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SYSTEMS CONFRONTATION: Anticipating and Defeating PLA Strategies in a Land Conflict

This report provides a strategic assessment of the primary operational strategies that a People’s Liberation Army (PLA) commander will employ in a land confrontation with United States forces. It further outlines the corresponding counter-strategies that a US commander must be prepared to execute to seize the initiative and achieve decisive outcomes. The foundational premise of this analysis is that any future conflict with the PLA will not be a traditional war of attrition focused on the destruction of opposing mechanized forces. Instead, it will be a “systems confrontation”. The PLA’s overarching operational doctrine, “Systems Destruction Warfare” (系統破壞戰), is designed not to annihilate but to paralyze the US operational system by disrupting its critical functions and shattering its cohesion. This philosophy permeates every facet of their warfighting doctrine and capability development, transforming the modern battlefield into a contest between opposing operational systems.

The PLA’s doctrinal evolution has been rapid and deliberate. It has transitioned from its historical roots in a “people’s war” concept to a focus on fighting and winning “informatized local wars”. This shift, heavily influenced by observations of US military operations, moved the PLA’s doctrinal focus from being weapon platform-centric to being cyber- and network-centric. The PLA is now aggressively advancing toward “intelligentized warfare,” a future form of conflict supported primarily by artificial intelligence (AI) technologies. This evolution is not merely a technological upgrade; it represents a fundamental change in their theory of victory. The ultimate goal is to achieve decision dominance by disrupting and collapsing the adversary’s Observe, Orient, Decide, and Act (OODA) loop, rendering them unable to respond coherently.

Critically, any assessment of the PLA’s military strategy must begin with an understanding of its political nature. The PLA is not the army of the Chinese state; it is the armed wing of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). Its primary mission, above all else, is the defense of the Party and its continued rule. This political reality is the bedrock upon which its command structure, doctrine, and battlefield conduct are built. Consequently, political warfare is not an ancillary or supporting effort for the PLA; it is an inseparable and central component of its military operations, fully integrated into its concept of systems destruction.

A surface-level analysis of PLA doctrine reveals a significant degree of imitation. Concepts such as “Multi-Domain Precision Warfare” (MDPW) and “informatized warfare” appear to “mirror,” “replicate,” or “copy” US military concepts like Joint All-Domain Command and Control (JADC2) and net-centric warfare. The PLA is clearly observing and learning from the US military, adopting analogous terminology and pursuing similar technological goals, including networked C4ISR, AI integration, and multi-domain precision strike. However, this mirroring masks a fundamental and exploitable asymmetry. The underlying command philosophies of the two forces are diametrically opposed. The United States is developing JADC2 to empower and accelerate a decentralized Mission Command philosophy, which relies on disciplined initiative at the lowest echelons. The PLA, in contrast, is developing MDPW to enhance and enforce a rigidly centralized, top-down command structure where deviation from the Party’s directives is impermissible.

The PLA is not simply adopting US methods. It is attempting to harness the speed and lethality of a networked force without accepting the political risks associated with decentralized authority, a concept that is anathema to the CCP’s existential need for absolute control. AI and automation are being pursued as a technological solution to a political problem: how to shorten the OODA loop without empowering subordinate commanders. This creates a critical vulnerability. The PLA’s entire operational system is becoming increasingly dependent on a complex, technologically advanced, yet philosophically brittle, centralized architecture. While their system may look like ours on the surface, its “brain” is singular and centralized, making it susceptible to systemic shock. Disrupting their network is not merely a degradation of their command and control (C2); it is a fundamental attack on their entire command philosophy, one that can lead to systemic paralysis. This report will analyze the five key strategies the PLA will employ based on this doctrine and the corresponding US counters designed to exploit these inherent vulnerabilities.

I. Strategy 1: Information Paralysis – Seizing Dominance in the Electro-Cyber Domain

The PLA Commander’s Approach: Integrated Network Electronic Warfare (INEW)

The PLA’s opening salvo in any land confrontation will not be kinetic; it will be an all-out assault on the information domain. PLA doctrine views information as the central resource on the modern battlefield and cyberspace as a primary domain of conflict, co-equal with land, sea, and air. Their primary objective is to achieve information dominance in the earliest phases of a conflict, possibly preemptively, to create “blind spots” and decision-making paralysis within US forces before significant ground combat is joined. This strategy is designed to fragment the US operational system into isolated components, rendering it less than the sum of its parts.

This offensive will be executed by the PLA’s Cyberspace Force, a strategic arm established in April 2024 from the cyberwarfare capabilities of the former Strategic Support Force (SSF). This organization consolidates China’s space, cyber, electronic warfare (EW), and psychological warfare capabilities into a single, integrated force designed to secure the information domain. Their operational approach is “Integrated Network Electronic Warfare” (INEW), which calls for the simultaneous and coordinated application of computer network attacks (CNA) and EW against the entirety of the US C4ISR architecture.

The tactical application of INEW will be multi-faceted and relentless:

  • Disrupting Sensors and Data Links: The PLA has invested heavily in ground- and air-based jammers and spoofing systems designed to interfere with wireless communications, tactical data links, radar systems, and GPS signals. The goal is to sever the connections between US sensors and shooters, breaking the kill chains that underpin our precision-strike capabilities. This includes jamming low-orbit satellites and degrading SATCOM links that are vital for beyond-line-of-sight communications.
  • Degrading Command Nodes: The PLA’s Cyberspace Force will conduct offensive cyber operations targeting our command posts, logistics hubs, and critical infrastructure. These attacks will aim to disrupt, degrade, or destroy networks by manipulating or corrupting data, deploying ransomware, and executing distributed denial-of-service attacks to slow our decision-making and erode confidence in our own information systems.
  • Counter-Space Operations: Recognizing US dependence on space-based assets, the PLA will employ a range of counter-space capabilities. This includes co-orbital anti-satellite (ASAT) weapons, direct-ascent kinetic kill vehicles, and ground-based directed energy weapons and jammers designed to deny US forces access to space-based ISR, communication, and PNT (Positioning, Navigation, and Timing) assets.

A critical element of this strategy is the PLA’s concept of “peacetime-wartime integration”. This doctrine posits that effective cyber warfare is an unending activity that seamlessly transitions across the spectrum of conflict. Therefore, PLA cyber activities—such as intelligence gathering, mapping critical infrastructure, operational preparation of the environment (OPE), and pre-positioning malicious code on vulnerable networks—are not activities that will begin at the onset of hostilities. They are continuous operations that will simply intensify, aiming to achieve decisive effects before the first shot is fired.

The US Commander’s Response: Assured C2 through Network Resilience and Offensive Cyber

The US response to the PLA’s information paralysis strategy is not predicated on building an impenetrable, static network defense. Such a defense is impossible against a peer adversary with the resources and capabilities of the PLA. Instead, our core response is to build and operate a resilient network architecture that can “fight through” sustained attacks and continue to enable effective command and control. This philosophy of resilience is the central technological and doctrinal pillar of our Joint All-Domain Command and Control (JADC2) concept.

Our approach to achieving this resilience is multi-layered:

  • Technical Resilience: We will execute a robust Primary, Alternate, Contingency, and Emergency (PACE) communications plan built upon the principle of transport diversity. This involves creating and maintaining multiple, redundant communication pathways for data to travel, leveraging a hybrid network of Low Earth Orbit (LEO), Medium Earth Orbit (MEO), and Geostationary Orbit (GEO) SATCOM; high-capacity terrestrial microwave and fiber; and line-of-sight optical communication systems. Automated network management systems will intelligently and seamlessly route data over the best available pathway, automatically switching when a primary link is degraded or jammed, often without the user even noticing. To harden our signals, we will employ advanced techniques such as frequency-hopping waveforms, low probability of intercept/low probability of detection (LPI/LPD) transmissions, advanced encryption standards, and complex modulation schemes to make it more difficult for the adversary to detect, target, and disrupt our communications.
  • Organizational Resilience: The US Army’s Multi-Domain Task Forces (MDTFs) are the primary organizational tool for this fight. At the heart of each MDTF is the Multi-Domain Effects Battalion (MDEB), a unique formation that integrates cyber, EW, space, intelligence, and information operations capabilities. The MDEB is our maneuver element in the electro-cyber domain. Its mission is not only to defend our own networks but to conduct offensive operations to disrupt the PLA’s C4ISR system. The MDEB will actively sense the electromagnetic environment, identify and locate PLA emitters and network nodes, and then deliver converged non-kinetic effects—jamming, spoofing, and cyber-attacks—to degrade their ability to command their forces.
  • Doctrinal Resilience (JADC2): JADC2 is fundamentally designed to function in a contested, degraded, and intermittent communications environment. By establishing a data-centric enterprise—where data is uncoupled from specific systems and made available to all authorized users—and employing AI-enabled processing at the edge, JADC2 can rapidly re-route information from any available sensor, fuse data from disparate sources, and provide commanders with a “good enough” common operational picture to continue making timely and effective decisions. JADC2 accepts that some nodes will be lost; its purpose is to ensure that the loss of individual nodes does not lead to the collapse of the entire system.

The PLA’s sophisticated doctrine for EW, which outlines a comprehensive campaign plan for achieving electromagnetic dominance, reveals their strategic calculus. Their “Systems Destruction” doctrine correctly identifies an adversary’s C4ISR network as the primary center of gravity in modern warfare. The electromagnetic spectrum (EMS) is the physical terrain upon which this network operates. Therefore, a PLA commander will not view the fight for control of the EMS as a supporting effort; it will be the main effort in the initial phase of any conflict. Their doctrine is explicit: “Whoever controls the EMS…will retain enormous advantages in securing victory”. This necessitates a paradigm shift in our own thinking. We must treat the EMS as maneuver space, on par with land, sea, and air. Our MDEBs cannot be held in reserve or treated as specialized support assets. They must be deployed forward and postured to compete for and establish pockets of electromagnetic superiority from the very outset of hostilities. Our ability to maneuver and win in the physical domains will be directly contingent on our ability to win, or at a minimum achieve a stalemate, in the EMS. This elevates the role of the EW and Cyber operator from that of a supporting specialist to a primary combatant in the opening hours of a modern conflict.

II. Strategy 2: Political Disintegration – The “Three Warfares” on the Battlefield

The PLA Commander’s Approach: Weaponizing Narrative and Law

A PLA commander will view the cognitive and political domains as a battlefield co-equal to the physical domains. For the PLA, political warfare is not an adjunct to military operations; it is a “central pillar” of their strategy and a “critical component of systems destruction warfare”. The objective of this warfare is to achieve victory before the decisive battle is even fought by weakening our will to fight, fracturing our alliances, shaping our strategic assessments, and undermining the morale of our soldiers. This approach is encapsulated in the doctrine of the “Three Warfares” (三戰), which will be employed directly and continuously against our deployed forces, our leadership, and our home front.

The “Three Warfares” will be integrated into every phase of a PLA operation:

  • Public Opinion Warfare (輿論戰): The PLA will leverage the CCP’s vast state-controlled media apparatus and its sophisticated social media manipulation capabilities to wage a global information campaign. This will involve disseminating targeted disinformation and propaganda through every available channel to erode US domestic support for the conflict, create and exacerbate rifts between the US and its regional allies, and portray US military actions as aggressive, illegitimate, or incompetent. The goal is to isolate the US politically and create domestic pressure to de-escalate or withdraw.
  • Psychological Warfare (心理戰): This warfare will be aimed directly at the minds of US soldiers and commanders. The PLA will conduct tailored psychological operations (PSYOP) designed to instill fear, doubt, and a sense of hopelessness. Tactics will likely include the use of AI-generated deepfakes to create false orders or demoralizing messages from supposed US leaders, exploiting any captured US personnel for coerced “confessions” or propaganda statements—a tactic with deep historical roots in PLA operations from the Korean War—and flooding tactical networks and social media with content designed to create a sense of futility and undermine trust in leadership.
  • Legal Warfare (法律戰 or “Lawfare”): The PLA will weaponize international and domestic legal frameworks to constrain US military action. This involves meticulously crafting operations to appear compliant with international law while simultaneously lodging legal challenges and protests that accuse the US of violations. The objective is to challenge the legality of US deployments and operations, restrict our Rules of Engagement (ROE), create hesitation and delay in our decision-making cycles by bogging down commanders and policymakers in legal reviews, and ultimately achieve strategic paralysis through legal ambiguity.

These three “warfares” are not separate lines of effort; they are a converged, mutually reinforcing campaign. A psychological operation targeting US soldiers might be amplified by a public opinion campaign at home, which is then reinforced by a legal challenge at the United Nations. The cumulative effect is intended to disintegrate the political and psychological cohesion of the US operational system.

The US Commander’s Response: Seizing the Narrative and Hardening the Force

To defeat this strategy, we must recognize that we are engaged in an information and political fight from “Phase 0,” long before any shots are fired. Our response cannot be reactive; it must be a proactive campaign of narrative control and comprehensive force inoculation.

Our counter-strategy will be built on the following pillars:

  • Proactive Counter-Narrative: We cannot cede the information environment to the adversary. We must develop and articulate a clear, concise, and persistent counter-political warfare strategy. This involves educating our own forces, the American public, and our international partners about the PLA’s methods and objectives. Our Public Affairs elements must be empowered to rapidly deconstruct and expose PLA disinformation. We will “pre-bunk” likely PLA narratives by anticipating their lines of attack and preemptively providing factual context. We must aggressively and transparently highlight the PLA’s coercive, deceptive, and aggressive actions to seize and maintain the initiative in the global narrative.
  • Force Resilience and Cognitive Hardening: Our training must evolve to prepare soldiers for the cognitive battlefield. This includes mandatory “cognitive hardening” programs that educate every soldier on the nature of PLA PSYOP, including specific training on identifying deepfakes, resisting social media manipulation, and understanding the historical precedent of the PLA’s use of POWs for propaganda purposes. Critically, this requires reinforcing information discipline and operational security (OPSEC) at all levels, from the individual soldier to the command post, to deny the PLA the raw material for their psychological and public opinion campaigns.
  • Legal Preparation and Integration: Our legal teams (JAG) must be fully integrated into the operational planning process from the very beginning. They will not be consulted merely for review; they will be part of the design of operations. Their role is to anticipate and prepare robust responses to likely PLA lawfare tactics, ensuring that our ROE are clear, legally defensible, and provide commanders with the necessary operational flexibility. We must be prepared to counter their legal arguments swiftly and authoritatively on the international stage, defending the legitimacy of our actions.
  • Organizational Empowerment: US Army Civil Affairs, Psychological Operations (PSYOP), and Public Affairs units are our primary maneuver arms in this non-physical domain. They must be resourced, trained, and empowered to compete effectively against the PLA’s whole-of-government approach to information warfare. This requires deep integration with the intelligence community and interagency partners to ensure their efforts are synchronized and effective.

The PLA’s long and documented history of using intense indoctrination and psychological coercion on prisoners of war is not merely a historical footnote; it is a window into their strategic mindset. Their doctrine explicitly aims to “weaken the enemy’s will to fight” as a primary line of effort. Western military tradition often treats morale as an outcome of physical combat—if you win the battle, morale will be high. The PLA, however, stemming from its revolutionary and CCP roots, views the psychological state of the enemy as a distinct center of gravity to be actively targeted, degraded, and shattered. The goal of their PSYOP is not simply to demoralize, but to induce “lasting behavioral changes” and create a stream of propaganda that serves their strategic objectives. In the 21st century, this means that every US soldier with a smartphone is a potential target for tailored, AI-driven psychological attacks designed to undermine their trust in their leaders, their faith in their mission, and their connection to their country. This reality demands that our definition of force protection expand beyond the physical domains of armor and fortifications. We must implement and institutionalize robust “cognitive force protection” measures. This requires a paradigm shift in training and leadership, where commanders at every level are held responsible for the psychological and informational resilience of their troops with the same gravity and seriousness they apply to physical security, maintenance, and combat readiness.

III. Strategy 3: Stand-off Strike – The “Multi-Domain Precision Warfare” Kill Web

The PLA Commander’s Approach: Achieving Victory through Fires

The PLA’s core operational concept for the kinetic fight is “Multi-Domain Precision Warfare” (MDPW). This concept is the physical manifestation of their “Systems Destruction Warfare” doctrine. It leverages a vast, networked C4ISR system, increasingly enhanced by big data analytics and AI, to rapidly identify key vulnerabilities and critical nodes in the US operational system and then launch overwhelming, multi-axis precision strikes against them. Instead of seeking to close with and destroy US ground forces in direct combat, the PLA commander will attempt to achieve victory from a distance, using their massive arsenal of Long-Range Precision Fires (LRPF) to attack the nodes that provide our system with its cohesion and lethality—our command posts, logistics hubs, air and missile defense sites, and concentrations of forces.

This strategy is enabled by a formidable and growing suite of capabilities:

  • Massed Rocket and Cannon Artillery: The PLA has made significant breakthroughs in MRLS (Multiple Rocket Launcher Systems) and self-propelled artillery. Systems like the PHL-03 and the newer PHL-16 are not simply area-fire weapons; they are precision-strike systems capable of launching guided rockets to ranges of 70-130 km and over 220 km, respectively. The PHL-16 is reportedly capable of launching tactical ballistic missiles, blurring the line between conventional artillery and strategic assets. These systems will be used to provide a high volume of precision fires against tactical and operational targets.
  • Ballistic and Hypersonic Missiles: The PLA Rocket Force (PLARF) is a separate service branch that controls the world’s largest and most diverse arsenal of conventional land-based ballistic and cruise missiles. This includes hundreds of short-range (SRBM), medium-range (MRBM), and intermediate-range (IRBM) ballistic missiles, as well as ground-launched cruise missiles. The introduction of hypersonic glide vehicles, which are highly maneuverable and travel at speeds greater than Mach 5, is designed specifically to defeat advanced air and missile defense systems and hold critical fixed sites like ports, airfields, and command centers at risk from hundreds or thousands of kilometers away.
  • Integrated Targeting Kill Chain: The lethality of these strike systems is entirely dependent on a robust, multi-domain “system-of-systems” for targeting. The PLA has invested heavily in a network of ISR satellites, over-the-horizon radars, electronic intelligence platforms, and a growing fleet of UAVs to find, fix, track, and target US forces across the theater. This network is designed to provide high-fidelity, real-time targeting information to their shooters, enabling them to strike both static and mobile targets with precision at extended ranges.

The PLA commander’s intent will be to use this kill web to establish an anti-access/area denial (A2/AD) environment, attriting our forces as they deploy into the theater and then systematically dismantling our operational system by destroying its key nodes before we can bring our combined arms capabilities to bear.

The US Commander’s Response: A Multi-Layered Counter-Fire Strategy

Our response to the PLA’s stand-off strike strategy cannot be a single system or a simple tit-for-tat exchange of fires. It must be a comprehensive, multi-layered approach that attacks every link in the PLA’s kill chain—from their sensors to their shooters to their C2 nodes. This is a central tenet of our Multi-Domain Operations (MDO) doctrine, which emphasizes the convergence of effects from all domains to create and exploit windows of superiority.

Our counter-fire strategy comprises three mutually supporting lines of effort:

  • Passive Defense and Deception: The most effective way to defeat a missile is to ensure it is never fired, and the second most effective is to ensure it has nothing to hit. We must deny the PLA’s ISR systems a clear and static target. This requires a radical commitment to dispersal of forces, hardening of critical assets, constant mobility of command posts and logistics nodes, and the sophisticated use of camouflage, concealment, and deception (CCD). We cannot allow our forces to concentrate in predictable locations that are easily targeted by PLA LRPF.
  • Active Defense: We will protect our critical assets and maneuver forces with a layered and resilient Integrated Air and Missile Defense (IAMD) architecture. This architecture will integrate sensors and effectors from all services to provide a comprehensive defense against the full spectrum of PLA threats, from UAV swarms and cruise missiles to ballistic and hypersonic weapons. This includes kinetic interceptors like Patriot and THAAD, as well as emerging directed energy and other advanced capabilities.
  • Offensive Counter-Fire: We will not assume a defensive posture and absorb the PLA’s first punch. The Army’s MDTFs are specifically designed and equipped to penetrate and disintegrate enemy A2/AD networks. The Strategic Fires Battalion within the MDTF will employ its own organic LRPF assets—including the Precision Strike Missile (PrSM) with a range exceeding 500 km, the Mid-Range Capability (MRC) based on the SM-6 and Tomahawk missiles, and the Long-Range Hypersonic Weapon (LRHW)—to hold the PLA’s own sensors, launchers, and C2 nodes at risk. These land-based fires provide a persistent, 24/7 strike capability that is highly survivable and complicates the adversary’s targeting problem.
  • JADC2-Enabled Dynamic Targeting: The key to defeating the PLA’s numerous and often mobile missile launchers is speed. JADC2’s “any sensor, best shooter” architecture is the doctrinal and technical solution to this problem. By networking all available sensors (from satellites to ground-based radar to special operations forces) with all available shooters across the joint force, and by using AI/ML algorithms to rapidly process data and generate targeting solutions, we can dramatically compress our own OODA loop. This will enable us to find, fix, and finish time-sensitive PLA targets before they can fire and relocate.

The PLA’s MDPW and the US JADC2 are conceptually parallel; both are ambitious efforts to build a “system-of-systems” that links sensors to shooters across all domains. However, their developmental priorities reveal their underlying strategies. The PLA has invested massively in the “shooters”—the long-range missiles themselves. The US, while also developing new LRPF, has placed a primary emphasis on perfecting the network that connects the system. This sets the stage for a duel not of missiles, but of kill chains. A kill chain consists of several links: find, fix, track, target, engage, and assess (F2T2EA). The PLA’s strategy is to overwhelm us at the “engage” link with a massive volume of high-speed, long-range munitions. Our counter-strategy is to dominate the “find, fix, track, and target” links through a superior, more resilient, and faster network (JADC2), and then use our own precision fires to break the PLA’s kill chain at its most vulnerable points—their sensors and their C2 nodes. Victory in the fires duel will go to the side that masters information, not just ballistics. Therefore, our primary effort must be to attack the PLA’s kill chain before they can launch. This means prioritizing our MDEBs to blind their sensors and disrupt their command networks, turning their technologically advanced missiles into inert munitions on the launcher. Our own LRPF will be most effective not when trading salvos with their launchers, but when used to destroy the “eyes” and “brain” of their entire strike system.

IV. Strategy 4: Asymmetric Overwhelm – The Use of Unmanned and Autonomous Swarms

The PLA Commander’s Approach: Manned-Unmanned Teaming and Saturation

The PLA is aggressively pursuing what it terms “intelligentized warfare,” a concept that centers on the integration of AI-enabled unmanned and autonomous systems to create asymmetric advantages and achieve decision dominance. A PLA commander will leverage these emerging capabilities to create tactical and operational dilemmas that are difficult to solve with traditional, platform-centric military forces. The PLA is already testing and fielding drone swarm technology for a wide range of missions, including ISR, ground surveillance, precision strike, and amphibious landing support.

