exploit divisions to weaken its adversaries. China, as a rising and patient power, acts as a systemic revisionist, seeking to methodically build an alternative order and displace U.S. leadership over the long term.

Conflict DomainUnited States ApproachRussian ApproachChinese Approach
EconomicSystemic dominance (dollar, SWIFT), targeted sanctions, alliance-based trade pressure.Asymmetric coercion (energy), sanctions evasion, strategic pivot to China, weaponization of food/commodities.Systemic competition (BRI), supply chain dominance, technological self-sufficiency, targeted economic coercion.
CyberIntelligence gathering, offensive/defensive operations, alliance-based threat sharing.Disruption of critical infrastructure, sowing chaos, psychological impact, election interference.Industrial-scale espionage for economic/military gain, IP theft, strategic pre-positioning in critical networks (Volt Typhoon).
InformationPublic diplomacy (USAGM), countering disinformation, promoting democratic values.“Active Measures 2.0”: Exploiting and amplifying existing societal divisions, tactical disinformation.“Discourse Power”: Long-term narrative shaping, censorship, promoting authoritarian model, co-opting elites.
ProxySupport for state/non-state partners (e.g., Ukraine, Syrian opposition) to uphold international order.Direct intervention with proxies (Wagner) and state forces to prop up clients and challenge U.S. influence.Economic/military support to partners (e.g., Russia), avoiding direct military entanglement, using proxies for resource access.
LegalUpholding international law (e.g., FONOPs), use of legal frameworks for sanctions.Manipulation of legal norms, undermining international bodies, using legal pretexts for aggression.“Lawfare”: Using domestic law to rewrite international law, creating new “facts on the ground” to legitimize claims.

What Works, What Doesn’t, and Why

A critical assessment of these strategies reveals clear patterns of effectiveness and failure.

What Works:

  • Asymmetric and Low-Cost Tools: For Russia and China, gray zone tools like cyber operations, information warfare, and the use of proxies have proven highly effective. They impose significant strategic, economic, and political costs on the United States and its allies at a relatively low cost and risk to the aggressor.73 These methods are particularly potent because they are designed to exploit the inherent openness and legal constraints of democratic societies.
  • Incrementalism and Patience: China’s strategy of “creeping” aggression, particularly its lawfare and island-building campaign in the South China Sea, has been effective at changing the physical and strategic reality on the ground. By avoiding any single, dramatic action that would demand a forceful response, Beijing has incrementally advanced its position over years, achieving a significant strategic gain through a thousand small cuts.74
  • Targeted, Multilateral Coercion: For the United States, economic and diplomatic actions are most effective when they are targeted, multilateral, and leverage the collective weight of its alliance network. The initial shock of the coordinated financial sanctions against Russia demonstrated the immense power of this collective approach, even if its long-term coercive power has been blunted by Russian adaptation.19

What Doesn’t Work:

  • Broad, Unilateral Economic Pressure: The U.S.-China trade war demonstrated that broad, unilateral tariffs are a blunt instrument that often inflicts more economic pain on the imposing country than on the target, while failing to achieve its core strategic objectives and producing negative unintended consequences for the global trading system.12
  • A Purely Defensive Posture: A reactive and defensive strategy is insufficient to deter persistent gray zone aggression. Russia’s continued campaign of sabotage and subversion in Europe, despite heightened defensive measures, indicates that without the credible threat of proactive and costly consequences, adversaries will continue to operate in the gray zone with relative impunity.47
  • Building Compelling Alternative Narratives: While Russia is effective at disruptive information warfare and China is effective at censorship and control, both have largely failed to build a compelling, positive narrative that resonates with audiences in democratic nations. Their influence operations are most successful when they are parasitic on existing grievances rather than when they attempt to promote their own models.59

Recommendations for the United States

To compete more effectively in this new battlespace, the United States must adapt its strategic posture. The following recommendations are derived from the analysis in this report:

  1. Embrace Pervasive Competition: The U.S. national security apparatus must shift from a traditional crisis-response model to a posture of continuous, proactive competition across all domains. This requires institutional and cultural changes that recognize the gray zone as the primary arena of conflict.
  2. Strengthen Societal Resilience: The most effective defense against information warfare and foreign influence is a resilient society. This requires a national effort to enhance media literacy, secure critical election infrastructure, and address the deep-seated domestic social and political divisions that adversaries so effectively exploit.
  3. Integrate All Instruments of National Power: Gray zone threats are inherently multi-domain; the response must be as well. The U.S. must break down bureaucratic silos and develop a national strategy that seamlessly integrates economic, financial, intelligence, diplomatic, legal, and military tools to impose coordinated costs on adversaries.
  4. Leverage Alliances Asymmetrically: The U.S. alliance network remains its greatest asymmetric advantage. This network must be leveraged not just for conventional military deterrence, but for gray zone competition. This includes building coalitions for coordinated cyber defense, developing joint strategies for economic security and supply chain resilience, and crafting unified diplomatic and informational campaigns to counter authoritarian narratives.

Future Trajectory of Conflict

The trends identified in this report are likely to accelerate and intensify. The proliferation of advanced technologies, particularly artificial intelligence, will supercharge gray zone conflict. AI will enable the creation of hyper-personalized disinformation campaigns, deepfakes, and autonomous cyber weapons at a scale and speed that will overwhelm current defenses.58 The ongoing fragmentation of the global economic and technological landscape will create more clearly defined blocs, turning the economic domain into an even more central and contentious battlefield. The gray zone is not a passing phase of international relations. It is the new, enduring reality of great power competition, a permanent battlespace where ambiguity is the weapon, attribution is the prize, and the contest for influence is constant.



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