In a land confrontation, a PLA commander will likely employ two primary tactics leveraging unmanned systems:

  • Saturation Attacks with Drone Swarms: The PLA understands the economic asymmetry of modern air defense. They will use swarms of small, low-cost, expendable drones, potentially numbering in the hundreds, to saturate and overwhelm our sophisticated air defense systems. A single high-value interceptor, such as a Patriot missile, cannot be economically or logistically sustained to defeat a large number of inexpensive drones on a one-for-one basis. This tactic is designed to exhaust our limited supply of advanced interceptors, open gaps in our defensive coverage, and allow their more valuable assets, like cruise missiles or manned aircraft, to penetrate our defenses.
  • Manned-Unmanned Teaming (MUM-T): The PLA is actively exercising with “human-machine collaborative combat teams,” integrating unmanned ground vehicles (UGVs), often referred to as “robot wolves,” and Unmanned Combat Aerial Vehicles (UCAVs) directly with their conventional combined arms brigades. In complex terrain, such as urban environments, these unmanned systems will be used to lead the advance. They will conduct reconnaissance into high-threat areas, breach obstacles under fire, provide direct fire support for dismounted infantry, and absorb the initial casualties of an engagement, thereby preserving the lives of their own soldiers while increasing the tempo and lethality of their assault. This approach also creates immense psychological pressure on defending forces, who must contend with a relentless, unfeeling mechanical advance.

This strategy of asymmetric overwhelm is designed to invert the traditional strengths of US forces. It targets our reliance on technologically advanced, high-cost platforms by presenting a threat that is too numerous and too cheap to defeat with conventional means, while simultaneously reducing the PLA’s own historical vulnerability to high casualty rates.

The US Commander’s Response: Layered, Integrated Counter-UAS Defense

There is no single “silver bullet” solution to the threat of unmanned and autonomous swarms. An effective response requires a layered, integrated, defense-in-depth that is made organic to all units, not just siloed within specialized air defense formations. Every unit on the battlefield must have the ability to defend itself against small uncrewed aerial systems (UAS).

Our counter-swarm strategy is built on a framework of layered effectors and AI-enabled command and control:

  • Layered and Diverse Effectors:
  • Kinetic Systems: For high-volume, short-range defense, we will employ gun-based systems (like the C-RAM) and low-cost, guided rocket interceptors. These systems provide an immediate and proven capability to engage individual drones or small groups.
  • Electronic Warfare: Our EW systems, organic to the MDEBs and other formations, will provide a non-kinetic option to defeat less sophisticated drones by jamming their command and control links or spoofing their GPS navigation.
  • Directed Energy (DE): High-energy laser systems offer a critical advantage: a deep magazine with a very low cost-per-shot. These systems are ideal for engaging large numbers of drones and can be mounted on tactical vehicles to provide mobile protection for maneuvering forces.
  • High-Power Microwave (HPM): HPM weapons are the most promising technology for defeating entire swarms simultaneously. Systems like the Tactical High-power Operational Responder (THOR) can emit a cone of energy that disables the electronics of multiple drones with a single pulse, providing a true area-defense capability against saturation attacks.
  • AI-Enabled Command and Control: Defeating a drone swarm, which can involve hundreds of targets moving in a coordinated fashion, is a problem that exceeds human cognitive capacity. The response must occur at machine speed. We will use AI-enabled C2 systems that can autonomously fuse data from multiple sensors (radar, electro-optical/infrared, RF detection), classify and prioritize threats, and then recommend or direct the optimal effector for each engagement. This AI-driven C2 is essential to shorten the kill chain and effectively manage a layered defense against a high-volume attack.
  • Offensive Action: We will not remain purely on the defensive. A key part of our counter-swarm strategy is to attack the system at its source. This involves using our own ISR and strike assets to target the drone operators, their ground control stations, their launch vehicles, and their C2 networks. Furthermore, the US is developing its own autonomous swarm capabilities, which can be employed offensively to counter PLA swarms or to conduct our own saturation attacks against their critical assets.

The PLA correctly assesses that small, expendable drones offer “key offensive and defensive asymmetric advantages”. The US military is rightly concerned about the unsustainable economics of wasting expensive precision munitions on low-cost drones. This dynamic fundamentally alters battlefield geometry and economics. Traditional warfare has often been a contest of exquisite, high-cost platforms against each other, where the side with the qualitatively and quantitatively superior platforms held the advantage. Drone swarms introduce a new paradigm: the triumph of mass over class. A swarm of hundreds of drones, each costing only a few thousand dollars, can potentially disable or destroy a multi-billion-dollar asset, such as an advanced IAMD radar or a theater-level command post. This inverts the traditional cost-imposition curve, making it economically impossible to rely on million-dollar interceptors for defense. This reality forces a strategic shift in our defensive thinking, moving from a focus on platform protection to a broader concept of area defense, and from a model of attrition to one of cost-effective engagement. We must therefore accelerate the development, procurement, and fielding of non-kinetic and low-cost kinetic C-UAS solutions across the entire force. The future of battlefield air defense against this threat will be dominated by directed energy and high-power microwave systems, and our resourcing and acquisition priorities must reflect this fundamental change in the character of war.

V. Strategy 5: Command Decapitation – Exploiting Centralization through Combined Arms Assault

The PLA Commander’s Approach: System Warfare at the Tactical Level

The PLA’s doctrine of system warfare extends down to the tactical level. Here, it translates into a focus on identifying and destroying the high-value battlefield systems that enable the enemy’s operational effectiveness, with a particular emphasis on command and communication nodes. A PLA commander will seek to physically decapitate US command and control on the battlefield, believing that this will induce systemic paralysis and create the conditions for a rapid victory.

Their Combined Arms Brigades (CA-BDEs) are the primary tool for this mission. These are not the infantry-heavy formations of the past; modern PLAA CA-BDEs are powerful, mobile, artillery-heavy formations designed for rapid and violent offensive action, with envelopment and penetration being their primary offensive tactics. PLA guidelines for offensive operations call for achieving overwhelming local superiority, suggesting a four-to-one advantage in maneuver forces and a five-to-one to seven-to-one advantage in artillery firepower at the point of attack.

The likely PLA approach to command decapitation will follow a clear sequence:

  1. Find and Fix: The PLA will dedicate significant ISR assets, including unmanned aerial systems, electronic intelligence, and forward-deployed Special Operations Forces (SOF), to the task of locating and fixing the position of our operational and tactical command posts (CPs).
  2. Isolate and Suppress: Once a CP is fixed, the PLA commander will leverage their overwhelming advantage in organic artillery firepower to suppress and isolate the target. Massed fires from 122mm/155mm self-propelled guns and 122mm rocket artillery will be used to disrupt the CP’s operations, sever its communication links, and prevent reinforcement or withdrawal.
  3. Penetrate and Destroy: With the CP suppressed and isolated, a mechanized CA-BDE will execute a high-speed penetration or envelopment. Using its organic infantry fighting vehicles and assault guns, the brigade will bypass frontline defenses and drive directly to the CP’s location with the singular objective of physically destroying the node.

This tactic is designed to directly attack what the PLA perceives as our critical vulnerability—our reliance on a networked command structure. It is also perfectly suited to their own centralized, prescriptive command philosophy, which excels at executing well-defined, pre-planned operations against a fixed objective and requires less freedom of action and initiative from subordinate commanders.

The US Commander’s Response: Leveraging Mission Command for Asymmetric Advantage

The PLA’s greatest perceived strength—its ability to orchestrate highly centralized, controlled operations—is simultaneously its most profound weakness. Our response to their command decapitation strategy is to turn this strength against them by fully embracing our own unique and powerful command philosophy: Mission Command.

Our counter is not primarily technological, but philosophical and doctrinal, enabled by technology:

  • Command Post Survivability: We will refuse to present the PLA with a fixed target. Our command posts will not be static, high-signature headquarters. We will employ active survivability measures, including constant mobility and frequent displacement, and passive measures, including dispersal of CP functions across multiple smaller nodes and rigorous signature management (EMCON, thermal, acoustic). Agile, distributed, and low-signature command nodes are significantly harder to find, fix, and target, complicating the PLA’s entire operational sequence.
  • Decentralized Execution through Mission Command: Mission Command is the conduct of military operations through decentralized execution based upon mission-type orders. By providing subordinate leaders with a clear commander’s intent—the purpose, key tasks, and desired end state of the operation—we empower them to exercise disciplined initiative. They understand why they are fighting, not just what they are supposed to do. This means they are trained and trusted to adapt to the local situation and continue the fight to achieve the commander’s intent even if communications with higher headquarters are severed. The successful destruction of a single brigade or division command post, while a serious blow, will not paralyze our force. Subordinate units will continue to operate based on their understanding of the intent, preventing the systemic collapse the PLA seeks to achieve.
  • Turning the Tables on the Attacker: A PLA CA-BDE executing a deep, prescriptive penetration against a single objective is a powerful but predictable force. With its focus narrowed on a single goal dictated from a higher headquarters, its flanks, rear area, and logistical tail become exposed and vulnerable. Empowered by Mission Command, our subordinate units, who are not paralyzed by the attack on a single CP, can seize the initiative. They can transition from a defensive posture to launching decisive counter-attacks against the over-extended and exposed PLA force. By exploiting the predictability inherent in the PLA’s centralized system, we can disrupt their timetable, shatter their operational plan, and turn their decapitation strike into a decisive engagement fought on our terms.

The battlefield is a crucible that tests not only technology and tactics but also command philosophies. The PLA employs a strict, top-down command structure where deviation from centrally directed orders is not permitted, and the ever-present political commissar ensures absolute loyalty to the Party’s directives. The US system of Mission Command is built on the foundations of trust, mutual understanding, and the empowerment of subordinate leaders to act—and even to act contrary to the last received order if the situation demands it, as long as their actions remain within the commander’s intent. The PLA’s command system is optimized for planned, deliberate operations in a controlled environment; it is inherently brittle and struggles to adapt to the friction, chaos, and uncertainty of modern combat. The US Mission Command philosophy, in contrast, is designed for chaos and uncertainty. It assumes that plans will fail, communications will be lost, and opportunities will emerge unexpectedly. It empowers leaders at the lowest possible level to adapt, innovate, and win. The PLA’s attempt to decapitate our command structure is a direct attempt to force their preferred style of warfare upon us—to remove our flexible, distributed “brain” and make us as rigid and fragile as they are. Our response—resilient CPs and decentralized execution—is a direct counter that leverages our most powerful asymmetric advantage. We will refuse to fight on their terms. Our single most crucial advantage over the PLA is not a particular weapon system, but our philosophy of command. We must therefore relentlessly train and cultivate Mission Command in our leaders at every echelon. In a chaotic, contested environment where networks are degraded and units are isolated, the side whose junior leaders are best able to understand intent, seize the initiative, and make bold, decisive actions will win. The PLA’s political system makes it structurally incapable of replicating this advantage. Therefore, our leader development programs are as critical to future victory as our weapons modernization programs.

Conclusion: Prevailing in the Contest of Systems

The five core strategies a People’s Liberation Army commander will employ in a land confrontation—Information Paralysis, Political Disintegration, Stand-off Strike, Asymmetric Overwhelm, and Command Decapitation—are not disparate lines of effort. They are the integrated components of a singular, overarching warfighting philosophy: Systems Destruction Warfare. The PLA will not seek a linear, attrition-based fight. It will wage a holistic, multi-domain campaign aimed at finding and exploiting the critical vulnerabilities within the US operational system to induce paralysis and collapse.

To prevail in this contest of systems, US forces must counter with a system that is not only technologically superior but also doctrinally and philosophically more resilient. Our response must be equally integrated, leveraging the technological backbone of Joint All-Domain Command and Control (JADC2) and the profound doctrinal strength of Mission Command. JADC2 provides the means to build a resilient, adaptable, and lethal network that can withstand and fight through the PLA’s initial information onslaught. Mission Command provides the human element—the trained and trusted leader who can adapt, innovate, and seize the initiative in the chaos and uncertainty that JADC2 is designed to endure.

This combination creates a powerful asymmetry. The PLA’s system, for all its technological sophistication and impressive scale, is ultimately constrained by the political imperatives of the Chinese Communist Party. Its reliance on rigid, centralized control makes it powerful when executing a pre-ordained plan but brittle and slow to adapt when confronted with unexpected friction and complexity. The US system, in contrast, is designed for chaos. It embraces decentralized execution and empowers initiative at the edge, creating a more resilient, adaptable, and ultimately more lethal force in the fluid reality of modern combat.

By understanding the PLA’s system-centric approach and its inherent vulnerabilities, we can tailor our operational concepts, training, and capabilities to attack their system at its weakest points. We will win not by fighting their preferred battle of systems—a deliberate, centralized, and predictable contest—but by forcing them to fight ours: a fast-paced, decentralized, and chaotic engagement that their rigid command structure is fundamentally ill-equipped to handle. The key to victory lies in exploiting the philosophical gap between our two armies—a gap that no amount of technology can bridge.

Table 1: PLA Strategy vs. US Counter-Strategy Matrix

PLA StrategyCore PLA Doctrine/CapabilityPrimary US Counter-DoctrineKey US Organizational CounterKey US Technological Counter
1. Information Paralysis“Informatized Warfare” / Integrated Network Electronic Warfare (INEW)Assured C2 / Network ResilienceMulti-Domain Task Force (MDTF) – Multi-Domain Effects Battalion (MDEB)JADC2 / Resilient Comms (Transport Diversity, LPI/LPD)
2. Political Disintegration“Three Warfares” (Public Opinion, Psychological, Legal)Narrative Control / Force InoculationPSYOP, Public Affairs, Civil Affairs Units / Integrated JAG planningN/A (Doctrinal/Informational focus)
3. Stand-off Strike“Multi-Domain Precision Warfare” (MDPW) / Long-Range Precision Fires (LRPF)Multi-Layered Counter-Fire / Dynamic TargetingMDTF – Strategic Fires BattalionJADC2 / IAMD / US LRPF (PrSM, LRHW)
4. Asymmetric Overwhelm“Intelligentized Warfare” / Unmanned/Autonomous SwarmsLayered, Integrated C-UAS DefenseAll units equipped with organic C-UAS capabilitiesAI-enabled C2 / Directed Energy / High-Power Microwave (HPM)
5. Command DecapitationSystem Warfare / Combined Arms Brigade (CA-BDE) AssaultDecentralized Execution / Command Post SurvivabilityAll echelons trained in Mission CommandAgile/Mobile Command Posts / Resilient Comms

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Red Tide, Blue Response: A Commander’s Assessment of PLAN Maritime Strategies and U.S. Counter-Operations

This report provides a strategic assessment of the five most probable operational strategies that a commander of the People’s Liberation Army Navy (PLAN) would employ in a high-intensity maritime confrontation with United States naval forces. For each Chinese strategy, a corresponding U.S. counter-strategy is detailed, grounded in an analysis of current military doctrines, technological capabilities, and the prevailing strategic balance in the Western Pacific.

The analysis reveals a fundamental dichotomy in operational philosophy. The PLAN’s strategies are overwhelmingly optimized for a decisive, system-dependent, and centrally controlled initial blow, designed to achieve a rapid fait accompli by shattering U.S. operational capability and political will. These strategies—ranging from a massive missile saturation strike to a multi-domain C5ISR blackout—rely on the seamless integration of a complex but potentially brittle system-of-systems. Conversely, U.S. counter-strategies, rooted in the doctrine of Distributed Maritime Operations (DMO), are designed for systemic resilience, allied integration, and victory in a chaotic, degraded, and protracted conflict. U.S. responses prioritize dis-integrating the adversary’s kill web before launch, leveraging a superior command-and-control philosophy based on decentralized execution, and exploiting China’s grand strategic vulnerabilities.

The five core strategic interactions analyzed are:

  1. The Saturation Strike: A multi-domain, massed missile attack aimed at overwhelming the defenses of a U.S. Carrier Strike Group (CSG). The U.S. response focuses on proactively degrading the PLAN’s C5ISR “kill web” through non-kinetic means while employing a layered, networked defense (NIFC-CA) and operational dispersal (DMO) to survive and retaliate.
  2. The Gray-Zone Squeeze: The use of paramilitary and non-military assets (Maritime Militia and Coast Guard) to assert control over disputed waters below the threshold of war. The U.S. counter involves “assertive transparency” to strip away plausible deniability, a “like-for-like” response using law enforcement assets, and bolstering allied maritime domain awareness and resilience.
  3. The Undersea Ambush: The deployment of a large and quiet conventional submarine force to interdict sea lanes and hold U.S. surface assets at risk within the First Island Chain. The U.S. response leverages its technologically superior nuclear submarine force and a coordinated, multi-domain Anti-Submarine Warfare (ASW) network to seize and maintain undersea dominance, which is the decisive enabling campaign for all other naval operations.
  4. The C5ISR Blackout: A synchronized attack across the space, cyber, and electromagnetic domains to paralyze U.S. command, control, communications, computers, intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance. The U.S. response is twofold: building technical resilience through hardened, redundant networks (Project Overmatch) and leveraging doctrinal resilience through a culture of mission command that empowers decentralized execution in a degraded environment.
  5. The War of Attrition: A strategy to leverage China’s superior industrial capacity to absorb and replace combat losses at a rate the U.S. cannot sustain in a protracted conflict. The U.S. counter is to reject a war of attrition by targeting China’s grand strategic vulnerabilities—namely its dependence on seaborne trade—and integrating the formidable industrial and military power of its allies to offset the PLAN’s numerical advantage.

The overarching conclusion is that a naval conflict in the Western Pacific would be a contest between a Chinese force built for a perfect, centrally-scripted punch and a U.S. force designed to fight and win in the ensuing chaos. Victory for the U.S. commander will hinge on the successful implementation of DMO, enabled by resilient networking, and founded upon the U.S. Navy’s most durable asymmetric advantage: a command culture that trusts and empowers its people to take disciplined initiative in the face of uncertainty.

Introduction: The Contested Waters of the Western Pacific

The contemporary maritime environment, particularly in the Western Pacific, is defined by a direct and intensifying strategic competition between the United States and the People’s Republic of China (PRC). This is not merely a contest of naval platforms but a fundamental clash of national wills, technological trajectories, and operational doctrines. At the heart of this competition is the dramatic transformation of the People’s Liberation Army Navy (PLAN). Over the past three decades, the PLAN has evolved from a coastal “brown-water” navy, whose primary mission was to “resist invasions and defend the homeland” , into a formidable “blue-water” force with global ambitions. This shift, accelerated under Xi Jinping’s “China Dream” of national rejuvenation , represents a deliberate effort to project power, secure China’s maritime interests, and challenge the United States’ long-standing maritime supremacy. The PLAN’s growth is not just quantitative—it is now the world’s largest navy by number of ships—but also qualitative, with the introduction of advanced surface combatants, aircraft carriers, and a modernizing submarine force.

This naval build-up underpins a profound clash of operational philosophies, setting the stage for any potential confrontation. China’s military strategy is anchored in the concept of Anti-Access/Area Denial (A2/AD). This is a layered, defense-in-depth posture designed to deter, and if necessary, defeat U.S. military intervention within the First and Second Island Chains. By combining long-range precision-strike weapons, a dense network of sensors, and a growing fleet, China seeks to make military operations by foreign forces prohibitively costly and difficult in areas it considers vital to its national interests, such as the Taiwan Strait and the South China Sea. A2/AD is fundamentally the strategy of a continental power seeking to establish and enforce control over its maritime periphery, effectively turning its near seas into a strategic bastion.

In direct response to this challenge, the United States Navy has adopted Distributed Maritime Operations (DMO) as its foundational operating concept. DMO is designed explicitly to counter peer adversaries in a contested A2/AD environment. It seeks to turn the adversary’s strength—a reliance on finding and targeting concentrated U.S. forces—into a critical weakness. DMO achieves this by dispersing U.S. naval forces over vast geographic areas, complicating the adversary’s targeting problem, while concentrating lethal and non-lethal effects from multiple domains and vectors through resilient, long-range networking. It is a conceptual shift away from the carrier-centric battle group of the post-Cold War era toward a more adaptable, resilient, and distributed fleet architecture capable of seizing the initiative and prevailing in a high-end fight.

This report will dissect this strategic competition by analyzing the five most likely operational strategies a PLAN commander will employ in a maritime confrontation. For each Chinese strategy, a corresponding U.S. counter-strategy will be presented, providing a comprehensive assessment for the U.S. commander tasked with maintaining maritime superiority and upholding the international rules-based order in the contested waters of the Western Pacific.

I. The Saturation Strike: Overwhelming the Shield

The kinetic culmination of decades of Chinese investment in A2/AD capabilities is the Saturation Strike. This strategy is not merely an attack but a highly synchronized, multi-domain, system-of-systems operation aimed at delivering a decisive and politically shattering blow against the centerpiece of U.S. naval power projection: the Carrier Strike Group (CSG).

The Chinese Commander’s Strategy

The PLAN commander’s primary strategic objective in executing a Saturation Strike is to achieve a mission-kill or hard-kill on a U.S. aircraft carrier and its principal escorts, such as its Aegis cruisers and destroyers. The intended effect is twofold: operationally, to eliminate the CSG’s ability to project air power, thereby establishing uncontested sea and air control within the A2/AD envelope; and strategically, to inflict a shocking loss that breaks U.S. political will to continue the conflict.

This strategy is not executed by simply launching missiles; it requires the activation of a complex and highly integrated C5ISR (Command, Control, Communications, Computers, Cyber, Intelligence, Surveillance, and Reconnaissance) architecture that Chinese doctrine conceptualizes as a “kill web”. This architecture is designed to execute every step of the targeting process—Find, Fix, Track, Target, Engage, and Assess (F2T2EA)—against mobile, high-value U.S. naval assets. The sensor layer of this kill web is a multi-domain, redundant grid. It comprises space-based assets, including ISR satellites for imagery and electronic intelligence and the Beidou satellite navigation system for precision timing and location ; land-based over-the-horizon (OTH) radars to detect naval formations at long ranges; airborne platforms like Airborne Warning and Control System (AWACS) aircraft and long-endurance Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (UAVs); and the organic sensors of the PLAN’s own surface ships and submarines. The purpose of this dense sensor network is to create a persistent, fused, and reliable picture of the battlespace, ensuring that a U.S. CSG can be continuously tracked once detected.

The kinetic effectors of this strategy are a diverse and numerous arsenal of missiles, designed to attack the CSG from multiple axes and at different altitudes simultaneously, thereby overwhelming its layered defenses through sheer volume and complexity. The primary threat to the aircraft carrier itself comes from Anti-Ship Ballistic Missiles (ASBMs). These are road-mobile systems that can be hidden inland and launched on short notice. The key systems are the DF-21D, known as the “carrier-killer” with a range of approximately 1,500 km, and the DF-26, an intermediate-range ballistic missile dubbed the “Guam-killer” with a range of approximately 4,000 km, capable of striking both land bases and naval targets. These missiles attack from a near-space apogee at hypersonic speeds (estimated at up to Mach 10 upon reentry), and are believed to be equipped with Maneuverable Reentry Vehicles (MaRVs) that can make terminal adjustments to their trajectory, significantly complicating interception by U.S. defensive systems.

A more recent and sophisticated threat is posed by Hypersonic Glide Vehicles (HGVs), such as the DF-ZF HGV launched by the DF-17 missile. Unlike a ballistic missile, an HGV is released from its booster rocket and then “skips” along the upper atmosphere on a relatively flat, non-ballistic trajectory. This flight profile, combined with its ability to maneuver at speeds exceeding Mach 5, makes it exceptionally difficult for traditional ballistic missile defense radars and interceptors to track and engage.

To saturate the CSG’s mid- and inner-tier defenses, the ASBM and HGV attack will be synchronized with a massive volley of Anti-Ship Cruise Missiles (ASCMs). These will include both sea-skimming subsonic and supersonic variants, like the YJ-18, launched from a wide array of platforms to create a multi-axis threat picture that overloads the Aegis Combat System’s fire control channels. The platforms tasked with launching these weapons are themselves diverse. The PLAN’s modern surface combatants, particularly the formidable Type 055 (Renhai-class) cruiser and the capable Type 052D destroyers, serve as primary launch platforms. The Type 055, with its 112 Vertical Launch System (VLS) cells and advanced dual-band AESA radars, is a critical node in both the sensor and shooter network. Concurrently, PLAN Air Force H-6 bombers, armed with long-range ASCMs, will conduct standoff attacks from the periphery of the CSG’s air defense bubble. Finally, PLAN submarines, both conventional and nuclear, will be pre-positioned along expected U.S. approach vectors to launch submerged attacks, adding another, often unseen, axis of attack.

A deeper analysis of this strategy reveals that its immense power is predicated on the seamless functioning of a highly complex, centrally controlled C5ISR architecture. It is designed as a perfectly synchronized, overwhelming blow, but this optimization for a “best-case” scenario, where its network operates unimpeded, creates an inherent brittleness. The entire kill chain, from satellite detection to missile impact, depends on a series of critical nodes—a specific satellite, a data fusion center on the mainland, a secure communication link. The failure of any one of these nodes, whether through technical malfunction or enemy action, could cause the entire targeting solution to collapse, rendering the missiles ineffective. Furthermore, the nature of the primary threat systems suggests the attack will be “pulsed” rather than continuous. The logistical and C5ISR effort required to coordinate mobile land-based launchers and generate a high-fidelity targeting solution for a moving CSG means the PLAN cannot maintain a constant stream of ASBM fire. Instead, they will seek to create a “targeting window” and launch a massive, all-at-once strike to maximize the probability of success. This operational tempo, however, creates windows of opportunity for U.S. forces to act and disrupt the cycle between these offensive pulses.

The U.S. Commander’s Response

The U.S. commander’s strategic objective is to defeat the PLAN’s Saturation Strike by actively dis-integrating the Chinese kill web before missiles are launched, defending against any weapons that do get through, and maintaining the combat effectiveness of the CSG to retaliate decisively. This multi-phased response is the practical application of Distributed Maritime Operations.

The primary effort, designated here as Phase 0, is focused on non-kinetic warfare to prevent the PLAN from generating a clean targeting solution in the first place. This is a proactive campaign to attack the adversary’s C5ISR system. Coordinated through U.S. Cyber Command and theater assets, U.S. forces will conduct offensive cyber and Electronic Warfare (EW) operations targeting the nodes of the PLAN’s kill web. This includes jamming and spoofing ISR and navigation satellites, disrupting data links between platforms, attacking ground-based OTH radars, and penetrating the command and data networks that connect sensors to shooters. The goal is to sow friction, doubt, and blindness within the Chinese commander’s decision-making cycle, degrading their situational awareness and confidence in their targeting data. Simultaneously, the CSG will employ a sophisticated suite of deception tactics, including advanced electronic decoys that mimic the signature of high-value ships and strict emissions control (EMCON) procedures to reduce the CSG’s own electronic signature, thereby confusing PLAN sensors and creating a multitude of false targets.

Should the PLAN manage to launch a strike, Phase 1—the kinetic shield—is activated. This is a layered, hard-kill defense system designed to engage and destroy incoming threats at successively closer ranges. The heart of this defense is the Aegis Combat System, deployed on Ticonderoga-class cruisers and Arleigh Burke-class destroyers. Aegis, with its powerful AN/SPY series radars, provides 360-degree, all-weather detection, tracking, and engagement capabilities against the full spectrum of aerial threats.

The critical enabler that extends this shield beyond the horizon is Naval Integrated Fire Control-Counter Air (NIFC-CA). This revolutionary network allows different platforms to share sensor data and engage targets cooperatively. In a typical NIFC-CA engagement, an E-2D Advanced Hawkeye aircraft, acting as an elevated sensor and communications node, detects an incoming wave of cruise missiles or a terminally descending ASBM far beyond the ship’s own radar horizon. It then transmits this targeting data via a high-capacity data link to an Aegis ship, which can launch an SM-6 missile to intercept the threat, with the E-2D providing mid-course guidance updates. This “launch-on-remote” or “engage-on-remote” capability dramatically expands the CSG’s defensive battlespace and is a crucial counter to saturation tactics.

The CSG’s interceptor arsenal is multi-tiered to handle the diverse threat axis. The outer tier, focused on Ballistic Missile Defense (BMD), employs the Standard Missile-3 (SM-3) for exo-atmospheric “hit-to-kill” interception of ballistic missiles during their mid-course phase of flight. The mid-tier is the domain of the highly versatile Standard Missile-6 (SM-6), the workhorse of NIFC-CA. The SM-6 is capable of engaging ballistic missiles in their terminal phase (endo-atmospheric) as well as advanced air-breathing threats like cruise missiles and aircraft at extended ranges. The inner tier consists of the Standard Missile-2 (SM-2) and the Evolved Sea Sparrow Missile (ESSM), providing high-volume defense against cruise missiles and aircraft at shorter ranges.

Crucially, the CSG will not operate in a tightly clustered, easily targetable formation that plays to the strengths of the PLAN’s A2/AD system. Instead, it will adopt a DMO posture. Assets will be geographically dispersed over hundreds of miles, forcing the PLAN to search a much larger area and expend significantly more ISR resources to find and identify high-value targets. The key technological enabler for this dispersal is Project Overmatch, the Navy’s contribution to the broader Department of Defense’s Combined Joint All-Domain Command and Control (CJADC2) effort. Project Overmatch is developing a suite of resilient networks, secure data architectures, and AI-powered decision aids designed to connect the dispersed fleet. This allows widely separated units to share sensor data and coordinate fires seamlessly, even in a heavily contested electromagnetic environment, creating a resilient and lethal U.S. “kill web” of its own.

This U.S. response is fundamentally proactive, not reactive. The primary effort is focused on the “left side of the kill chain”—degrading the enemy’s ability to target in the first place by attacking its vulnerable C2 and sensor networks. The kinetic shield of missiles is the final line of defense, not the first. DMO turns the tables on the A2/AD concept. The A2/AD strategy is predicated on holding a concentrated, high-value U.S. force at risk. By refusing to present a concentrated force, DMO breaks the fundamental logic of the PLAN’s targeting model. It disperses U.S. combat power across numerous manned and unmanned platforms, creating dozens of potential targets. This forces the Chinese commander into an untenable dilemma: either expend their limited inventory of high-end munitions, like ASBMs, on lower-value targets, or dedicate an enormous and unsustainable amount of ISR assets to correctly identify the high-value units within the distributed formation, making their sensor network even more vulnerable to U.S. non-kinetic attack.

FeatureUSN Arleigh Burke-class (Flight III)PLAN Type 055 (Renhai-class)
TypeGuided-Missile DestroyerGuided-Missile Cruiser
Displacement~9,700 tons~13,000 tons
VLS Cells96 Mk 41 VLS112 GJB 5860-2006 VLS
Primary RadarAN/SPY-6(V)1 AMDRType 346B (S- and X-band AESA)
Primary AAW MissileSM-6, SM-2, ESSMHHQ-9B
ASuW MissileMaritime Strike Tomahawk, LRASMYJ-18A, YJ-21 ASBM
Land Attack MissileTomahawk Land Attack MissileCJ-10
Data compiled from sources.

II. The Gray-Zone Squeeze: Winning Without Fighting

Beyond high-end kinetic conflict, the PLAN commander will employ a sophisticated and persistent strategy of coercion in the “gray zone”—the contested space between peace and war. This strategy involves the calibrated use of non-military and paramilitary forces to achieve strategic objectives, such as asserting de facto sovereignty over disputed waters, without triggering a conventional military response from the United States or its allies.

The Chinese Commander’s Strategy

The strategic objective of the Gray-Zone Squeeze is to establish “facts on the water” that normalize Chinese administrative control and territorial claims, primarily in the South China Sea and East China Sea. This is achieved by harassing U.S. or allied vessels, intimidating regional claimants, and gradually eroding the international rules-based order, all while maintaining plausible deniability and carefully managing the escalation ladder to avoid open warfare.

The operational manifestation of this strategy is a layered, three-tiered force structure, often referred to as the “cabbage strategy,” where each layer provides a different level of coercion and deniability. The innermost layer, and the vanguard of any gray-zone operation, is the People’s Armed Forces Maritime Militia (PAFMM). This is a state-organized and controlled force composed of a large swarm of vessels, many of which are disguised as civilian fishing trawlers but are, in fact, purpose-built for paramilitary missions with reinforced hulls and powerful water cannons. The PAFMM is used for initial harassment, blockading strategic features like the Second Thomas Shoal, and employing “swarm” tactics to intimidate smaller vessels from nations like the Philippines or Vietnam. Their civilian appearance is the key to the strategy, as it makes a forceful, kinetic response from a professional navy politically risky and easy for Beijing to portray as an act of aggression against fishermen.

The middle layer consists of the China Coast Guard (CCG). The CCG operates larger, more capable, and often heavily armed cutters, many of which are former PLAN frigates. The CCG’s role is to escalate the pressure beyond what the militia can achieve. They employ dangerous but nominally non-lethal tactics, including ramming, shouldering, using high-pressure water cannons, and aiming military-grade lasers at the bridges of opposing ships to blind their crews. By operating under the guise of maritime law enforcement, the CCG further complicates the Rules of Engagement (ROE) for U.S. naval forces, creating a legal and diplomatic shield for their coercive actions.

The outermost layer is composed of the People’s Liberation Army Navy (PLAN) itself. In a typical gray-zone scenario, PLAN warships will remain “over the horizon,” visible on radar but not directly involved in the immediate confrontation. Their presence serves as a powerful and unambiguous military backstop. It sends a clear signal to the U.S. commander that any attempt to escalate and use lethal force against the CCG or PAFMM will cross the threshold into a conventional military conflict with the full might of the PLAN.

The core of this entire strategy is to present the U.S. commander with an operational dilemma, a “lose-lose” scenario. The first option is to do nothing, which results in ceding the contested area, allowing China to achieve its objective, and signaling to regional allies that U.S. security guarantees are hollow. The second option is to escalate and use lethal force against the PAFMM or CCG. This would play directly into China’s hands, allowing Beijing to win the information and legal war (“lawfare”) by painting the U.S. as the aggressor attacking “civilians” or “law enforcement” personnel in waters China claims as its own.

These gray-zone operations are not random acts of maritime bullying; they are a form of pre-conflict battlefield shaping. They are a systematic, long-term campaign to establish positional advantage, test U.S. resolve, and normalize Chinese presence and control in strategically vital waterways. The militarized artificial islands in the South China Sea, for example, serve as forward operating bases that enable and sustain these gray-zone actions, extending China’s A2/AD bubble and limiting U.S. operational freedom long before any shots are fired. The strategy’s center of gravity is not firepower but ambiguity and narrative control. Its effectiveness hinges on China’s ability to control the international perception of events and exploit the legal and political seams in the international order. If this ambiguity is stripped away and the state-directed nature of the coercion is laid bare, the strategy loses much of its power, as it can no longer be credibly separated from an act of military aggression.

The U.S. Commander’s Response

The U.S. commander’s strategic objective is to effectively counter Chinese gray-zone coercion without escalating to armed conflict. This requires a multi-faceted approach aimed at exposing the state-directed nature of the PAFMM and CCG, neutralizing China’s narrative advantage, and reassuring allies of unwavering U.S. commitment to a free and open Indo-Pacific.

The primary line of effort is “Assertive Transparency,” a strategy designed to win the information war by systematically stripping away the ambiguity upon which the Chinese strategy relies. This involves the use of a persistent and comprehensive ISR network—including satellites, long-endurance UAVs like the MQ-4C Triton and MQ-9 Reaper, and other intelligence platforms—to continuously monitor, document, and collect irrefutable evidence of PAFMM and CCG activities. This evidence, including imagery of unprofessional maneuvers, communications intercepts proving coordination with the PLAN, and data showing militia vessels disabling their automatic identification systems (AIS), must be rapidly declassified and publicly released. By publicizing Beijing’s malign behavior, the U.S. and its allies can impose significant reputational costs, forcing China to either accept international condemnation or disavow its own paramilitary forces.

The second line of effort is to employ a calibrated force posture that controls the escalation ladder. Instead of meeting paramilitary aggression with high-end naval combatants, the U.S. will pursue a “like-for-like” response. This involves deploying U.S. Coast Guard (USCG) cutters to the region to counter the CCG directly. This places the confrontation in a law-enforcement-versus-law-enforcement context, which neutralizes China’s narrative that it is being bullied by the U.S. Navy. It also leverages the USCG’s expertise in maritime law enforcement and professional conduct to highlight the unprofessional and dangerous behavior of the CCG. In this posture, U.S. Navy destroyers would be positioned in an overwatch role, similar to the PLAN’s own posture. This demonstrates military resolve and establishes clear red lines—for example, that lethal force used against a U.S. or allied vessel will be met with a decisive military response—without being the primary instrument of engagement in the gray-zone incident itself.

The third, and perhaps most critical, line of effort is building allied resilience. The primary targets of China’s gray-zone pressure are often U.S. allies and partners like the Philippines, Vietnam, and Malaysia. The most effective long-term counter is to empower these nations to resist coercion themselves. This involves significant investment in capacity building, such as enhancing their maritime domain awareness, C5ISR capabilities, and coast guard forces so they can better monitor and respond to gray-zone threats within their own exclusive economic zones (EEZs). Furthermore, conducting joint naval and coast guard patrols with allies in disputed areas serves to demonstrate collective resolve, reinforce international law like the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), and show that China’s claims are not accepted by the international community.

This counter-strategy deliberately targets the adversary’s decision-making process, not just their physical assets. A purely physical response, such as trying to block militia boats with a destroyer, is tactically difficult and strategically unwise, as it plays directly into China’s escalation trap. The key is to create unacceptable political and reputational costs for the Chinese Communist Party leadership. By shifting the conflict from the physical domain, where China can leverage its numerical advantage in small vessels, to the information and political domains, the U.S. and its allies can leverage the power of truth, international law, and collective action. It must be understood that gray-zone challenges cannot be “solved” in a single engagement. China’s strategy is one of persistence and incrementalism. Therefore, the U.S. response must also be persistent. Transitory operations like Freedom of Navigation Operations (FONOPs), while necessary, are insufficient on their own to deter this long-term campaign. The ultimate winner in the gray zone will be the side that can most effectively and efficiently sustain its presence and its political will over time.

ForceCommand & ControlTypical VesselsTypical Armament/TacticsPlausible Deniability
People’s Liberation Army Navy (PLAN)Military (Central Military Commission)Destroyers, Frigates, CruisersLethal (Missiles, Guns); Provides military overwatchZero
China Coast Guard (CCG)Paramilitary (People’s Armed Police)Large patrol cutters (often ex-PLAN)Water cannons, acoustic devices, ramming, lasers, deck guns; Enforces domestic law in disputed watersLow
People’s Armed Forces Maritime Militia (PAFMM)Military Auxiliary (Local PAFDs, PLAN)Converted trawlers, purpose-built vessels with reinforced hullsSwarming, shouldering, blocking, intelligence gatheringHigh (claimed to be “fishermen”)
Data compiled from sources.

III. The Undersea Ambush: War for the Deeps

Leveraging the inherent stealth of the submarine, the PLAN commander’s third major strategy is to wage war from beneath the waves. The Undersea Ambush is designed to challenge U.S. sea control at its foundation, targeting not only high-value military assets but also the vulnerable logistical lifeline that sustains any forward-deployed U.S. force. This is a battle for the undersea domain, where victory or defeat can enable or cripple all other operations.

The Chinese Commander’s Strategy

The strategic objectives of the Undersea Ambush are multifaceted: to interdict U.S. and allied sea lines of communication (SLOCs), disrupting the flow of reinforcements and supplies into the theater; to conduct covert intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance (ISR) deep within the U.S. defensive perimeter; to hold high-value surface assets like aircraft carriers and amphibious ships at risk; and to contest the undersea domain, denying U.S. submarines the sanctuary they have long enjoyed, particularly within the strategically critical waters of the first island chain.

To execute this strategy, the PLAN commander will employ a two-tiered submarine force, with different classes of submarines tailored for different operational environments and missions. The first tier, and arguably the most dangerous in a regional conflict, is the PLAN’s large and increasingly quiet fleet of conventional diesel-electric submarines (SSKs). This force includes Russian-built Kilo-class submarines and a growing number of indigenous Song- and Yuan-class boats. A significant and growing portion of the Yuan-class fleet is equipped with Air-Independent Propulsion (AIP), a technology that allows a non-nuclear submarine to operate without surfacing to snorkel for extended periods, potentially for weeks at a time. This capability makes AIP-equipped SSKs extremely difficult to detect in the noisy and acoustically complex littoral environments of the South and East China Seas, where they can lie in wait in ambush positions.

The second tier is the PLAN’s growing force of nuclear-powered attack submarines (SSNs), primarily the Shang-class (Type 093) and its improved variants, with the next-generation Type 095 expected to be a significant leap in capability. While generally still considered acoustically inferior (i.e., louder) than their U.S. counterparts, the newest Shang-class variants show significant improvements in quieting and are equipped with vertical launch systems (VLS) capable of firing land-attack and anti-ship cruise missiles. These SSNs provide the PLAN with a blue-water, long-endurance capability to threaten U.S. rear-area bases, strike targets on land, and hunt U.S. naval forces beyond the first island chain.

The key missions assigned to this submarine force will be diverse. The numerous SSKs will be deployed as “picket fences” across key maritime chokepoints, such as the Strait of Malacca, the Sunda Strait, and the Luzon Strait, with the primary mission of hunting for U.S. logistics shipping, amphibious vessels, and surface combatants transiting into the theater. Submarines are also the ideal platform for covertly deploying advanced sea mines near allied ports (e.g., in Japan or the Philippines) and along strategic waterways, creating no-go zones that can disrupt naval movements and bottle up surface fleets. Meanwhile, the quietest SSKs and the more capable SSNs will be tasked with the high-risk, high-reward mission of hunting High-Value Units (HVUs), specifically U.S. aircraft carriers, large-deck amphibious assault ships, and critical underway replenishment vessels.

The logic of this undersea strategy is fundamentally asymmetric and geographically focused. The PLAN leadership understands that it cannot currently compete with the U.S. Navy in a global, blue-water submarine-on-submarine conflict. Its strategy, therefore, is to leverage the numerical strength of its large SSK fleet in the defensive acoustic terrain of its near seas. The complex sound propagation, high shipping density, and variable water conditions of the East and South China Seas provide an ideal hiding ground for quiet conventional submarines. The most rational and dangerous approach for the PLAN commander is not to send their SSNs on duels in the open Pacific, but to use their SSK advantage to turn the first island chain into a lethal ambush zone.

However, this potent offensive strategy is undermined by a significant and acknowledged PLAN weakness: its own Anti-Submarine Warfare (ASW) capabilities. For decades, the PLAN underinvested in the complex art of ASW, lacking the advanced platforms, integrated sensor networks, and, most importantly, the deep institutional experience that the U.S. Navy has cultivated since the Cold War. While China is now rapidly fielding more capable ASW platforms, such as the KQ-200 maritime patrol aircraft and surface ships with advanced sonars, mastering ASW is not a “turnkey” capability; it requires years of training and cultural integration. This creates a critical strategic dilemma for the PLAN commander: while their submarines pose a grave threat to U.S. surface ships, the waters in which they operate are not a sanctuary for them. They are, in fact, highly vulnerable to the apex predators of the undersea domain—U.S. nuclear attack submarines. Every PLAN submarine deployed on an offensive mission is simultaneously a high-value target for U.S. SSNs, forcing the Chinese commander to risk their own most potent asymmetric assets in a domain where their adversary remains superior.

The U.S. Commander’s Response

The U.S. commander’s strategic objective is to seize and maintain dominance in the undersea domain, neutralizing the PLAN submarine threat and thereby ensuring freedom of maneuver for all U.S. and allied forces. The undersea battle is the decisive enabling campaign of any maritime conflict in the Pacific.

The cornerstone of the U.S. response is its own profound asymmetric advantage: a technologically superior, all-nuclear attack submarine (SSN) force, composed of the Virginia-class and the exceptionally quiet Seawolf-class submarines. These platforms are the most capable submarines in the world, and their primary wartime mission will be to conduct hunter-killer operations against PLAN submarines. Their superior acoustic quieting, advanced sonar suites, and the exceptional training and proficiency of their crews give them a decisive advantage in submarine-on-submarine engagements. Beyond their hunter-killer role, U.S. SSNs are premier ISR platforms, capable of penetrating deep within the A2/AD bubble to conduct covert surveillance, collect critical intelligence, provide targeting data for the joint force, and deploy special operations forces (SOF).

U.S. SSNs, however, do not operate in isolation. They are the leading edge of a coordinated, multi-layered, theater-wide ASW network. This network includes Maritime Patrol and Reconnaissance Aircraft (MPRA), primarily the P-8A Poseidon. The P-8A is the world’s premier aerial ASW platform, capable of rapidly searching vast areas of ocean, deploying extensive fields of advanced sonobuoys to detect and track submarine contacts, and prosecuting those contacts with lightweight torpedoes. Surface combatants, including Aegis destroyers and cruisers, are also critical nodes in the ASW network. They are equipped with powerful hull-mounted and towed-array sonars and embark MH-60R Seahawk helicopters, which are themselves potent ASW platforms equipped with dipping sonars and torpedoes.

This network of kinetic platforms is cued and supported by a web of undersea surveillance systems. This includes fixed acoustic arrays laid on the seabed in strategic locations, mobile surveillance platforms like the Surveillance Towed Array Sensor System (SURTASS) ships, and a growing fleet of unmanned underwater vehicles (UUVs). Together, these systems provide persistent, wide-area surveillance of key transit lanes and operating areas, detecting the faint acoustic signatures of PLAN submarines and passing that information to the hunter-killer platforms.

The U.S. response will also actively exploit the PLAN’s vulnerabilities. U.S. submarines are ideal platforms for offensive minelaying, capable of covertly deploying advanced mines in strategic locations, such as the approaches to PLAN naval bases, to bottle up the Chinese fleet and turn China’s geography into a liability. Furthermore, U.S. forces will employ tactics designed to impose uncertainty and disrupt the PLAN’s more rigid, top-down command and control structure. By creating unpredictable and complex tactical situations, U.S. forces can exploit the superior training and doctrinal empowerment of their own crews.

The undersea battle is arguably the decisive campaign in a potential conflict. If the U.S. can successfully neutralize the PLAN submarine threat, its surface fleet and critical logistics train can operate with much greater freedom of maneuver, making the entire DMO concept fully viable. Conversely, if PLAN submarines can successfully interdict U.S. forces and logistics, the U.S. will be unable to sustain a high-intensity fight in the Western Pacific. Therefore, the U.S. commander’s first and most critical priority must be to win the war for the deeps.

Beyond technology, the U.S. Navy’s most significant and durable advantage in the undersea domain is the human factor. U.S. submarine doctrine is built upon the philosophy of “mission command,” which grants unparalleled autonomy to commanding officers. They are expected to understand the commander’s intent and then exercise disciplined initiative to achieve it, even—and especially—when operating alone and out of communication. The PLAN, by contrast, is known for a more centralized, top-down C2 structure that can be rigid and slow to adapt in a dynamic environment. In the complex, uncertain, and communications-denied battlespace of undersea warfare, the ability of a U.S. submarine commander to make rapid, independent, and intent-driven decisions will be a decisive advantage over a PLAN counterpart who may be waiting for permission from a distant, and potentially unreachable, headquarters. This cultural and doctrinal difference is a true force multiplier.

IV. The C5ISR Blackout: The Multi-Domain Blitz

Preceding or concurrent with any major kinetic operation, the PLAN commander will almost certainly execute a multi-domain blitz aimed at achieving a “systemic paralysis” of U.S. forces. The C5ISR Blackout is a strategy that focuses on non-kinetic means to render U.S. forces deaf, dumb, and blind at the outset of a conflict, thereby severing the digital connective tissue that enables modern, networked warfare.

The Chinese Commander’s Strategy

The strategic objective of the C5ISR Blackout is to disrupt, degrade, and destroy U.S. command, control, communications, computers, cyber, intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance capabilities across the space, cyber, and electromagnetic domains. By attacking the nervous system of the U.S. military, the PLAN aims to prevent the U.S. from conducting effective, coordinated joint operations, thereby isolating individual units and making them vulnerable to follow-on kinetic attacks. This strategy is the direct embodiment of the PLA’s concept of “system destruction warfare,” which posits that victory in modern conflict is achieved not by destroying every enemy platform, but by causing a cascading collapse of the adversary’s operational system.

This mission falls primarily to the PLA’s specialized information warfare units, which were centralized under the Strategic Support Force (SSF) in 2015 and are now being reorganized into more focused entities like the Cyberspace Force and Aerospace Force. These forces are tasked with planning and executing a synchronized, multi-domain attack targeting the foundational pillars of U.S. networked operations.

The key attack vectors are threefold. The first is space warfare, which will target the critical U.S. satellite constellations that provide Position, Navigation, and Timing (PNT) via the Global Positioning System (GPS), global communications (SATCOM), and ISR. The PLA has developed a suite of anti-satellite (ASAT) capabilities to achieve this, ranging from direct-ascent kinetic kill vehicles to co-orbital robotic satellites that can jam, spoof, or physically disable U.S. assets in orbit. They can also employ ground-based directed energy weapons (lasers) to dazzle or damage satellite sensors and conduct cyberattacks against satellite ground control stations.

The second vector is cyber warfare. The PLA will launch large-scale cyberattacks aimed at both military and civilian targets. Military targets will include command and control networks, logistics and maintenance databases, and weapon system software. The goal is to corrupt data, deny access to critical systems, inject malware, and generally sow chaos and confusion within the U.S. command structure. Civilian targets will include critical infrastructure in the U.S. homeland and at forward operating bases, such as power grids, transportation networks, and financial systems, with the aim of disrupting U.S. mobilization and creating domestic political pressure.

The third vector is Electronic Warfare (EW). The PLA will conduct widespread and intensive jamming of the electromagnetic spectrum. This will target critical U.S. military communications links, such as Link-16, which connects aircraft, ships, and ground forces. It will also involve broad-area jamming of GPS signals to disrupt navigation and the guidance of precision munitions. Additionally, PLA EW assets will target U.S. radar systems on ships and aircraft to degrade their ability to detect and track incoming threats. The PLA views the integration of cyber and EW, what it calls “integrated network electronic warfare,” as a core component of its information-centric strategy.

China views the achievement of information dominance as an essential prerequisite for kinetic success. A PLAN commander is highly unlikely to launch a major operation like the Saturation Strike (Strategy I) without first attempting to degrade U.S. defenses through a C5ISR Blackout. The two strategies are inextricably linked. The effectiveness of key U.S. defensive systems like NIFC-CA and the entire DMO concept depends absolutely on robust, resilient networking. PLA doctrine explicitly identifies these networks as a primary target, aiming to “paralyze the enemy’s operational system-of-systems” in the initial stages of a conflict. Therefore, the C5ISR attack is not an ancillary operation; it is the opening move of the campaign, designed to “soften up” the battlespace and create the conditions for the kinetic strike to succeed. This strategy is enabled by China’s policy of “Military-Civil Fusion,” which legally mandates that civilian entities, including tech companies, universities, and individual hackers, support the state’s national security objectives. This “whole-of-society” approach provides the PLA with a massive pool of talent, resources, and attack vectors for its cyber operations.

The U.S. Commander’s Response

The U.S. commander’s strategic objective is not merely to survive a C5ISR Blackout, but to fight through it and win in a degraded and contested information environment. This is achieved by building both technical and doctrinal resilience and by leveraging a superior command and control philosophy that thrives in chaos.

The first line of effort is building architectural resilience into the U.S. C5ISR infrastructure. A core goal of Project Overmatch is to create a resilient, self-healing network that is “transport agnostic,” meaning it can dynamically route data through multiple pathways—satellite, line-of-sight radio, mobile mesh networks, laser communications—to bypass jammed or destroyed links. The U.S. is also actively developing and deploying redundant systems to reduce single points of failure. This includes proliferating large constellations of smaller, cheaper satellites in low-earth orbit (LEO), which are more difficult for an adversary to target and destroy wholesale than a few large, exquisite satellites in higher orbits. It also involves developing alternative PNT sources to reduce the force’s critical dependency on GPS. In the cyber domain, the response is proactive. U.S. Cyber Command conducts “hunt forward” operations, where cyber defense teams work with allies to identify and neutralize adversary malware and tools within foreign networks before they can be used against the U.S..

However, technology alone is an insufficient defense. The U.S. Navy’s greatest strength in a blackout scenario is its doctrinal resilience, rooted in its command and control philosophy. Unlike the PLA’s highly centralized, top-down C2 structure, the U.S. Navy operates on the principle of mission command. Commanders are given the “what” (the objective and the commander’s intent) but are not micromanaged on the “how.” Subordinate commanders at the tactical edge—a ship’s captain, a squadron leader—are trusted and empowered to take disciplined initiative to achieve that intent, even when they are cut off from higher headquarters. This is not an ad-hoc response; it is a deeply ingrained cultural trait. U.S. forces regularly and rigorously train in communications-denied environments to practice decentralized operations. This builds the trust, confidence, and procedural knowledge necessary for the force to continue to function effectively even when the network fails.

Finally, the U.S. will not simply absorb information warfare attacks passively. It will retaliate in kind, imposing costs by targeting the critical nodes of China’s own C5ISR architecture and its deeply intertwined military-civilian infrastructure.

This confrontation is ultimately a clash of cultures and philosophies. China is betting on technology to enable and enforce centralized control. The United States is betting on its people to enable decentralized execution. In a successful C5ISR Blackout scenario, where networks are severely degraded, the Chinese system, which requires constant, high-bandwidth connectivity to function as designed, would likely grind to a halt. Tactical units would be left waiting for orders they cannot receive. The U.S. system, while also degraded, is designed to continue functioning. Individual ship and squadron commanders, operating on their last received commander’s intent, would continue to fight and make decisions. In such an environment, the force that can continue to observe, orient, decide, and act—even while “blind”—will win. This threat environment also accelerates the imperative to develop a “hybrid fleet” of manned and unmanned systems. Unmanned platforms can serve as resilient, low-cost, and attritable sensor and communication nodes, extending the network in a contested environment and conducting high-risk missions like EW or deception, thereby preserving more valuable manned platforms. Initiatives like Project Overmatch are explicitly designed to provide the robust command and control necessary for this future hybrid fleet. The response to the blackout threat is therefore not just to protect the current force, but to evolve into a more resilient, distributed, and ultimately more lethal force structure.

V. The War of Attrition: The Industrial Gambit

Should the initial, high-intensity phases of a conflict fail to produce a decisive outcome, the PLAN commander may pivot to a strategy designed to leverage China’s most profound and asymmetric advantage: its immense industrial capacity. The War of Attrition is a strategy that looks beyond the first battle to win a protracted conflict by replacing combat losses of ships, munitions, and personnel at a rate that the United States and its allies cannot match, ultimately grinding down the U.S. Navy’s material capacity and political will to continue the fight.

The Chinese Commander’s Strategy

The strategic objective of the War of Attrition is to win a long war by transforming the conflict from a contest of tactical and operational skill into a contest of industrial output and national resolve. The foundation of this strategy is China’s unparalleled dominance in global manufacturing and, specifically, shipbuilding. China possesses the world’s largest shipbuilding industry, with a capacity that is estimated to be over 230 times greater than that of the United States. In a protracted conflict, China’s numerous and massive shipyards could be fully mobilized for military purposes, allowing it to repair damaged warships and construct new ones at a pace that the strained U.S. industrial base simply cannot equal.

This industrial might underpins the PLAN’s numerical superiority. The PLAN is already the world’s largest navy by ship count and is rapidly closing the gap in high-end combatants and VLS cells. This larger force structure allows the PLAN to absorb combat losses that would be crippling for the smaller U.S. fleet. As one wargaming analysis concluded, even after suffering catastrophic losses, the PLAN could still have more surface warships remaining than the U.S. Navy and would be able to continue the naval battle.

The operational concept flowing from this reality is one of accepting, and even planning for, a high rate of attrition. The Chinese commander, backed by the political will of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), may have a much higher tolerance for combat losses than their U.S. counterpart. They may view their ships and sailors as expendable assets in service of the ultimate strategic goal of victory. Operationally, this could manifest as a willingness to “trade” assets—for example, sacrificing a Type 052D destroyer to create an opportunity to score a hit on a U.S. high-value asset like a carrier or a logistics ship, confident in their ability to replace their loss more easily. The overarching goal is to force a high rate of attrition on the smaller, more technologically complex, more expensive, and slower-to-replace U.S. fleet, particularly its limited number of forward-based assets and its vulnerable logistics and support ships.

This strategy effectively turns time into China’s greatest ally. In a short, decisive conflict, U.S. advantages in technology, training, and doctrine might carry the day. However, in a long, grinding war of industrial attrition, China’s manufacturing might becomes the decisive factor. The longer the conflict lasts, the more the material balance of power will shift in China’s favor. Therefore, the Chinese commander’s strategic imperative is to survive the initial U.S. blows and drag the conflict into a protracted struggle where their industrial advantage can be brought to bear.

However, there is a significant and untested variable in this calculus: China’s actual societal risk tolerance. While the authoritarian state can theoretically absorb massive losses, the modern PLA, largely composed of soldiers from single-child families, has no experience with the brutal realities of high-intensity combat. The CCP’s domestic legitimacy rests heavily on its projection of strength, competence, and national success. Unlike the U.S. military, which has been engaged in continuous combat operations for over two decades, the PLA has not fought a major war in over forty years. A series of humiliating naval defeats, with catastrophic casualties broadcast in the modern information age, could pose a significant threat to the CCP’s domestic stability. This could mean that Beijing’s actual tolerance for attrition is far lower than its industrial capacity might suggest.

The U.S. Commander’s Response

The U.S. commander’s response to the threat of a war of attrition must be to reject its premise entirely. The United States cannot win a war of industrial attrition against China; therefore, it must not fight one. The U.S. strategy must be designed to achieve decisive effects early in the conflict, targeting critical Chinese vulnerabilities and leveraging the full weight of allied power to prevent the conflict from devolving into a grinding slugging match.

The primary line of effort is to fight a decisive campaign that avoids a simple ship-for-ship exchange rate. This involves targeting China’s critical strategic vulnerabilities. Instead of trying to sink every PLAN warship, U.S. forces, particularly its stealthy submarine fleet, will be tasked with attacking China’s strategic Achilles’ heel: its profound dependence on seaborne imports of energy (oil and natural gas), food, and industrial raw materials. The U.S. Navy’s global reach and undersea dominance are perfectly suited to imposing a distant blockade on key maritime chokepoints far from China’s shores, such as the Strait of Malacca, the Lombok Strait, the Strait of Hormuz, and the Bab el-Mandeb. Such a campaign could cripple the Chinese economy and its ability to sustain a war effort without having to fight through the heart of the heavily defended A2/AD bubble. This shifts the battlefield from the tactical and operational levels, where China has numerical advantages, to the grand strategic level, where the U.S. holds a decisive advantage.

The second critical component of the U.S. response is the full integration of its allies, who serve as a powerful force multiplier that negates China’s numerical advantage. The United States does not fight alone. The naval power of key allies like the Japan Maritime Self-Defense Force (JMSDF), the Royal Australian Navy (RAN), and the Republic of Korea Navy is substantial. When integrated into a combined operational plan, this allied force helps to offset the PLAN’s numbers and presents the Chinese commander with a multi-front, multi-national threat that vastly complicates their strategic calculus. Furthermore, allies like Japan and the Philippines provide indispensable geographic access, allowing U.S. and allied forces to operate from dispersed land bases within the first island chain. This enables a more effective counter-A2/AD posture, including the use of land-based anti-ship missiles to contest key waterways.

Finally, the U.S. is beginning to counter China’s industrial mass with a different kind of mass: attritable, autonomous systems. The Department of Defense’s Replicator Initiative is a direct response to the attrition problem. This initiative aims to field thousands of low-cost, autonomous, and “attritable” systems—unmanned ships, submarines, and aircraft—that can be produced quickly and in large numbers. These systems can be used to absorb enemy fire, saturate defenses, conduct high-risk surveillance missions, and deliver ordnance, all while preserving the more valuable, and difficult to replace, high-end manned fleet.

The U.S. response, therefore, is profoundly asymmetric. It trades China’s tactical and operational strength (ship numbers and industrial capacity) for its grand strategic weakness (dependence on maritime trade). It recognizes that while the U.S. industrial base may be outmatched by China’s alone, the combined industrial and military power of the United States and its global network of allies is not. In a long war, the ability to draw on the shipbuilding, maintenance facilities, and combat power of allies like Japan and South Korea is a massive force multiplier that China, with few powerful military allies of its own, cannot match. The U.S. commander’s most critical task in preparing for a potential protracted conflict is not just managing U.S. forces, but effectively leading and integrating a multinational coalition. This alliance network is the United States’ true strategic center of gravity and the ultimate counter to China’s industrial gambit.

Conclusion: The Commander’s Imperatives for Maintaining Maritime Superiority

The analysis of these five strategic pairings reveals a clear and consistent pattern. The naval confrontation in the Western Pacific is fundamentally a contest between two opposing paradigms of warfare: a highly integrated, centrally controlled, but potentially brittle Chinese system designed to deliver a decisive first blow, and a U.S. operational model predicated on decentralized execution, systemic resilience, and allied integration, designed to absorb that initial blow and prevail in the ensuing chaos. The PLAN’s strategies rely on achieving information dominance and executing a perfectly synchronized plan. The U.S. Navy’s DMO concept assumes that information will be contested, networks will be degraded, and plans will be disrupted. The side that can more effectively operate and adapt within that chaotic reality will hold the decisive advantage.

Victory for the U.S. commander in such a conflict is not preordained. It will depend on achieving and maintaining superiority in three key, interrelated areas that form a triad of victory for modern naval warfare.

First is Superior Technology. This does not simply mean having better individual platforms, but rather fielding a superior network that enables the entire force. The full realization of a resilient, multi-pathway, and secure network, as envisioned by Project Overmatch, is the essential technical foundation for Distributed Maritime Operations. It is the digital backbone that will allow a dispersed force to concentrate its effects, share targeting data in a contested environment, and execute complex, multi-domain operations at a tempo the adversary cannot match.

Second is Superior Doctrine. Technology is only as effective as the concepts that govern its use. The complete operationalization of DMO across the fleet is paramount. This requires moving beyond theory and wargames to make decentralized, multi-domain operations the default mode of thinking and operating for every strike group, every ship, and every squadron. It demands a mastery of fighting as a networked but dispersed force, comfortable with ambiguity and empowered to act on mission intent.

Third, and most important, is Superior People. In the final analysis, the U.S. Navy’s most significant and durable asymmetric advantage is its command culture. The principle of mission command—of empowering sailors and junior officers, of trusting subordinate commanders to take disciplined initiative, and of fostering a culture of creative problem-solving at the tactical edge—is the ultimate counter to a rigid, top-down, and centrally controlled adversary. In a conflict characterized by C5ISR blackouts and the fog of war, the side that trusts its people will out-think, out-maneuver, and out-fight the side that does not.

From this analysis, three high-level imperatives emerge for the U.S. commander and the naval service as a whole:

  1. Accelerate DMO Enablers: The highest priority for investment and fielding must be the technologies that make DMO a reality. This includes the rapid, fleet-wide deployment of Project Overmatch networking capabilities, the procurement and stockpiling of long-range precision munitions (such as the Maritime Strike Tomahawk and LRASM), and the large-scale integration of unmanned and autonomous systems to provide attritable mass and extend the reach of the manned fleet.
  2. Deepen Allied Integration: U.S. alliances are its greatest strategic asset and the definitive counter to China’s numerical and industrial advantages. The U.S. Navy must move beyond simple interoperability—the ability for systems to exchange data—to true integration of command and control, operational planning, logistics, and targeting with key allies, particularly the Japan Maritime Self-Defense Force. This means training, planning, and operating as a single, combined fleet.
  3. Double Down on Mission Command: The cultural advantage of decentralized command must be relentlessly reinforced. This requires investing in realistic, stressful, and large-scale training scenarios that force commanders to operate in communications-denied environments. The Navy must continue to select, train, and promote leaders who demonstrate the character, competence, and judgment to act decisively in the face of uncertainty. The side that can better harness the cognitive power of its people at every level of command will prevail.

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Threat Assessment and Counter-Strategies for an Air-Sea Confrontation in the Western Pacific

A potential high-intensity conflict in the Western Pacific would represent the most significant military challenge for the United States in generations. It would not be a simple contest of platforms—ship versus ship or aircraft versus aircraft—but a fundamental confrontation between two opposing military philosophies, doctrines, and operational systems. The People’s Liberation Army (PLA) has spent three decades developing a comprehensive warfighting approach designed specifically to counter U.S. power projection. This approach is rooted in the concept of “Systems Confrontation” , a doctrine aimed at paralyzing an adversary’s entire operational architecture rather than attriting its forces piece by piece. This doctrine is operationalized through a formidable Anti-Access/Area Denial (A2/AD) fortress, a multi-layered network of sensors and long-range precision weapons intended to make the seas and skies within the First and Second Island Chains prohibitively dangerous for U.S. forces.

The U.S. response to this challenge is not to match the PLA system for system, but to counter with a doctrine based on resilience, agility, and networked lethality. The core tenets of this counter-strategy are Distributed Maritime Operations (DMO) and Joint All-Domain Command and Control (JADC2). DMO seeks to enhance survivability and combat power by dispersing naval forces over wide areas while concentrating their effects through networking. JADC2 is the technological and doctrinal framework intended to create a resilient, self-healing, “any sensor, any shooter” network that connects the entire joint force across all domains—sea, air, land, space, and cyberspace.

From a commander’s perspective, the central problem is how to maintain combat effectiveness and project power when faced with a PLA strategy explicitly designed to sever command and control (C2) linkages, hold high-value assets like aircraft carriers at extreme risk, and overwhelm conventional defenses with massed fires. In this environment, victory will not be determined by material superiority alone. It will be decided by which side can achieve and maintain “decision advantage”—the ability to sense, make sense, decide, and act faster and more effectively than the adversary across the entire battlespace. This assessment identifies the five most probable and impactful strategies a PLA commander will employ and outlines the corresponding U.S. operational responses required to seize the initiative and prevail.

Warfighting FunctionU.S. Doctrine/ConceptPLA Doctrine/Concept
Command & ControlJoint All-Domain Command & Control (JADC2)Systems Destruction Warfare / Informatized Warfare
Force EmploymentDistributed Maritime Operations (DMO)Anti-Access/Area Denial (A2/AD)
Strategic GoalEscalation Dominance / DeterrenceDissipative Warfare / Winning Without Fighting
Technological EdgeHuman-Machine Teaming / AI AugmentationIntelligentized Warfare / AI-Driven C2
Operational MethodIntegrated, All-Domain ManeuverConcentrated Kinetic Pulse / Annihilation by Mass

I. PLA Strategy 1: The System-Centric Opening Salvo – Paralyze Before You Annihilate

The Chinese Commander’s Approach: Systems Destruction Warfare in Practice

The PLA’s “basic operational method” for modern warfare is “Systems Confrontation,” a concept that views military forces not as collections of individual units but as integrated “systems of systems”. The PLA’s theory of victory, therefore, is “Systems Destruction Warfare,” which prioritizes fragmenting the adversary’s operational system into isolated, ineffective components, thereby achieving a state where the whole is less than the sum of its parts—making “1+1<2”. This doctrine, developed from meticulous observation of U.S. network-centric military victories in the 1990s, is designed to turn a core American strength—our reliance on information networks—into a critical vulnerability. The objective of the opening salvo is not annihilation but paralysis: to degrade the U.S. OODA (Observe, Orient, Decide, Act) loop, sow confusion, and achieve decision paralysis before the main kinetic battle is joined.

This initial assault will be a simultaneous, multi-domain attack targeting the central nervous system of U.S. forces in the theater. The PLA’s organizational reforms, particularly the 2015 creation of the Strategic Support Force (SSF) to unify space, cyber, and electronic warfare capabilities, provide concrete evidence that this is not an abstract theory but a core, operationalized warfighting concept. The attack vectors will include:

  • Cyber Domain: In line with its doctrine of “informatized warfare,” the PLA will execute a sophisticated campaign of offensive cyber operations. The primary targets will be the command and control networks that enable joint operations, as well as logistics databases and information systems architectures. The goal is to corrupt data, disrupt communications, and inject malware that degrades the reliability of the information upon which commanders depend, creating widespread confusion and mistrust in our own systems.
  • Space Domain: The PLA recognizes U.S. dependency on space-based assets for C4ISR, precision navigation, and timing. The opening moves of a conflict will almost certainly include attacks on this architecture. These attacks will be both kinetic, using anti-satellite (ASAT) missiles to physically destroy key nodes, and non-kinetic, employing jamming and cyberattacks to temporarily disable or deceive our satellites. The objective is to blind our long-range sensors and sever the satellite communication (SATCOM) links that are the backbone of our networked force, effectively isolating combatant formations from each other and from strategic command.
  • Electromagnetic Spectrum: A pervasive electronic warfare (EW) campaign will seek to establish dominance in the electromagnetic spectrum. Specialized aircraft, such as the J-16D, will be deployed to jam U.S. radars, datalinks like Link-16, and GPS signals. This creates a “complex electromagnetic environment” designed to degrade situational awareness, disrupt weapon guidance systems, and sever the tactical data links between platforms, preventing them from operating as a cohesive force.
  • Targeting Key Physical Nodes: This non-kinetic assault will be complemented by precision strikes against the physical infrastructure of our command and control system. Using their arsenal of conventional ballistic and cruise missiles, the PLA will target fixed, high-value C2 nodes such as regional Air Operations Centers, major headquarters, and critical communications hubs located on U.S. and allied bases throughout the theater.

U.S. Commander’s Response: JADC2 and Doctrinal Resilience

The U.S. counter to a system-centric attack is not to build an impenetrable shield, but to field a system that is inherently resilient, adaptable, and capable of operating effectively even when degraded. This is the core purpose of the Joint All-Domain Command and Control (JADC2) concept. JADC2 is not a single piece of hardware but an overarching approach to creating a secure, cloud-like environment for the joint force, enabling any sensor to connect to any shooter. The immediate operational priority is to fight through the initial salvo by assuming that some networks will fail and that communications will be contested.

  • Activating the Resilient Network: The JADC2 framework must be designed for failure. It cannot be a brittle, centralized system. It must incorporate redundant communication pathways, including line-of-sight datalinks, laser communications, and dispersed satellite constellations, to ensure that multiple routes exist for critical data. The principle is to create a “self-healing” network that can automatically re-route traffic around damaged or jammed nodes.
  • Decentralization and Edge Processing: A key enabler of resilience is the principle of decentralization, a core tenet of Distributed Maritime Operations. Commanders at the tactical edge must be trained and equipped to operate with mission-type orders, empowered to make decisions based on the commander’s intent even when cut off from higher headquarters. This requires “edge computing” capabilities, where data is processed and analyzed locally on ships and aircraft, allowing them to generate targeting solutions and continue the fight without constant connectivity to a central command node.
  • Leveraging Survivable Nodes: Stealth platforms are critical to this resilient architecture. An F-35, for example, is far more than a strike fighter; it is a flying sensor-fusion engine and a survivable, forward-deployed node in the JADC2 network. Operating within contested airspace, F-35s can use their passive sensors to collect vast amounts of intelligence on enemy dispositions, process that data onboard, and securely share it with other assets—both airborne and surface—to create a localized, ad-hoc battle network that can bypass jammed satellite links or compromised command centers.
  • Proactive Defense (“Defend Forward”): U.S. cyber forces will not be in a passive, defensive posture. In accordance with the “defend forward” doctrine, U.S. Cyber Command will be continuously engaged within adversary networks, seeking to understand their intentions, disrupt their C2 processes, and counter their offensive operations at or before the point of origin. This is a critical element of imposing friction and cost on the PLA’s system as they attempt to do the same to ours, turning the initial phase of the conflict into a contested cyber and electronic battle for information dominance.

II. PLA Strategy 2: The A2/AD Fortress – Forcing a Standoff

The Chinese Commander’s Approach: Operationalizing the “Keep-Out Zone”

The operational centerpiece of the PLA’s strategy is its Anti-Access/Area Denial (A2/AD) system. This is not a simple wall of defenses but a sophisticated, layered defense-in-depth designed to make military operations within the First and Second Island Chains prohibitively costly, thereby deterring U.S. intervention or defeating it if it occurs. The effectiveness of the A2/AD bubble does not rely on any single weapon but on the integrated “system of systems” that connects long-range sensors to long-range shooters. The entire kill chain—from detection and tracking to targeting and engagement—is the true center of gravity of this strategy. The PLA’s militarization of artificial islands in the South China Sea serves as a crucial geographic enabler, creating unsinkable forward bases that extend the reach of their sensor networks and missile coverage, creating overlapping fields of fire that are difficult to circumvent.

The A2/AD fortress is composed of distinct but overlapping layers of kinetic threats:

  • Long-Range Fires (Anti-Access): The outer layer is designed to prevent U.S. forces, particularly Carrier Strike Groups and air assets, from entering the theater of operations. This mission is primarily assigned to the PLA Rocket Force (PLARF). Its key systems include the DF-21D anti-ship ballistic missile (ASBM), with a range of approximately 1,500 km, and the DF-26 intermediate-range ballistic missile, dubbed the “Guam Killer,” with a range of at least 3,000 km. These weapons are designed to strike large, moving targets like aircraft carriers. This layer is increasingly augmented by hypersonic weapons, such as the DF-17, which carries a hypersonic glide vehicle (HGV). The extreme speed (Mach 5-10) and unpredictable, maneuvering trajectory of the HGV are designed to defeat existing U.S. missile defense systems like Aegis and THAAD.
  • Theater-Range Fires (Area Denial): The inner layers of the A2/AD bubble are designed to limit the freedom of action of any U.S. forces that manage to penetrate the outer screen. This involves a dense and redundant network of advanced anti-ship cruise missiles (ASCMs), such as the supersonic YJ-12 and the subsonic, sea-skimming YJ-18. These missiles can be launched from a wide variety of platforms, creating a multi-axis threat: from mobile land-based launchers, from H-6K bombers, from surface combatants like the Type 055 destroyer, and from submarines, including the Type 093 nuclear attack submarine.
  • The Protective IADS Umbrella: The PLA’s offensive missile forces are protected by one of the world’s most robust and modern Integrated Air Defense Systems (IADS). This system combines advanced Russian-made S-400 and S-300 long-range surface-to-air missile (SAM) systems with domestically produced systems like the HQ-9, HQ-22, and the newer, exo-atmospheric HQ-29 interceptor. This network of SAMs is linked by an extensive array of ground-based radars and airborne early warning and control (AEW&C) aircraft, such as the KJ-500A and KJ-600, giving it the capability to detect, track, and engage a wide spectrum of aerial threats, from cruise missiles to 5th-generation stealth aircraft.
System DesignationTypeEstimated Range (km)Launch PlatformsPrimary Role/Target
DF-26Intermediate-Range Ballistic Missile (IRBM)3,000+Transporter Erector Launcher (TEL)U.S. Carrier Strike Groups, U.S. Bases (Guam)
DF-21DAnti-Ship Ballistic Missile (ASBM)1,500-1,700TELU.S. Carrier Strike Groups
DF-17Medium-Range Ballistic Missile w/ HGV1,800-2,500TELHigh-Value U.S. Assets (Carriers, Bases, C2 Nodes)
YJ-18Anti-Ship Cruise Missile (ASCM)~540Type 055/052D Destroyers, SubmarinesU.S. Surface Combatants
YJ-12Supersonic ASCM~400H-6K Bombers, J-16 Fighters, DestroyersU.S. Surface Combatants
S-400 TriumfLong-Range Surface-to-Air Missile (SAM)40-400 (missile dependent)TELU.S. 4th/5th Gen Aircraft, Bombers, Support Aircraft
HQ-9CLong-Range SAM300+TELU.S. 4th/5th Gen Aircraft, Cruise Missiles

U.S. Commander’s Response: Multi-Domain Disintegration of the A2/AD Network

A direct, frontal assault on a mature A2/AD system would be prohibitively costly. The U.S. response must therefore be an indirect, multi-domain campaign designed to systematically dis-integrate the A2/AD network by attacking its critical nodes and severing the links of its kill chain. The goal is not to destroy the entire system at once, but to create temporary and localized corridors of air and sea control, allowing our forces to project power for specific objectives. This campaign will unfold in phases.

  • Phase 1: Blinding the Enemy. The initial focus will be on dismantling the A2/AD C3ISR architecture, rendering the PLA’s long-range shooters ineffective.
  • Subsurface Operations: Our nuclear-powered attack and guided missile submarines (SSNs and SSGNs) are our most survivable and potent assets for this phase. Operating undetected deep inside the A2/AD bubble, they will conduct covert intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance (ISR) to map the enemy’s network. They will then use their significant payload of Tomahawk Land Attack Missiles to execute precision strikes against critical C3ISR nodes, such as coastal over-the-horizon radar sites, satellite ground stations, and hardened command bunkers.
  • Penetrating Air Operations: Stealth aircraft are essential for creating the initial breaches in the formidable IADS. Long-range B-2 and B-21 bombers, escorted by F-22 Raptors providing air superiority, will prosecute the most heavily defended, high-value targets, such as S-400 batteries and key command centers. F-35s will leverage their advanced sensor suites to passively locate and map enemy air defense emitters, feeding this real-time data back into the JADC2 network to enable dynamic re-tasking and follow-on strikes by other assets.
  • Phase 2: Rolling Back the Threat. Once the IADS umbrella has been degraded in specific corridors, we can begin to attrit the PLA’s offensive missile launchers with a lower degree of risk.
  • Standoff Strikes: Carrier Strike Groups and land-based bombers, operating from safer standoff distances outside the densest threat rings, will launch large volleys of long-range, stealthy weapons like the Long Range Anti-Ship Missile (LRASM) and the Joint Air-to-Surface Standoff Missile (JASSM). These weapons will be used to destroy the now-exposed and less-defended mobile launchers for the DF-21D, DF-26, and ASCMs.
  • Non-Kinetic Suppression: Throughout these operations, EA-18G Growler electronic attack aircraft will provide crucial support. They will jam enemy early warning and fire control radars, disrupt communications between command posts and launch units, and protect our strike packages from residual air defense threats, further contributing to the dis-integration of the A2/AD network.

By executing this phased campaign, we can systematically dismantle the A2/AD fortress, creating breaches that allow for the projection of decisive combat power.

III. PLA Strategy 3: The Overwhelming Kinetic Pulse – Annihilation by Mass

The Chinese Commander’s Approach: The Decisive Attack

While the PLA has embraced sophisticated, system-centric warfare, this has not replaced its foundational belief in the importance of mass and annihilation. A core PLA tactical principle, influenced by both Soviet and historical Chinese military thought, is to concentrate overwhelming power at a decisive point and time to annihilate the enemy force—to “use ten against one”. The “Systems Destruction” opening is the shaping operation designed to isolate and weaken a U.S. force element, such as a Carrier Strike Group. The overwhelming kinetic pulse is the decisive operation intended to destroy that isolated element. By degrading the CSG’s long-range sensors and disrupting its datalinks, the PLA hopes to force it into a reactive, close-in fight where numerical superiority can be brought to bear with devastating effect.

A PLA commander will leverage the sheer size of the PLA Navy—the world’s largest by number of ships—and the PLA Air Force to execute a massive, coordinated, multi-axis saturation attack designed to overwhelm the defensive capacity of a CSG. This attack will be characterized by:

  • Massed Missile Strikes: The assault will involve synchronized volleys of missiles from every domain to complicate our defensive problem. This will include waves of H-6K bombers launching long-range ASCMs from the air ; Surface Action Groups led by Type 055 and Type 052D destroyers firing their own large complements of YJ-18 ASCMs ; and covert strikes from submarines, such as the Type 093 SSN, firing submerged-launched cruise missiles.
  • Contesting Air Superiority: The PLA’s J-20 stealth fighters will be tasked with a critical enabling mission: hunting and destroying U.S. high-value air assets. Their primary targets will not be our fighters, but our force multipliers: the E-2D Hawkeye AEW&C aircraft that act as the eyes and ears of the fleet, and the KC-135/KC-46 tankers that are the lifeline for our combat aircraft in the vast Pacific theater. The J-20, with its combination of stealth, speed, and long-range air-to-air missiles, is purpose-built for this “airborne sniper” role. In a less-contested environment, where stealth is not the primary concern, J-20s may be flown in “beast mode,” carrying additional missiles on external pylons to function as highly capable missile trucks.
  • Leveraging a Robust Industrial Base: The PLA commander will operate with the knowledge that China’s defense industrial base has a significantly greater capacity to replace losses in ships, aircraft, and munitions than the United States. This allows the PLA to plan for and accept a higher rate of attrition, potentially trading less-advanced platforms to exhaust our limited stocks of high-end defensive munitions.

U.S. Commander’s Response: The Integrated Defense of the Distributed Fleet

The U.S. counter to a strategy of annihilation by mass cannot be to simply absorb the blow. It must be to deny the PLA the opportunity to concentrate its forces against a single, high-value target. This is the central defensive logic of Distributed Maritime Operations.

  • DMO as a Counter to Saturation: By dispersing the fleet’s combat power across numerous manned and unmanned platforms over a wide geographic area, we fundamentally alter the PLA’s targeting problem. Instead of one lucrative target—the aircraft carrier—they are faced with dozens of smaller, more mobile, and harder-to-find targets. This forces them to divide their reconnaissance and strike assets, diluting the mass of their attack and preventing them from achieving overwhelming local superiority.
  • Layered, Coordinated Defense: The Carrier Strike Group, while operating as part of a distributed fleet, will still execute its well-honed “defense-in-depth” doctrine to defeat any incoming threats that leak through. This is a multi-layered, integrated system:
  • Outer Layer: The E-2D Hawkeye will detect incoming threats at long range and vector F/A-18 and F-35 combat air patrols to engage enemy bombers and fighters before they can launch their weapons.
  • Middle Layer: The Aegis Combat System on the CSG’s cruiser and destroyer escorts will track and engage incoming cruise missiles with long-range Standard Missiles (SM-6 and SM-2).
  • Inner Layer: For any missiles that penetrate the outer layers, terminal defense is provided by shorter-range missiles like the Evolved Sea Sparrow Missile (ESSM) and the Phalanx Close-In Weapon System (CIWS).
  • Concentrating Fires from Dispersed Platforms: DMO is not merely about scattering for survival; it is about networking these dispersed assets to concentrate lethal effects. Under the JADC2 framework, an Aegis destroyer operating 100 nautical miles from the carrier can receive targeting data from the carrier’s E-2D and launch its own SM-6 missiles to defend the carrier. Unmanned Surface Vessels (LUSVs), acting as remote, floating missile magazines, can be positioned to contribute to the defensive screen, increasing the fleet’s overall defensive capacity without putting more sailors at risk. This allows the fleet to absorb a larger attack by distributing the defensive burden across a wider array of platforms.
  • Protecting the Enablers: Recognizing the PLA’s strategy of targeting our high-value air assets, a dedicated contingent of our premier air superiority fighters, the F-22 Raptors, must be assigned to the counter-air mission of protecting our tankers and AEW&C aircraft. Their combination of stealth, supercruise, and advanced sensors makes them the ideal platform to establish a protective screen, actively hunting the PLA’s J-20s and other interceptors that threaten our operational backbone.

IV. PLA Strategy 4: The Dissipative Campaign – Attacking Will and Sustainment

The Chinese Commander’s Approach: Winning Without a Decisive Battle

Should a rapid, decisive victory prove elusive, the PLA is prepared to engage in a protracted conflict designed to erode U.S. operational endurance and political will. This approach is conceptualized in emerging PLA writings as “Dissipative Warfare”. Designed for the “AI era” and conducted under the shadow of nuclear deterrence, this strategy shifts the focus from physical attrition to systemic disruption. The goal is to continuously increase the “entropy,” or disorder, of the adversary’s entire warfighting system—military, political, economic, and social—while maintaining order and cohesion within one’s own. This form of warfare reduces the level of overt bloodshed but intensifies political isolation, economic blockades, and diplomatic strangulation. It is a strategy of patience and asymmetry, leveraging China’s centralized, authoritarian system against our decentralized, democratic one. The PLA is betting that it can win a war of endurance by making the cost of conflict politically unacceptable for the United States long before a decisive military outcome is reached.

The primary tools for this dissipative campaign are the PLA’s long-standing “Three Warfares” doctrine, which will be integrated with persistent, lower-intensity military operations :

  • Public Opinion Warfare: This involves a global information campaign to shape the narrative of the conflict. The PLA will seek to portray U.S. actions as aggressive, imperialistic, and illegitimate, while casting China as the defender of its sovereignty. The goal is to erode support for the war among the American public, create rifts between the U.S. and its allies, and garner sympathy from neutral nations.
  • Psychological Warfare: This campaign will directly target the morale and will to fight of U.S. forces, political leaders, and the public. It will employ sophisticated disinformation, amplify messages of defeatism and war-weariness, issue threats of devastating economic or military consequences, and use advanced technologies to manipulate perceptions and decision-making.
  • Legal Warfare (“Lawfare”): The PLA will use international and domestic legal systems to constrain U.S. military options and legitimize its own actions. This can include challenging the legality of U.S. operations in international forums, promoting interpretations of maritime law that favor China’s claims, and encouraging legal challenges within the U.S. system to slow or halt military deployments.
  • “Social A2/AD”: This broader concept describes how China’s non-military actions—such as creating economic dependencies, fostering political divisions, and conducting massive cyber espionage—are designed to fracture American society and compromise our national resolve. In a conflict, these pre-existing vulnerabilities would be exploited to degrade our capacity to mobilize and respond effectively, creating a form of A2/AD that targets our political will rather than our military platforms.

U.S. Commander’s Response: Contested Logistics and Counter-Coercion

To defeat a strategy of exhaustion, the United States must demonstrate the capacity and the will to endure. This requires a two-pronged response: first, ensuring the sustainment of our own distributed forces in a contested environment, and second, turning the dissipative strategy back against the PLA by targeting its own critical systemic vulnerabilities.

  • Sustaining the Distributed Force: A distributed fleet can only be effective if it can be sustained. A protracted conflict will place immense strain on our logistics train. We must therefore prioritize the development of a robust and resilient logistics network capable of rearming, refueling, and repairing a widely dispersed fleet under constant threat. This involves not only protecting our large, vulnerable supply ships but also fielding new, more survivable logistics platforms, such as the Medium Landing Ship (LSM) and smaller, more numerous oilers (TAOLs), which can service a distributed force without creating large, concentrated targets. Forward-basing of munitions and supplies at secure, dispersed allied locations will also be critical.
  • Turning the Tables: Exploiting China’s SLOC Vulnerability: The most effective way to counter a dissipative strategy is to impose unbearable costs and create systemic disorder within the adversary’s own system. China’s greatest strategic vulnerability is its profound dependence on maritime Sea Lines of Communication (SLOCs) for the importation of energy (oil and natural gas), raw materials, and food, as well as for its export-driven economy. Unlike the United States, which is largely self-sufficient, China’s economy and social stability are critically dependent on the free flow of maritime commerce. Furthermore, China’s economic centers of gravity are heavily concentrated along its vulnerable coastline.
  • A Campaign of Interdiction: The primary instrument for this counter-dissipative campaign will be the U.S. submarine force. Operating covertly and with near-impunity on the high seas, far from the PLA’s A2/AD bubble, our SSNs will conduct a sustained campaign of commerce raiding against Chinese-flagged merchant shipping. This campaign would not need to sink every ship; the mere presence of a credible threat would drive insurance rates to prohibitive levels, forcing ships to remain in port and effectively implementing a distant blockade. This would impose direct, crippling economic costs on the Chinese state, creating internal pressure, disrupting industrial production, and generating the very systemic entropy that their dissipative strategy seeks to inflict upon us.
  • Information Dominance: Concurrently, we must wage our own information campaign. This involves aggressively countering the “Three Warfares” by systematically exposing PLA disinformation, clearly articulating the legal basis for our actions under international law, and maintaining a strong, consistent narrative of defending a free and open international order. This is essential for solidifying allied cohesion and maintaining the domestic political will necessary to see the conflict through to a successful conclusion.

V. PLA Strategy 5: The Intelligentized Gambit – Seizing the Initiative Through Asymmetry

The Chinese Commander’s Approach: Seeking a Paradigm Shift

The PLA is not content to simply master the current paradigm of “informatized” warfare; its leadership is aggressively pursuing what they see as the next military revolution: “intelligentized warfare”. This concept is centered on the integration of artificial intelligence (AI), big data, and autonomous systems into every aspect of military operations. The ultimate goal is to achieve a decisive advantage in the speed and quality of decision-making, creating an AI-driven command and control system that can operate inside an adversary’s human-centric OODA loop, rendering their command structures obsolete. A PLA commander, confident in these emerging capabilities, might employ them to create an asymmetric shock, seeking to achieve a rapid victory or create unforeseen tactical dilemmas that shatter our operational plans.

While many of these capabilities are still developmental, a PLA commander could employ several “intelligentized” gambits:

  • Autonomous Swarms: The deployment of large, coordinated swarms of low-cost, attritable unmanned air and sea vehicles. Directed by a central AI, these swarms could be used to saturate the defenses of a high-value asset like a destroyer, conduct complex, distributed ISR missions, or act as decoys to draw out our limited defensive munitions.
  • AI-Driven Command and Control: The PLA is working towards an AI-powered battle management system that can fuse data from thousands of sensors in real-time, identify and prioritize targets, and automatically recommend the optimal engagement solution to commanders. A mature version of this system could shrink the PLA’s decision cycle from minutes to seconds, allowing them to execute complex, multi-domain attacks at a speed that human staffs cannot possibly match.
  • “Battleverse” and Synthetic Warfare: The PLA is exploring the concept of a “military metaverse” or “battleverse”. This virtual environment would be used to train AI algorithms on millions of simulated combat scenarios, allowing them to learn, adapt, and develop novel tactics that are non-intuitive and unpredictable to human opponents. This could lead to the employment of battlefield strategies that we have never seen or prepared for.
  • Advanced Human-Machine Teaming: PLA research includes concepts like “simulacrums”—humanoid or bionic robots controlled in real-time by human operators using brain-computer interfaces or other advanced controls. These could be used for dangerous tasks like special operations, damage control on stricken ships, or operating in chemically or radiologically contaminated environments, creating a new type of combat unit with unique capabilities and risk profiles.

The greatest danger posed by “intelligentized warfare” is not any single piece of hardware, but the potential for an AI-driven C2 system to achieve a speed of decision and action that makes our own command processes a critical liability. The conflict could transform into a battle of algorithms, where the side with the faster, more adaptive AI gains an insurmountable advantage. However, this also introduces the risk of “brittle” AI. A system trained on simulated data may perform brilliantly within its parameters but could fail catastrophically or act in bizarre, unpredictable ways when faced with the chaos and friction of real combat. A PLA commander, overly confident in their AI, might initiate an action based on a flawed algorithmic calculation that leads to rapid, unintended escalation that neither side can easily control.

U.S. Commander’s Response: Adaptive Force Employment and Escalation Dominance

The U.S. response to the “intelligentized” threat must be to embrace our own technological advantages while mitigating the unique risks posed by AI-driven warfare. It requires a combination of technological counter-measures, doctrinal flexibility, and a firm grasp of escalation management.

  • Human-Machine Teaming: The U.S. approach to AI in warfare must be to augment, not replace, the human commander. We will employ AI and machine learning as powerful tools to filter the massive volumes of data on the modern battlefield, identify patterns and threats, and present prioritized options to human decision-makers. This will accelerate our own OODA loop, allowing us to keep pace with an AI-driven adversary without sacrificing the crucial elements of human judgment, intuition, and ethical oversight.
  • Counter-AI Operations: We must develop and field capabilities designed specifically to defeat intelligentized systems. This includes advanced EW capabilities to jam the datalinks that coordinate drone swarms, rendering them ineffective. It also requires sophisticated cyber operations designed to attack the AI systems themselves—either by corrupting the training data they rely on (“poisoning the well”) or by exploiting algorithmic biases to manipulate their decision-making in our favor.
  • Empowering Subordinate Initiative (Mission Command): A rigid, centralized command structure is a death sentence in a high-speed, AI-driven battle. The U.S. must fully embrace the doctrine of mission command, empowering junior officers at the tactical edge to exercise disciplined initiative. Commanders must be trained to understand the overall intent of the operation and be given the freedom to adapt their actions to rapidly changing, unforeseen circumstances created by enemy AI, without waiting for permission from a higher headquarters. This doctrinal flexibility is a key asymmetric advantage against a more rigid, top-down command culture.
  • Maintaining Escalation Dominance: The ultimate backstop against a destabilizing, asymmetric “intelligentized” gambit is our ability to control the ladder of escalation. We must maintain and clearly signal a credible capability to respond to any level of attack with a response that imposes unacceptable costs on the PLA and the Chinese state. This ensures that the PLA commander always understands that the risks of deploying their most novel, unpredictable, and potentially destabilizing weapons far outweigh any potential tactical or operational reward, thereby deterring their use in the first place.

Conclusion: The Commander’s Synthesis – Achieving Decision Advantage

The strategic challenge posed by the PLA in the Western Pacific is formidable, built on a foundation of doctrinally coherent, technologically advanced, and multi-layered warfighting concepts. The PLA’s strategies—from the opening system-centric salvo to the potential for an “intelligentized” gambit—are designed to counter traditional U.S. military strengths and exploit perceived vulnerabilities in our networked way of war.

However, these strategies are not insurmountable. Victory in this modern, high-intensity conflict will not be achieved by winning a simple war of attrition or a platform-for-platform exchange. It will be achieved by winning the information and decision contest. The full and integrated implementation of Distributed Maritime Operations and Joint All-Domain Command and Control is the key to building a joint force that is more resilient, agile, lethal, and adaptable than the adversary. By achieving and maintaining “decision advantage,” the U.S. can seize the initiative, dictate the tempo of operations, and ultimately prevail.

For the U.S. commander tasked with this mission, five imperatives are paramount:

  1. Assume Day One is Degraded: We must train, equip, and plan for a conflict in which our space and cyber assets are under immediate and sustained attack. Our ability to fight effectively in a degraded C2 environment is a prerequisite for survival and success.
  2. Dismantle, Don’t Destroy: The focus of our initial campaign must be on the dis-integration of the enemy’s A2/AD system by targeting its C3ISR kill chain, rather than attempting to attrite every missile and launcher.
  3. Deny the Decisive Battle: We must use the principles of distribution and dispersal inherent in DMO to deny the PLA the force concentration it requires to execute its preferred strategy of a decisive battle of annihilation.
  4. Wage a Counter-Campaign: In a protracted conflict, we must actively target the adversary’s own systemic vulnerabilities. A sustained campaign to interdict China’s critical maritime SLOCs is our most potent tool for imposing unacceptable costs and winning a war of endurance.
  5. Out-Adapt, Don’t Just Out-Fight: We must embrace our own AI-enabled capabilities within a framework of human-machine teaming and foster a culture of mission command that empowers our forces to adapt faster than an adversary who may become overly reliant on rigid, AI-driven systems. By doing so, we can counter their gambits and maintain the initiative.

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Countering the Dragon: An Operational Assessment of PLA Asymmetric Land Confrontation Strategies

The doctrinal foundation of the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) is undergoing a profound transformation, shifting from a focus on “informatized warfare” to the more advanced concept of “intelligentized warfare”. This evolution signals that any future land confrontation will not be a traditional attrition-based conflict but a dynamic contest between two opposing “system-of-systems”. The PLA’s overarching operational goal, encapsulated in the concept of “systems destruction warfare,” is not the piecemeal destruction of U.S. forces but the induction of catastrophic failure within the U.S. joint force’s operational architecture. This paradigm is predicated on the seamless integration of artificial intelligence (AI), big data analytics, and autonomous systems into every facet of military operations.

Under this new doctrine, “human-machine collaborative decision making” is expected to become the operational norm, with AI-enabled systems augmenting and accelerating the command and control process. Unmanned platforms are envisioned to take a central role in combat, with human operators receding from the front lines to supervisory and command positions. Victory in this intelligentized environment is defined not by territorial gain alone, but by achieving and maintaining decision superiority through faster information processing, superior situational awareness, and a compressed decision-making cycle. The battlespace itself is expanding beyond the traditional physical domains of land, sea, and air to encompass the virtual and cognitive realms, creating what PLA theorists term a “brain battlefield,” where the will to fight and the cognitive capacity of commanders are primary targets. A U.S. military commander must therefore anticipate a multi-domain conflict where the PLA will leverage asymmetric strategies designed to paralyze U.S. command and control, saturate defenses, sever logistical lifelines, and fracture political resolve before the main battle is ever joined.

PLA Asymmetric StrategyPLA Commander’s IntentKey PLA CapabilitiesU.S. Counter-StrategyKey U.S. Enablers
Systems Destruction WarfareAchieve decision dominance by paralyzing the U.S. C5ISR network.Cyber Attacks, Electronic Warfare (EW), Anti-Satellite (ASAT) Weapons, Long-Range Precision FiresResilient, Distributed Command and Control (C2)Joint All-Domain Command and Control (JADC2), Proliferated LEO Satellite Constellations, Mesh Networks, Tactical Cyber Teams, AI-Enabled Decision Support
Multi-Domain A2/AD SaturationCreate an impenetrable fortress to deter or defeat U.S. intervention.Anti-Ship Ballistic Missiles (ASBMs), Hypersonic Weapons, Integrated Air Defense Systems (IADS), Submarines, Mobile Missile LaunchersDisintegrate the A2/AD System from WithinStand-In Forces, Long-Range Precision Fires (PrSM, LRHW), Stealth Platforms (F-35, B-21), Submarines, Agile Combat Employment (ACE)
Unmanned Swarm OffensiveOverwhelm and saturate U.S. defenses with asymmetric, attritable mass.Large-Scale Drone Swarms, Manned-Unmanned Teaming (MUM-T), AI-Enabled Autonomous Systems, “Drone Motherships”Scalable, Layered Counter-UAS and Offensive SwarmingReplicator Initiative, Directed Energy Weapons (Lasers, High-Power Microwaves), Layered Kinetic Interceptors, AI-Driven Threat Recognition
Logistics Interdiction and StrangulationSever the trans-Pacific lifelines and induce logistical collapse of forward-deployed forces.Long-Range Missiles, Submarine Warfare, Naval Mines, Cyber Attacks on Logistics NetworksContested Logistics and Distributed SustainmentDistributed Logistics Networks, Pre-positioned Materiel, Agile Combat Employment (ACE), Intra-Theater Sealift, Allied Host-Nation Support
Political Warfare and Cognitive DominanceFracture U.S. domestic and international resolve to win without fighting or on favorable terms.“Three Warfares” Doctrine: Public Opinion (Media), Psychological, and Legal Warfare (Lawfare), Disinformation CampaignsNarrative Competition and Psychological ResilienceProactive Strategic Communications, Rapid Intelligence Declassification, Integrated Information Operations, Alliance Synchronization, Troop and Family Readiness Programs

I. PLA Strategy 1: Systems Destruction Warfare – Paralyzing the C5ISR Network

PLA Commander’s Intent

The primary objective of a PLA commander employing Systems Destruction Warfare is to achieve decisive operational advantage by blinding, deafening, and isolating U.S. forces at the outset of a conflict. The strategy is designed to induce systemic paralysis by targeting the Command, Control, Computers, Communications, Cyber, Intelligence, Surveillance, and Reconnaissance (C5ISR) network—the central nervous system of the U.S. joint force. This approach is the practical application of the PLA’s core operational concept of “Multi-Domain Precision Warfare” (MDPW), which is explicitly intended to “identify key vulnerabilities in an adversary’s operational system and then to launch precision strikes against those vulnerabilities”. The ultimate goal is not merely to degrade U.S. capabilities but to trigger a cascading failure that causes the entire operational system to “collapse”. By severing the links between sensors, decision-makers, and shooters, the PLA aims to shatter the U.S. military’s ability to coordinate a coherent response, thereby seizing the initiative and dictating the terms of the engagement.

Key Capabilities and Tactics

The execution of Systems Destruction Warfare relies on the tightly synchronized application of non-kinetic and kinetic effects across all domains. The conflict would likely commence with what can be termed an “invisible battle,” where decisive effects are achieved before the first missile impacts its target.

The initial salvo will be a non-kinetic onslaught. This will involve strategic and tactical cyber operations designed to penetrate and disrupt U.S. networks, corrupt critical data, and disable command systems. These cyber effects are not improvisational; they require extensive intelligence preparation of the battlespace and the pre-positioning of malicious code and access points, potentially years in advance of hostilities. Concurrently, the PLA Strategic Support Force (PLASSF) and other theater-level assets will unleash a barrage of electronic warfare (EW) attacks. These attacks will employ a range of ground-based, air, and potentially space-based platforms to jam satellite communications, deny access to the Global Positioning System (GPS), and disrupt the radar and communication systems upon which U.S. forces depend. The non-kinetic assault will extend into space, with counter-space operations targeting U.S. satellite constellations. These operations may range from reversible, non-kinetic effects like laser dazzling of optical sensors and jamming of uplinks and downlinks to kinetic attacks designed to permanently disable or destroy critical ISR, communication, and Position, Navigation, and Timing (PNT) satellites.

This multi-pronged non-kinetic attack will be seamlessly integrated with kinetic precision strikes. Using intelligence gathered over years, the PLA will employ its arsenal of long-range conventional ballistic and cruise missiles to physically destroy the key nodes of the U.S. C5ISR architecture. High-priority targets will include large, static, and difficult-to-disperse assets such as theater-level command headquarters, satellite ground stations, air operations centers, and critical undersea cable landing sites. The orchestration of this complex, multi-domain attack will be managed by the PLA’s own developing “intelligentized” command and control system. This system leverages AI and big data analytics to fuse intelligence from disparate sources, identify vulnerabilities in real-time, and coordinate cross-domain fires at a tempo designed to overwhelm U.S. defensive measures and decision-making processes. This is the essence of their doctrinal shift towards “intelligentized warfare,” where the speed and quality of decision-making, enabled by machine intelligence, becomes the decisive factor.

U.S. Counter-Strategy: Resilient, Distributed C2 via JADC2

The U.S. response to the threat of Systems Destruction Warfare is predicated on a fundamental architectural shift: moving from a highly efficient but brittle centralized C2 structure to a distributed, resilient, and agile model. This new approach is embodied by the Joint All-Domain Command and Control (JADC2) concept. JADC2 is not a single piece of hardware or software but rather a comprehensive approach to “sense, make sense, and act at all levels and phases of war, across all domains, and with partners, to deliver information advantage at the speed of relevance”. It represents the direct American doctrinal and technological counter to the PLA’s MDPW, acknowledging that the future of warfare lies in network-centric, data-driven operations.

The successful implementation of JADC2 relies on several key technological and tactical enablers. A primary line of effort is the move toward proliferated architectures, particularly in space. This involves transitioning from a reliance on a few large, expensive, and high-value satellites to deploying large constellations of smaller, cheaper, and more resilient Low Earth Orbit (LEO) satellites. The Space Development Agency’s National Defense Space Architecture is a prime example of this shift, aiming to create a layered network for communications and missile tracking that is far more difficult for an adversary to degrade. The strategic logic is to create a web of assets so numerous and redundant that attacking it becomes a “wasted and escalatory effort” for the adversary.

This proliferated hardware is supported by the development of resilient mesh networks. These networks are designed to be self-healing, capable of automatically rerouting data traffic when individual nodes or links are destroyed or jammed. This ensures that even in a degraded electromagnetic environment, essential command and targeting data can still reach the tactical edge. A key component of this is the development of gateways that can connect disparate legacy systems with modern networks, ensuring interoperability across the joint force. To manage the immense volume of data generated by this network, JADC2 heavily leverages AI and machine learning. These tools are not intended to replace human commanders but to serve as powerful decision-support aids, capable of rapidly sifting “through mountains of data” to identify emerging threats, correlate intelligence, and recommend optimal courses of action, thereby dramatically accelerating the commander’s decision-making cycle. Finally, this entire architecture is designed to empower commanders at the tactical edge. By pushing data processing and decision-making authority down to the lowest possible level, consistent with the philosophy of Mission Command, the joint force reduces its reliance on vulnerable, centralized headquarters and can continue to operate effectively even when communications with higher echelons are severed.

The fundamental contest in this domain is not merely a competition of technologies but a clash of decision-making cycles. The PLA’s concepts of “intelligentized warfare” and “systems destruction” are explicitly designed to attack and shatter the U.S. military’s OODA loop (Observe, Orient, Decide, Act). They seek to create so much chaos and uncertainty in the information environment that U.S. commanders are paralyzed, unable to form a coherent picture of the battlefield or direct their forces effectively. JADC2 represents the U.S. effort to construct a faster, more robust, and more resilient OODA loop that can function and adapt under the extreme duress of a multi-domain assault. The initial phase of any conflict will therefore be a high-stakes race. The PLA will attempt to achieve systemic paralysis of the U.S. C5ISR network faster than the U.S. can reconfigure its distributed network and adapt its decision-making processes. The victor in this “decision race” will seize an advantage that may prove decisive for the remainder of the conflict, demonstrating the true meaning of the PLA’s concept of the “brain battlefield”.

II. PLA Strategy 2: Multi-Domain A2/AD Saturation – Creating an Impenetrable Fortress

PLA Commander’s Intent

The PLA commander’s intent behind the Anti-Access/Area Denial (A2/AD) strategy is twofold: first, to deter U.S. intervention in a regional crisis, and second, failing deterrence, to make such an intervention prohibitively costly in terms of assets and personnel. The strategy is designed to create a layered, multi-domain fortress around China’s periphery. The “anti-access” (A2) component employs long-range capabilities to prevent U.S. forces from entering the operational area, primarily targeting carrier strike groups and forward air bases. The “area denial” (AD) component uses shorter-range systems to severely restrict the freedom of action of any U.S. forces that manage to penetrate the outer layers. This strategy is a direct and deliberate challenge to the foundational tenets of U.S. power projection, which has historically relied on the ability to establish and maintain air and maritime supremacy through the deployment of aircraft carriers and the use of large, forward-deployed bases.

Key Capabilities and Tactics

The PLA’s A2/AD strategy is built upon a massive and increasingly sophisticated arsenal of conventional missile systems, designed to saturate U.S. and allied defenses through sheer volume and technological complexity. The cornerstone of the anti-access layer is a formidable family of Anti-Ship Ballistic Missiles (ASBMs). This includes the DF-21D, famously dubbed the “carrier killer,” and the longer-range DF-26, which has the reach to threaten key U.S. facilities in Guam, earning it the moniker “Guam killer”. These weapons are designed to hold high-value naval assets at risk from distances exceeding 1,500 kilometers. This threat is compounded by the introduction of hypersonic weapons, such as the DF-17 hypersonic glide vehicle and the rumored YJ-21 air-launched ballistic missile. The extreme speed and unpredictable flight paths of these systems present a severe challenge to current U.S. missile defense capabilities, drastically shortening reaction times and complicating intercept solutions.

This long-range ballistic missile threat is complemented by a vast and diverse inventory of Anti-Ship Cruise Missiles (ASCMs). Systems like the supersonic YJ-12 and the subsonic YJ-18 can be launched from a wide array of platforms, creating a multi-axis, high-volume threat that is difficult to defend against. These platforms include mobile land-based launchers that employ “hit and run” tactics—firing a salvo before retreating to hardened underground facilities to reload—as well as modern naval surface combatants like the Type 055 destroyer, a large fleet of conventional and nuclear submarines, and long-range bombers such as the H-6K.

To control the air domain, the PLA has constructed a dense and overlapping Integrated Air Defense System (IADS). This system layers long-range Russian-made S-400 and domestically produced HQ-9 surface-to-air missiles (SAMs) with medium- and short-range systems, all networked with an array of early warning radars. This ground-based network is integrated with the PLA Air Force’s growing fleet of advanced fighter aircraft, including the J-20 stealth fighter, to create a formidable no-fly zone. The entire A2/AD architecture is further supported by a growing naval presence, including a large surface fleet and an expanding network of militarized artificial islands in the South China Sea, which serve as persistent sensor outposts, airfields, and missile bases, extending the reach and resilience of the A2/AD network.

U.S. Counter-Strategy: Disintegrate the A2/AD System from Within

The U.S. strategic response to the PLA’s A2/AD challenge has evolved beyond the concept of a costly frontal assault to “punch through” the defensive bubble. The current approach is more nuanced, seeking to “invert” the A2/AD concept itself. This involves proactively deploying a distributed, resilient, and lethal network of U.S. sensors and shooters inside the contested zone. The objective is not to breach the wall, but to methodically dismantle it from within by targeting the critical nodes and dependencies of the PLA’s kill chain. This strategy aims to turn the PLA’s highly networked system into a liability by severing the connections between its sensors and its shooters.

This counter-strategy is enabled by several key operational concepts and technologies. The concept of “Stand-In Forces” envisions the forward deployment of small, mobile, low-signature, and relatively low-cost Marine Corps and Army units within the first island chain. These forces, equipped with their own sensors and long-range precision fires, can survive within the enemy’s weapons engagement zone. From these forward positions, they can provide critical targeting data for long-range strikes launched from outside the theater, conduct their own anti-ship and anti-air attacks, and generally complicate the PLA’s targeting problem, forcing the adversary to expend significant resources to find and eliminate them.

These Stand-In Forces will be a key component of a broader joint fires network that includes new ground-launched systems like the Army’s Precision Strike Missile (PrSM) and the Long-Range Hypersonic Weapon (LRHW). By deploying these systems on allied territory, the U.S. can hold key PLA A2/AD assets—such as airfields, ports, command centers, and sensor sites—at risk from dispersed and survivable land-based positions. The deep-strike mission will also rely heavily on undersea and air dominance. U.S. nuclear-powered submarines and advanced stealth aircraft, such as the F-35 and the future B-21 bomber, are critical penetrating ISR and strike platforms capable of operating within the most heavily defended areas to hunt down and destroy mobile missile launchers, air defense systems, and naval vessels.

To ensure the survivability of U.S. airpower, the Air Force is implementing the concept of Agile Combat Employment (ACE). ACE involves dispersing air assets away from large, vulnerable main operating bases to a network of smaller, more austere airfields across the theater. By moving and operating unpredictably, ACE complicates the PLA’s targeting calculus and increases the resilience of U.S. combat airpower, allowing it to continue generating sorties even after initial attacks.

The PLA’s A2/AD capability should not be viewed as a monolithic, impenetrable barrier, but rather as a highly complex, networked “system-of-systems.” Its greatest strength—the tight integration of sensors, command nodes, and weapons platforms—is simultaneously its greatest vulnerability. A successful U.S. counter-strategy, therefore, is contingent on the ability to execute “kill-chain decomposition.” The effectiveness of a weapon like the DF-21D is entirely dependent on a robust and uninterrupted C3ISR architecture to find, fix, track, target, and engage a moving U.S. aircraft carrier. This kill chain is a sequence of dependencies: satellites, over-the-horizon radars, maritime patrol aircraft, and other sensors must detect the target; data must be relayed to a command center for processing; and targeting information must be transmitted to the missile launcher. Instead of attempting the difficult and costly task of intercepting hundreds of incoming missiles, a more effective approach is to attack the “eyes” and “nerves” of the system. By employing a combination of stealth platforms, cyber attacks, electronic warfare, and distributed precision fires to blind the PLA’s radars, jam its data links, and destroy its command nodes, the U.S. can sever the critical connections between sensors and shooters. This approach renders the PLA’s vast and expensive missile arsenal effectively blind and incapable of striking mobile, high-value targets. The contest, therefore, is not a simple matter of missile versus missile defense; it is a comprehensive, multi-domain campaign to systematically disintegrate the PLA’s kill web.

III. PLA Strategy 3: Unmanned Swarm Offensive – Overwhelming with Asymmetric Mass

PLA Commander’s Intent

A PLA commander will employ unmanned swarm offensives with the intent to saturate and overwhelm the technologically superior, but often numerically inferior, defensive systems of U.S. forces. The PLA is aggressively pursuing the development of a “true swarm” capability, leveraging large quantities of low-cost, attritable, and increasingly autonomous unmanned systems (UxS). The core strategic logic is to invert the traditional cost-imposition ratio. By forcing the U.S. to expend expensive, high-end interceptors (such as a Standard Missile-6, costing several million dollars) to destroy cheap, mass-produced drones (costing only thousands of dollars), the PLA can deplete U.S. magazines and achieve battlefield effects at a fraction of the cost. This strategy reflects a significant doctrinal shift within the PLA, moving from “a human-centric fighting force with unmanned systems in support, to a force centered on unmanned systems with humans in support”.

Key Capabilities and Tactics

The PLA’s swarm capabilities are rapidly advancing from theoretical concepts to tested operational systems. State-owned defense contractors have demonstrated systems capable of deploying swarms of up to 200 fixed-wing drones at a time from a single ground-based launch vehicle. Furthermore, the PLA is developing aerial deployment methods, including the concept of a “drone mothership” like the Jiu Tian SS-UAV, a large unmanned aircraft designed to carry and release a hundred or more smaller loitering munitions or ISR drones from within the battlespace.

These swarms will be integrated with manned platforms through Manned-Unmanned Teaming (MUM-T) concepts. For example, the two-seat variant of the J-20 stealth fighter, the J-20S, is believed to be optimized for mission management and the control of “loyal wingman” drones, which would fly alongside the manned aircraft to extend sensor range, carry additional munitions, or act as decoys. The application of these swarms is envisioned to be multi-domain. The PLA is actively exercising with drone swarms in scenarios relevant to a Taiwan conflict, including amphibious landings, island-blocking operations, and complex urban warfare. These exercises involve not only unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) but also unmanned surface vessels (USVs) and unmanned ground vehicles (UGVs), referred to as “robot wolves” in PLA media.

The effectiveness of these swarms will be magnified by increasing levels of AI-enabled autonomy. While the precise degree of autonomy currently achieved remains a subject of analysis, the PLA’s research and development efforts are clearly focused on this area. The PLA is exploring the use of reinforcement learning and other AI techniques to enable swarms to coordinate their actions, dynamically re-task themselves in response to battlefield events, and exhibit emergent behaviors without requiring constant, direct human control. These intelligent swarms will be employed for a variety of missions, including persistent ISR, electronic attack, acting as decoys to confuse air defense systems, and conducting coordinated kinetic strikes against land and sea targets.

U.S. Counter-Strategy: Scalable, Layered Counter-UAS Defense and Offensive Swarming

The United States cannot win a conflict against drone swarms by engaging in a one-for-one kinetic exchange; such an approach is economically unsustainable. The U.S. counter-strategy must therefore be based on a scalable, layered defense-in-depth that prioritizes low-cost-per-shot effectors, while simultaneously embracing the logic of asymmetric mass through initiatives like Replicator to turn the swarm dilemma back on the adversary.

A robust counter-swarm defense requires a layered approach around high-value assets, integrating multiple kill mechanisms to create a resilient defensive screen. The outer layer of this defense will consist of electronic warfare systems designed to jam the command-and-control links and GPS signals that less-autonomous swarms rely upon for navigation and coordination. The next layer will increasingly be composed of directed energy weapons. High-energy lasers and high-power microwave systems offer the promise of deep magazines and a near-zero cost-per-shot, making them ideal for engaging large numbers of incoming drones. For swarm elements that penetrate these initial layers, the defense will rely on a mix of kinetic interceptors, ranging from traditional air defense systems to more novel, low-cost interceptors (such as the Coyote system), all guided by AI-driven fire control systems capable of tracking and prioritizing hundreds of targets simultaneously.

However, a purely defensive posture is insufficient. The U.S. must also develop its own offensive swarm capabilities. The Department of Defense’s Replicator initiative is a direct response to this imperative. It is a signature effort to field “thousands of cheap autonomous drones across all domains”—including loitering munitions, ISR quadcopters, and unmanned surface and undersea vehicles—within an accelerated 18-to-24-month timeframe. The strategic goal of Replicator is not just to defend against PLA swarms but to impose the same targeting and cost-imposition dilemmas on them. By developing our own “attritable autonomous systems,” the U.S. can saturate PLA defenses, conduct distributed ISR, and execute precision strikes at scale, thereby neutralizing the PLA’s asymmetric advantage.

Underpinning both defensive and offensive swarm operations is the critical role of artificial intelligence. Defensively, AI algorithms are essential for analyzing sensor data from multiple sources to distinguish between potentially thousands of individual swarm elements, differentiate high-value targets (like a command-and-control drone) from simple sensors, prioritize threats, and automate engagement sequences at machine speed. Offensively, AI is the key to enabling U.S. swarms to operate with the level of coordinated autonomy needed to be effective in a complex and contested environment.

The emergence of drone swarm warfare signals a fundamental change in the character of modern conflict. It marks a shift away from a decades-long focus on exquisite, high-cost, and survivable platforms toward a new paradigm where mass, autonomy, and attritability become decisive attributes. This presents not just a tactical or technological challenge, but a profound industrial and economic one. The PLA is explicitly developing drone swarms to leverage an “asymmetric advantage” rooted in economics: a $10,000 drone can potentially disable a multi-billion-dollar warship or force the expenditure of a multi-million-dollar interceptor missile, a cost-exchange ratio that is unsustainable for the U.S. in a protracted conflict. The Replicator initiative is a direct acknowledgment of this economic reality. It represents a strategic admission that the U.S. cannot win this competition simply by building better and more expensive defenses; it must also compete and win in the game of “mass.” This requires a significant transformation of the U.S. defense industrial base, which has long been optimized for producing small numbers of highly complex and expensive systems. The future security environment will demand the ability to design, build, and deploy thousands of cheap, “good enough,” and autonomous systems at industrial scale and speed. In the long run, the nation that develops the more agile and scalable manufacturing and software development ecosystem will likely hold the decisive advantage in the era of swarm warfare.

IV. PLA Strategy 4: Logistics Interdiction and Strangulation – Severing the Lifelines

PLA Commander’s Intent

A PLA commander will seek to exploit what is arguably the U.S. military’s most significant strategic vulnerability in a potential Indo-Pacific conflict: the “tyranny of distance”. The PLA’s strategy for logistics interdiction is designed to attack and sever the long, fragile trans-Pacific supply chains and target the large, centralized logistical hubs upon which U.S. forces depend. The commander’s intent is to prevent the initial deployment and subsequent sustainment of U.S. forces in a protracted conflict, thereby causing a logistical collapse that renders forward-deployed units unable to fight effectively. By strangling the flow of fuel, munitions, spare parts, and personnel, the PLA aims to win a war of exhaustion, making it impossible for the U.S. to maintain a credible combat presence in the theater.

Key Capabilities and Tactics

The PLA will employ a multi-domain approach to interdict U.S. logistics. Kinetic strikes will form a major component of this strategy. The same long-range conventional missile arsenal developed for the A2/AD mission, particularly systems like the DF-26, will be used to target critical logistical nodes that represent concentrated points of failure. High-priority targets will include major ports such as those in Guam and Yokosuka, Japan, key airfields like Kadena Air Base in Okinawa, and large-scale fuel and munitions storage facilities. These strikes are designed to destroy infrastructure, disrupt operations, and create bottlenecks that paralyze the entire sustainment network.

Beyond fixed infrastructure, the PLA will actively target the sea and air lines of communication (SLOCs and ALOCs) that connect the U.S. mainland to the theater of operations. The PLA Navy’s large and growing fleet of conventional and nuclear-powered submarines will be tasked with hunting and sinking vulnerable military sealift and airlift vessels transiting the vast Pacific Ocean. This threat will be augmented by the potential use of naval mines to close off strategic chokepoints and harbor entrances, as well as long-range anti-ship missiles launched from aircraft and surface ships to hold transport vessels at risk from extreme distances.

The kinetic campaign will be complemented by non-kinetic attacks. The PLA will conduct sophisticated cyber attacks targeting the complex web of software and databases that manage the global U.S. logistics enterprise. By targeting Enterprise Resource Planning (ERP) systems, order management software, and transportation databases, the PLA can sow chaos, corrupt data, and introduce crippling delays, effectively disrupting the highly efficient “just-in-time” delivery model upon which the U.S. military has come to rely. In addition, the potential use of PLA special operations forces (SOF) for reconnaissance, sabotage, and subversion against logistical infrastructure and supply chains within allied and partner nations cannot be discounted.

U.S. Counter-Strategy: Contested Logistics and Distributed Sustainment

The U.S. military is responding to this threat by acknowledging a new reality: logistics is no longer a benign, rear-area function but a deeply contested warfighting domain. The counter-strategy involves a fundamental paradigm shift away from the hub-and-spoke logistical model, which was optimized for efficiency in a permissive environment, to a new model of distributed sustainment that is optimized for resilience and effectiveness under persistent, multi-domain attack.

The core tenet of this new approach is distributed logistics. This involves breaking up massive, consolidated depots of fuel, munitions, and other supplies—such as the now-decommissioning Red Hill Bulk Fuel Storage Facility—and dispersing these stocks across a wide network of smaller, hardened, and geographically separated locations throughout the Indo-Pacific theater. This dispersal greatly complicates the PLA’s targeting problem, as there is no longer a single point of failure whose destruction could cripple U.S. operations. This strategy is coupled with an increased emphasis on pre-positioning critical supplies forward within the theater. By staging larger quantities of fuel, munitions, spare parts, and medical supplies in-theater before a conflict begins, the U.S. can reduce its immediate reliance on vulnerable trans-oceanic sealift during the initial, most intense phase of hostilities.

The concept of Agile Combat Employment (ACE) is as much a logistical strategy as it is an airpower one. ACE necessitates the pre-positioning of fuel, munitions, and support equipment at a network of austere airfields. It also drives the development of multi-capable Airmen who are trained to perform multiple functions—such as refueling, re-arming, and basic maintenance—allowing aircraft to operate from dispersed locations with a minimal logistical footprint and breaking the dependence on large, vulnerable main operating bases. To connect these dispersed nodes, the U.S. is investing in its intra-theater lift capabilities. This includes increasing the number and operational readiness of Army watercraft and other joint sealift assets that can move critical supplies between islands and coastal areas within the theater, providing a more resilient and redundant transportation network that is less susceptible to single-point interdiction.

Crucially, this entire strategy of distributed sustainment is dependent on deep integration with allies and partners. The U.S. is actively working to develop the necessary legal and logistical agreements with key allies like Japan, Australia, and the Philippines to leverage their ports, airfields, and industrial capacity for sustainment operations. This creates a more robust, multi-faceted, and resilient logistics network that is far more difficult for the PLA to disrupt.

The PLA’s strategic focus on logistics interdiction forces the U.S. military to re-learn the central lesson of the Pacific Campaign in World War II: logistics, not tactics, is the ultimate pacing factor in a conflict across the vast distances of the Indo-Pacific. This reality necessitates a “whole-of-government” approach to national security. For decades, the U.S. military has operated with the luxury of secure supply lines and uncontested logistical hubs, which fostered a culture of efficiency-based, “just-in-time” logistics. The PLA’s A2/AD and long-range strike capabilities directly threaten this entire model. The U.S. response—encapsulated in the concept of Contested Logistics—is a deliberate shift toward a resilience-based, “just-in-case” model. However, this model cannot be implemented unilaterally. Dispersing supplies requires physical locations to place them, which elevates the role of diplomacy to a critical warfighting enabler. The operational success of distributed logistics is therefore entirely contingent on securing the necessary basing, access, and overflight agreements with partners throughout the Indo-Pacific. In this new strategic environment, the strength of the U.S. logistical posture is inextricably linked to the strength of its alliances. A failure in diplomacy could precipitate a catastrophic failure in logistics, rendering the U.S. military unable to sustain a high-intensity fight.

V. PLA Strategy 5: Political Warfare and Cognitive Dominance – Winning Before the Fight

PLA Commander’s Intent

The PLA commander’s application of political warfare is guided by the ultimate strategic objective of shaping the operational environment to achieve victory before a major kinetic battle is fought, or, failing that, to ensure that any such battle is contested on terms that are overwhelmingly favorable to China. This approach is the modern operationalization of Sun Tzu’s timeless maxim of “subduing the enemy without fighting”. The intent is to attack the sources of U.S. strength that lie outside the purely military domain: its domestic political will, the cohesion of its international alliances, and the morale and psychological resilience of its service members. By targeting these cognitive and political centers of gravity, the PLA aims to paralyze U.S. decision-making, deter intervention, and undermine the U.S. will to sustain a conflict.

Key Capabilities and Tactics

The PLA’s primary tool for this strategy is its “Three Warfares” doctrine, which mandates the integrated application of public opinion warfare, psychological warfare, and legal warfare. These are not separate or ad hoc efforts but a coordinated, centrally directed campaign to dominate the information and cognitive environments.

Public Opinion (Media) Warfare is aimed at seizing control of the dominant narrative. The PLA will leverage its global, state-controlled media apparatus, sophisticated social media operations involving bots and paid influencers, and co-opted voices in international media and academia to shape perceptions of a crisis. In a conflict scenario, this will involve flooding the information space with disinformation designed to portray the U.S. as the aggressor, justify China’s actions, and amplify any U.S. setbacks or casualties to erode public and political support for the war effort at home and abroad.

Psychological Warfare directly targets the morale and cognitive state of U.S. military personnel, their families, and the civilian populations of the U.S. and its allies. Tactics will include tailored propaganda disseminated through social media, showcasing the PLA’s advanced military capabilities (e.g., videos of hypersonic missile tests) to create a sense of technological overmatch and futility, and exploiting existing societal, political, and racial divisions within the U.S. to sow discord, incite unrest, and distract national leadership. The objective is to fracture American confidence in their government, their military, and each other.

Legal Warfare (Lawfare) involves the manipulation of international and domestic legal frameworks to legitimize PLA actions while constraining U.S. operational freedom. For example, in a Taiwan scenario, China might declare a “quarantine” or a customs enforcement zone rather than a military blockade, using its coast guard and maritime militia to enforce it. This is designed to create ambiguity, frame any U.S. military response as an illegal act of aggression against “civilian” law enforcement, and generate legal and political debates within the international community that slow or prevent a decisive U.S. intervention. By operating in this “gray zone” below the clear threshold of armed conflict, the PLA uses lawfare to seize the initiative and dare the U.S. to be the one to escalate to overt kinetic action.

U.S. Counter-Strategy: Narrative Competition and Psychological Resilience

The U.S. must recognize that the information domain is not a supporting effort but a central and decisive battlefield. The counter-strategy must be proactive, seeking to seize the initiative in the narrative space, inoculate friendly populations and forces against manipulation, and maintain the cohesion of its alliances and the resolve of its people.

A core component of this counter-strategy is Proactive Strategic Communications. The U.S. and its allies must develop and disseminate a clear, consistent, and fact-based narrative about the nature of the PLA threat and U.S. intentions before a crisis erupts. This effort must be sustained and synchronized across all elements of national power. A key tactic to support this is a “declassify and disclose” approach to intelligence. By rapidly and publicly releasing intelligence that exposes PLA preparations for aggression, false flag operations, disinformation campaigns, or violations of international law, the U.S. can preemptively strip PLA narratives of their credibility and seize the initiative in the information environment.

To operationalize this, the U.S. military must field integrated Information Operations Task Forces. These task forces should bring together capabilities from cyber operations, psychological operations (PSYOP), and public affairs to actively contest the information space on a 24/7 basis. Their mission would be to identify and counter PLA propaganda and disinformation in near real-time and to amplify truthful narratives through all available channels, targeting audiences both at home and abroad. This effort cannot be successful if conducted unilaterally. Close synchronization with allies and partners is essential to present a united international front, jointly attribute and condemn PLA malign activities, and reinforce a shared narrative based on the principles of international law and a free and open global order.

Finally, the U.S. must invest heavily in the psychological resilience of its forces and their families. This requires robust training programs that educate service members on how to identify and counter enemy propaganda and influence operations. It also demands the strengthening of support networks for military families, who will be a primary target of PLA psychological operations designed to create anxiety and pressure on their deployed loved ones.

The “Three Warfares” doctrine is not a separate line of effort for the PLA; it is the strategic connective tissue that binds together all of its other military strategies. It prepares the political and psychological battlespace for kinetic action and is used to exploit the effects of that action. For instance, in a Taiwan contingency, lawfare is used to frame a blockade as a “quarantine,” creating legal ambiguity. Simultaneously, media warfare floods global channels with narratives of Taiwanese provocations and U.S. interference, while psychological warfare targets U.S. and allied populations with messages emphasizing the high human and economic costs of intervention. This coordinated campaign is designed to create hesitation, doubt, and division among U.S. policymakers and international partners, thereby delaying a coherent and timely response. This delay is the critical window of opportunity the PLA needs to achieve its kinetic objectives before the U.S. can effectively project power into the theater. Therefore, countering the “Three Warfares” is not an abstract intellectual exercise; it is an operational imperative. A failure to compete and win in this cognitive domain could lead to a strategic defeat, regardless of the tactical outcomes on the physical battlefield. It is a fight to preserve the political and psychological freedom of action necessary to execute all other military counter-strategies. Failure here could mean U.S. forces arrive too late, or not at all.

Conclusion: The Imperative of Adaptation and Decision Superiority

The analysis of the PLA’s top five asymmetric strategies reveals a coherent and holistic approach to modern conflict designed to exploit perceived U.S. vulnerabilities. The PLA’s warfighting philosophy is not focused on a linear, attrition-based campaign but on a multi-domain, system-level assault targeting the entire U.S. operational architecture—from its space-based assets and C5ISR networks to its trans-oceanic supply lines and, ultimately, its national political will. This comprehensive threat demands an equally comprehensive and adaptive response from the United States and its allies.

A common thread runs through all the necessary U.S. counter-strategies. Concepts such as Joint All-Domain Command and Control (JADC2), Distributed Logistics, Agile Combat Employment (ACE), and the Replicator initiative all represent a fundamental shift away from the centralized, optimized, and often brittle force posture of the post-Cold War era. The new imperative is to build a force that is more distributed, resilient, agile, and capable of sustained operations under persistent attack. This transformation is not merely technological; it is doctrinal, organizational, and cultural. It requires empowering commanders at the tactical edge, fostering deeper interoperability with allies, and re-engineering the defense industrial base to produce not only exquisite platforms but also attritable mass.

In the emerging era of “intelligentized warfare,” where human-machine collaboration and AI-enabled decision-making will be central, the ultimate asymmetric advantage will not reside in the superior performance of any single platform or weapon system. Instead, victory will belong to the side that can most effectively sense, understand, decide, and act within the adversary’s decision-making cycle. The contest with the PLA is, at its core, a contest for decision superiority. The imperative for the U.S. joint force is clear: it must continue to adapt with urgency, embracing a new paradigm of distributed operations and resilient networking to ensure it can out-think, out-decide, and out-pace any adversary under the immense pressures of a multi-domain, cognitively-contested conflict.


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  29. Three warfares – Wikipedia, accessed October 3, 2025, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Three_warfares
  30. Political Warfare against Intervention Forces > Air University (AU …, accessed October 3, 2025, https://www.airuniversity.af.edu/JIPA/Display/Article/4167178/political-warfare-against-intervention-forces/
  31. Information at War: From China’s Three Warfares to NATO’s …, accessed October 3, 2025, https://www.prosperity.com/media-publications/information-at-war-from-chinas-three-warfares-to-natos-narratives/

Zhinǎo quán (制脑权): Assessing China’s Strategy for Cognitive Dominance and the PLA’s Battlefield Brain Program

This report assesses China’s “Battlefield Brain Program,” concluding it is not an isolated research project but a comprehensive, state-directed national strategy to weaponize brain science and achieve “cognitive dominance” (制脑权, zhinǎo quán). This strategy is an integral and necessary component of the People’s Liberation Army’s (PLA) doctrinal shift toward “intelligentized warfare” (智能化战争), a new paradigm of conflict in which victory is determined by superiority in artificial intelligence, data, and cognitive control. The program aims to achieve strategic victory by subduing an enemy’s will to fight, disrupting its decision-making processes, and paralyzing its societal and military functions, potentially without resorting to widespread kinetic conflict.

The program is built upon three core pillars. The first is a novel warfighting doctrine, Cognitive Warfare (认知作战), which evolves beyond traditional information and psychological operations to directly target the cognitive functions of an adversary by weaponizing neuroscience. The second is a rapidly advancing technological arsenal, enabled by the fusion of AI, biotechnology, and Brain-Computer Interfaces (BCIs), which China is developing for both enhancing its own soldiers and attacking the neurological and cognitive processes of its adversaries. The third pillar is a unique organizational ecosystem, driven by the national Military-Civil Fusion (军民融合) strategy and a newly reorganized PLA force structure. This ecosystem eliminates barriers between civilian academia, private industry, and the military, ensuring that breakthroughs in brain science are rapidly weaponized. The April 2024 restructuring of the PLA, which created the specialized Information Support Force (ISF) and Cyberspace Force (CSF), marks a transition from integrated research and development to a more streamlined structure optimized for operational execution of cognitive warfare.

This multi-faceted strategy poses a profound and asymmetric risk to the United States and its allies. It threatens to erode alliance cohesion, destabilize democratic institutions, degrade military command and control in a crisis, and achieve Chinese strategic objectives, such as the annexation of Taiwan, by “winning without fighting.” This report provides a detailed analysis of the program’s evolution, capabilities, and future trajectory, concluding with actionable recommendations for a comprehensive U.S. counter-strategy focused on doctrinal development, defensive technology, whole-of-society resilience, and the establishment of international norms.

I. Strategic Context: The Dawn of “Intelligentized Warfare”

China’s pursuit of military brain science is not an opportunistic exploitation of new technologies but a direct and necessary consequence of a fundamental, top-down doctrinal shift within the People’s Liberation Army. The PLA’s evolving concepts of future warfare, which predict battlefields saturated with artificial intelligence and autonomous systems operating at machine speed, create an existential challenge for the human decision-maker. The “Battlefield Brain Program” is China’s answer to this challenge—a required line of effort to make its entire concept of future warfare viable by enhancing, defending, and attacking the human cognitive element.

The PLA’s Doctrinal Evolution

The PLA’s strategic posture has undergone a significant transformation since the 1980s. Under Deng Xiaoping, the focus was on modernizing to dominate “local wars” on China’s periphery.1 Today, under Xi Jinping, the ambition is to forge a “world-class” military capable of safeguarding China’s expanding global interests, including national sovereignty, territorial integrity, and maritime rights.1 This modernization is driven by Xi’s assessment that China must “adapt to the trend of a new global military revolution” to contend with a world of intensifying global issues and regional conflicts.1

From Informatization to Intelligentization

This revolution is defined by the PLA’s strategic transition from “informatization” (信息化) to “intelligentization” (智能化).2 Informatization, the focus of the past two decades, centered on developing network-centric warfare capabilities and sophisticated Command, Control, Communications, Computers, Intelligence, Surveillance, and Reconnaissance (C4ISR) systems.2 The goal was to achieve victory by disrupting an adversary’s information systems, thereby paralyzing its material capabilities.3

Intelligentization represents the next stage, mandating the deep and comprehensive integration of artificial intelligence, autonomous platforms, and human-machine fusion into all PLA operations.1 This doctrine, formally adopted in PLA strategic documents, anticipates that future conflicts will be defined by “intelligentized operations” (智能化作战) involving intelligent autonomy and multi-domain integration.2 The PLA has set clear timelines for this transition, aiming to “accelerate the integrated development of mechanisation, informatisation, and intelligentisation” by 2027 and complete the modernization of the military by 2035.1 This doctrinal shift is predicated on the belief that “algorithmic advantage” will become a dominant determinant of operational outcomes.2

The Cognitive Domain as a New Battlespace

A central tenet of intelligentized warfare is the expansion of the battlefield into a new, non-physical domain: the human mind. PLA theorists, including senior figures at the Academy of Military Science (AMS), explicitly state that the “sphere of operations will be expanded from the physical domain and the information domain to the domain of consciousness (意识域); the human brain will become a new combat space”.2 This view is echoed in the PLA’s official newspaper,

PLA Daily, which identifies the cognitive space as the “key operational space” in intelligentized warfare, where cognitive advantage is a “strategic advantage”.6 This conceptualization transforms the human brain from a mere recipient of information into a contested battlespace to be seized and controlled. The speed and data saturation of intelligentized warfare create a fundamental problem: the human operator becomes the slowest and most vulnerable link in the decision-making chain. The PLA Daily acknowledges that in the face of massive, complex data flows, human perception is “dull and slow” (愚钝迟缓).6 PLA thinkers express deep concern about the “intense cognitive challenges” that future commanders will face.2 To prevent the human from becoming a critical system vulnerability, the PLA has concluded it must “upgrade human cognitive performance to keep pace with the complexity of warfare”.2

The Imperative for “Dominance”

This new doctrine necessitates the pursuit of dominance in previously conceptualized domains. PLA strategists now openly call for achieving not only information and air superiority but also “biological dominance” (制生权), “mental/cognitive dominance” (制脑权, zhinǎo quán), and “intelligence dominance” (制智权).2 This marks a critical conceptual leap from merely controlling the flow of information to directly controlling the cognitive processes of friendly and enemy personnel. This imperative is the fundamental driver of China’s comprehensive investment in military brain science.

II. The Conceptual Framework: Military Brain Science and Cognitive Warfare

To operationalize its doctrine of cognitive dominance, China is developing a comprehensive scientific framework and a new theory of warfare that goes far beyond traditional influence operations. This framework, termed Military Brain Science, provides the scientific foundation for a new form of conflict: Cognitive Warfare.

Defining Cognitive Warfare (认知作战)

Cognitive warfare, as conceptualized by the PLA, is a distinct and more advanced form of conflict than its predecessors. Whereas traditional information warfare manipulates what people think by controlling the flow of information, cognitive warfare aims to disrupt how people think by targeting the process of rationality itself.8 It is an insidious form of conflict designed to influence thought and action, thereby destabilizing democratic institutions and national security.8 Taiwanese researchers, who are on the front line of this conflict, highlight the key distinction: “only cognitive warfare weaponizes neuroscience and targets brain control”.9 PLA theorists define the “cognitive space” (认知空间) as the area where “feelings, perception, understanding, beliefs, and values exist, and is the field of decision-making through reasoning”.9 This is the battlespace they seek to dominate.

From “Three Warfares” to Cognitive Dominance

Cognitive warfare represents a significant evolution of the PLA’s long-standing “Three Warfares” doctrine, which integrates public opinion warfare, psychological warfare, and legal warfare.11 While it incorporates elements of all three, its ambition is far greater. It extends beyond shaping narratives and perceptions to the direct manipulation and degradation of cognitive processes, aiming for what PLA thinkers term “mind superiority” (制脑权) or “cognitive control”.7 The ultimate strategic objective is to achieve victory by disintegrating an adversary’s societal and military will to fight, thereby realizing the Sun Tzu ideal of “winning without fighting”.7

The Military Brain Science (MBS) Framework

The scientific underpinning for this new form of warfare is a comprehensive framework proposed by Chinese military medical researchers called Military Brain Science (MBS).14 MBS is a cutting-edge, interdisciplinary science guided by potential military applications. It systematically organizes research into nine distinct but interrelated fields, creating a roadmap for transforming neuroscience into military capability 14:

  1. Understanding the Brain: Foundational research into neural principles.
  2. Protecting the Brain: Developing defensive countermeasures to protect PLA personnel from cognitive attacks.
  3. Monitoring the Brain: Using technologies like smart sensor bracelets to assess the real-time cognitive and emotional states of soldiers to determine their combat status.15
  4. Injuring the Brain: Researching non-kinetic and kinetic methods to cause targeted neurological damage.
  5. Interfering with the Brain: Developing capabilities to disrupt enemy cognitive processes, sow confusion, and degrade decision-making.
  6. Repairing the Brain: Advancing neuro-medical treatments for PLA personnel.
  7. Enhancing the Brain: Augmenting the cognitive capabilities of PLA soldiers through neurotechnology, pharmacology, and other means.
  8. Simulating the Brain: Leveraging insights from neuroscience to advance brain-inspired computing and artificial intelligence.
  9. Arming the Brain: Creating direct neural control of weapons systems through technologies like Brain-Computer Interfaces (BCIs) to establish a command system where “perception is decision making, decision making is attack”.14

The “One Body, Two Wings” Principle

This military framework mirrors the structure of China’s national-level civilian “China Brain Project.” That project is organized on the principle of “One body, two wings” (一体两翼), where the “body” is the fundamental study of neural cognition, and the “two wings” are the dual applications of treating brain disease and developing new brain-inspired AI and computing technologies.14 The MBS framework functions similarly, leveraging fundamental research for direct, dual-use military applications, ensuring a rapid transition from laboratory to battlefield.

To clarify the distinct nature of cognitive warfare, the following table compares it with the PLA’s other information operations concepts. A failure by policymakers to grasp these distinctions can lead to a critical underestimation of the threat, as cognitive warfare represents a qualitative leap in capability and intent.

Table 2.1: A Comparative Analysis of PLA Information Operations Concepts

ConceptPrimary TargetCore MethodsEnabling TechnologiesStrategic Goal
Public Opinion Warfare (舆论战)Domestic and international audiences; public sentimentPropaganda; narrative shaping; media guidanceMass media; social media networksBuild support; shape perceptions; seize moral high ground 7
Psychological Warfare (心理战)Enemy military personnel and leaders; adversary psychologyDeception; coercion; intimidation; demoralizationPropaganda; targeted communicationsWeaken fighting will; induce doubt; disintegrate enemy morale 7
Information Warfare (信息战)Enemy information systems and data flowsCyber attack; electronic warfare; network disruptionC4ISR systems; cyber tools; electronic weaponsControl the flow of information; achieve information superiority 3
Cognitive Warfare (认知作战)Human cognitive processes; rationality; decision-makingNeuro-manipulation; AI-driven disinformation; cognitive interferenceWeaponized neuroscience; AI; BCIs; biotechnologyControl thought processes; paralyze decision-making; “win without fighting” 8

III. The Technological Arsenal: Weaponizing Neuroscience, AI, and Biotechnology

China is aggressively developing and integrating a suite of emerging technologies to provide the tangible capabilities required by its cognitive warfare doctrine. This effort is focused on two parallel tracks: enhancing the capabilities of its own forces through human-machine fusion and developing novel weapons to attack the cognitive functions of its adversaries.

A. Brain-Computer Interfaces (BCI): The Cornerstone of Human-Machine Fusion

BCIs are the central enabling technology for the PLA’s vision of “hybrid intelligence.” China’s progress in this field is rapid, state-directed, and explicitly dual-use.

Rapid, State-Supported Progress

China’s BCI development is a national priority, driven by the “China Brain Project” (2016-2030) and substantial state funding.2 This has resulted in China becoming second only to the United States in BCI-related patents and, critically, the second country in the world to advance invasive BCI technology to the clinical trial phase.19

Technical Achievements

Chinese institutions have achieved world-class breakthroughs. In a landmark trial, researchers from the Chinese Academy of Sciences (CAS) and Fudan University’s Huashan Hospital successfully implanted an invasive BCI in a tetraplegic patient, enabling him to control electronic devices with his thoughts.20 The research team, led by Zhao Zhengtuo, has also developed ultra-flexible neural electrodes that are the smallest in the world, with a cross-sectional area one-fifth that of Neuralink’s electrodes and over 100 times greater flexibility, significantly reducing damage to brain tissue.20 In the non-invasive domain, research at institutions like Tianjin University has produced high-speed BCI systems with the world’s largest command sets, designed for applications from astronaut support to industrial control.21

Dual-Use Pathway from Medical to Military

China’s public emphasis on the therapeutic benefits of BCI research is a deliberate strategic choice. This focus allows China to participate in and benefit from the open global scientific community, acquire Western technology under a benign pretext, and accelerate its fundamental research. However, under the state’s military-civil fusion framework, these same breakthroughs are immediately funneled to military laboratories for weaponization. This creates a parallel, classified development track that leverages the progress of the unclassified one, masking true intentions and co-opting global research for military ends.2

While public reports highlight medical applications for treating conditions like ALS and paralysis 23, PLA strategists and military-affiliated research institutions are simultaneously pursuing direct military applications.2 These applications fall into three main categories:

  • Soldier Enhancement: This includes using BCI and wearable sensors to monitor soldiers’ health, psychological states, and cognitive load in real-time.15 Other research focuses on enhancing alertness with devices like “anti-sleep glasses” 13 and exploring futuristic concepts like directly “downloading” skills and combat experience into a soldier’s brain.16
  • Human-Machine Teaming: The PLA envisions using BCIs to enable direct “thought control” of unmanned systems like drones and robotic vehicles.2 This would dramatically shorten the OODA loop, creating a direct link from perception to action and bypassing verbal or physical commands.14
  • Hybrid Intelligence: The ultimate goal is to create a new form of “hybrid intelligence” (混合智能) by deeply fusing human and machine cognition. A director at the Central Military Commission’s Science and Technology Commission stated that “human-machine hybrid intelligence will be the highest form of future intelligence”.2

B. Cognitive Attack and Manipulation Technologies

Alongside enhancement, the PLA is developing a portfolio of technologies designed to degrade, disrupt, and damage the cognitive capabilities of its adversaries.

Non-Kinetic Attack: “NeuroStrike”

Chinese military-affiliated reports discuss the concept of “NeuroStrike,” a new class of non-kinetic weapon.13 It is defined as the covert use of combined technologies—including radio frequency, low-megahertz acoustics, nanotechnology, and electromagnetics—to inflict direct and potentially permanent neurological damage or cognitive degradation on targeted individuals from a distance.13 This represents a dangerous escalation from influence operations to direct, non-lethal (but permanently damaging) physical attacks on the brain.

AI-Driven Disinformation and Psychological Manipulation

China is harnessing the convergence of AI, big data, and social media to conduct cognitive warfare at an unprecedented scale and granularity.26 The PLA is developing systems that use Generative AI to create hyper-targeted, culturally resonant disinformation at machine speed.27 These campaigns are designed not merely to spread a message but to achieve specific cognitive effects: polarizing societies, fracturing cohesion within alliances, sowing doubt, and eroding trust in democratic institutions.8

Biotechnology and Pharmacological Enhancement

The PLA’s pursuit of “biological dominance” extends to biotechnology and pharmacology.2 Research is reportedly underway on “genetic drugs” designed to modify the cognitive, emotional, and behavioral traits of targeted populations.13 Concurrently, the PLA is exploring the use of performance-enhancing pharmaceuticals, such as Modafinil, to improve the cognition, alertness, and endurance of its own soldiers.13

IV. Command and Control: The Military-Civil Fusion Ecosystem and PLA Force Structure

China’s Battlefield Brain Program is not an ad-hoc collection of research projects but a coherent national endeavor enabled by a unique organizational architecture. This architecture combines a top-down national strategy, Military-Civil Fusion, with a bottom-up, reorganized military force structure designed for operational execution.

A. The Engine: Military-Civil Fusion (军民融合)

Military-Civil Fusion (MCF) is the primary engine driving the weaponization of brain science in China. It is a national strategy, personally overseen by Xi Jinping, with the explicit goal of developing the PLA into a “world-class military” by eliminating all barriers between China’s civilian research, commercial, and military sectors.22

Application to Brain Science

In the context of brain science, MCF ensures that any innovation, regardless of where it originates, is available for military application. It formalizes the process of leveraging breakthroughs from top civilian institutions and private companies for military purposes.2 This creates a vast, interconnected ecosystem where civilian progress directly fuels military capability. The Central Military Commission (CMC) Science & Technology Commission (S&TC) is a key coordinating body, directing funds and establishing programs specifically focused on military brain science, human enhancement, and human-machine fusion intelligence.2 The table below maps the key players in this ecosystem, illustrating the tangible mechanics of the MCF strategy.

Table 4.1: Key PLA and Civilian Organizations in Brain Science and Cognitive Warfare R&D

OrganizationCategoryPrimary Role/ContributionKey References
CMC Science & Technology CommissionMilitaryStrategic direction; funding; promotion of MCF in brain science and human enhancement.2
Academy of Military Science (AMS)MilitaryDoctrinal development; defines cognitive domain as a battlespace; leads military scientific enterprise.2
National University of Defense Technology (NUDT)MilitaryLong-term BCI research; development of brain-controlled drones and robots.2
Chinese Academy of Sciences (CAS)State-Owned AcademiaFundamental research; key breakthroughs in invasive BCI technology and flexible electrodes.14
Tianjin UniversityUniversity/AcademiaLeading research in non-invasive BCI; development of the “Braintalker” chip.21
Fudan University / Huashan HospitalUniversity/AcademiaConducted China’s first clinical trials for invasive BCIs in collaboration with CAS.20
Beijing Institute for Brain ResearchState-Owned AcademiaAchieved first clinical application of a wireless implanted Chinese language BCI system.23

B. The Operators: PLA Force Structure Reorganization (April 2024)

The April 2024 reorganization of the PLA represents a critical step in the evolution of its cognitive warfare capabilities, marking a shift from integrated research and development to specialized operationalization.

Dissolution of the Strategic Support Force (SSF)

This landmark reform disbanded the Strategic Support Force (SSF), which was created in 2015 as a central hub for the PLA’s space, cyber, electronic, and psychological warfare capabilities.1 The SSF served as a crucial incubator, forcing the integration of previously disparate units and fostering the development of new, cross-domain concepts like cognitive warfare.32 Its dissolution after nine years suggests that this initial phase of conceptual integration was successful and that its component parts had matured sufficiently to become independent, mission-focused forces.30

Creation of New Forces

The SSF was replaced by three new arms that report directly to the Central Military Commission: the Aerospace Force (ASF), the Cyberspace Force (CSF), and the Information Support Force (ISF).1 This new structure is designed for more efficient command and control in a multi-domain conflict.

Roles in Cognitive Warfare

The reorganization created a clearer division of labor for waging cognitive warfare, separating the role of the network “provider” from the operational “user.”

  • Information Support Force (ISF): The ISF has a foundational support role. It is responsible for building, operating, and defending the PLA’s “network information systems”.1 This force provides the secure, resilient, and high-capacity communications and data architecture that is the essential backbone for delivering cognitive effects across the battlespace. Its mission is to ensure information dominance at the infrastructure level.
  • Cyberspace Force (CSF): The CSF inherits and consolidates the SSF’s offensive mission set for the information domain. It is explicitly responsible for conducting cyber attacks, electronic warfare, and psychological warfare.12 The CSF is the PLA’s primary warfighting command for executing cognitive warfare campaigns. Its doctrine combines cyber operations with psychological manipulation to achieve specific cognitive effects against an adversary.12

This separation allows each force to specialize: the ISF focuses on building a robust network, while the CSF focuses on developing and executing sophisticated cognitive attacks that leverage that network. This is a move from an all-encompassing R&D organization to a more streamlined, mission-focused structure designed for warfighting at scale.

V. Strategic Implications for the United States and Allied Nations

China’s systematic development of a cognitive warfare capability, underpinned by a robust scientific and technological base, presents a series of profound and asymmetric challenges to the security of the United States and its allies. The implications extend beyond the traditional military balance, threatening the very foundations of democratic governance and collective defense.

The Threat of “Victory Without Fighting”

The primary strategic danger posed by China’s program is its potential to achieve major geopolitical objectives, such as the forcible annexation of Taiwan, by circumventing a direct military confrontation. The ultimate goal of cognitive warfare is not persuasion, but strategic paralysis. By creating a “competition of truths” 9, flooding information channels, and eroding trust in all institutions, the aim is to make coherent, collective decision-making impossible for an adversary. This could paralyze an adversary’s political and military leadership and collapse its societal will to resist, achieving a state of functional, cognitive disarmament before the first shot is fired.7

Erosion of Alliance Cohesion

AI-driven, micro-targeted cognitive warfare campaigns are potent tools for undermining alliances. These operations can be tailored to exploit pre-existing social, political, and cultural fissures within and between allied nations, amplifying dissent and sowing doubt about the reliability of security commitments.8 By fracturing the internal cohesion of key allies and fostering distrust in institutions like NATO, China could effectively weaken collective defense arrangements and isolate the United States in a crisis.

Destabilization of Democratic Institutions

Cognitive warfare poses a particularly acute threat to open, democratic societies. The principles of free expression and open access to information that are core strengths of democracies also create vulnerabilities that can be exploited by state-sponsored disinformation and manipulation.8 The PLA’s doctrine explicitly targets the process of rationality itself, seeking to destabilize the very bedrock of democratic governance by eroding public trust, exacerbating polarization, and undermining faith in electoral processes and government institutions.8

Degradation of Military Decision-Making

In a direct conflict scenario, cognitive warfare capabilities could be used to degrade U.S. and allied military effectiveness. Attacks could target the cognitive functions of commanders and personnel to induce confusion, slow reaction times, create “mental disarray,” and reduce trust in equipment and intelligence.36 The development of “NeuroStrike” capabilities, even if nascent, introduces the alarming possibility of using directed energy or other means to incapacitate key military and political decision-makers at critical moments, disrupting command and control when it is needed most.13

The New Frontier of Arms Control

The weaponization of neuroscience and AI creates a new and deeply challenging domain for international security norms and arms control. The lines between permissible public diplomacy, covert influence, and an overt cognitive “attack” are dangerously blurred. Attribution for such attacks is technically and politically difficult, which complicates traditional models of deterrence and retaliation. Without established international standards, this domain risks a rapid and destabilizing arms race with few rules of engagement.8

VI. Recommendations for a Proactive National Security Posture

Countering China’s comprehensive strategy for cognitive dominance requires an equally comprehensive and proactive response from the United States and its allies. This response cannot be limited to the military domain but must encompass a whole-of-society effort to build resilience and defend the cognitive security of democratic nations. The U.S. should not—and cannot—mirror China’s authoritarian approach. A successful counter-strategy must be asymmetric, focusing on strengthening the inherent advantages of open societies: critical thinking, institutional trust, and individual cognitive liberty. The goal is to “inoculate” the population and decision-makers against manipulation, rather than engaging in a symmetric race to control minds.

1. Develop a U.S. Cognitive Security Doctrine: The Department of Defense, in coordination with the Intelligence Community and other government agencies, must move beyond ambiguous terms like “information warfare” and develop a formal, structured doctrine for cognitive security. This requires creating a “cognitive-warfare ontology” that maps the domain, defines threats, and establishes clear lines of authority.8 This effort must integrate expertise from not only military and intelligence fields but also from psychology, neuroscience, data science, and ethics to fully grasp the nature of the threat.8

2. Accelerate Defensive Neurotechnology and Cognitive Security R&D: The U.S. must increase investment in research and development aimed at protecting the cognitive functions of its military personnel and decision-makers. This includes expanding the scope and funding for programs like DARPA’s Intrinsic Cognitive Security (ICS), which is developing methods to protect users of mixed-reality systems from cognitive attack.38 Priority should be given to developing neuro-adaptive human-machine interfaces that can monitor cognitive load and augment a warfighter’s cognitive functions under the extreme stress of an intelligentized battlefield.40

3. Establish a “Whole-of-Society” Resilience Strategy: Defending against cognitive warfare is a national security imperative that cannot be shouldered by the military alone. The White House should lead a national effort to:

  • Promote Cognitive Readiness: Develop national-level programs for “cognitive readiness education and training” through the Department of Education and civil society partners. These programs should focus on improving critical thinking skills and media literacy to help citizens of all ages identify and resist disinformation and manipulation.40
  • Secure Critical Infrastructure: The Department of Homeland Security must work with public and private sector partners to identify and fortify critical infrastructure against attacks that blend cyber, physical, and cognitive elements.8
  • Address Algorithmic Amplification: Engage with technology companies and legislators to develop regulations and best practices that mitigate the risk of algorithm-driven social media platforms being exploited to amplify cognitive attacks and societal polarization.8

4. Lead the Development of International Norms: The State Department, in concert with allies, should proactively lead efforts to establish international legal and ethical boundaries for the military application of neurotechnology and cognitive warfare. This includes working through international bodies to define what constitutes a prohibited cognitive attack, developing frameworks for responsible innovation in neuroscience, and creating mechanisms for deterrence and response that do not rely solely on symmetric capabilities.8

5. Enhance Intelligence and Threat Assessment: The Intelligence Community must dedicate increased resources to systematically monitoring, analyzing, and exposing China’s efforts in this domain. This requires a multi-disciplinary approach to track scientific publications in brain science, monitor PLA procurement of dual-use technologies, and map the specific pathways through which the Military-Civil Fusion strategy funnels civilian research into military programs.40 Publicly releasing declassified findings can help build domestic and international awareness of the threat.


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  19. Expert Paper: Strategic Considerations for Brain-Computer Interface Military R&D by Sydney Reis – Oxford Emerging Threats Group, accessed October 4, 2025, https://emergingthreats.co.uk/paper-strategic-considerations-for-brain-computer-interface-military-rd/
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  23. China Moves Ahead with Research into Brain-computer Interfaces – Chinese Academy of Sciences, accessed October 4, 2025, https://english.cas.cn/newsroom/cas_media/202508/t20250825_1051356.shtml
  24. China moves ahead with research into brain-computer interfaces – Chinadaily.com.cn, accessed October 4, 2025, https://www.chinadaily.com.cn/a/202508/15/WS689e90cea310b236346f1c6e.html
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  28. SECTION 2: EMERGING TECHNOLOGIES AND MILITARY-CIVIL FUSION: ARTIFICIAL INTELLI- GENCE, NEW MATERIALS, AND NEW ENERGY, accessed October 4, 2025, https://www.uscc.gov/sites/default/files/2019-11/Chapter%203%20Section%202%20-%20Emerging%20Technologies%20and%20Military-Civil%20Fusion%20-%20Artificial%20Intelligence%2C%20New%20Materials%2C%20and%20New%20Energy.pdf
  29. A group of Chinese researchers and clinical neurologists has made a new breakthrough in brain-computer interface technology, enabling 10 individuals to communicate complex Chinese sentences through their thoughts alone : r/Sino – Reddit, accessed October 4, 2025, https://www.reddit.com/r/Sino/comments/1mmk6bx/a_group_of_chinese_researchers_and_clinical/
  30. A New Step in China’s Military Reform > National Defense University …, accessed October 4, 2025, https://ndupress.ndu.edu/Media/News/News-Article-View/Article/4157257/a-new-step-in-chinas-military-reform/
  31. China’s Informationised Combat Capabilities – MP-IDSA, accessed October 4, 2025, https://www.idsa.in/publisher/comments/chinas-informationised-combat-capabilities
  32. China’s Strategic Support Force: A Force for a New Era – Digital Commons @ NDU, accessed October 4, 2025, https://digitalcommons.ndu.edu/china-strategic-perspectives/6/
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  34. China’s new Information Support Force – The International Institute for Strategic Studies, accessed October 4, 2025, https://www.iiss.org/online-analysis/online-analysis/2024/05/chinas-new-information-support-force/
  35. The Chinese Military’s New Information Support Force | CNA, accessed October 4, 2025, https://www.cna.org/our-media/indepth/2024/08/chinese-information-support-force
  36. The Challenges Taiwan Faces in Cognitive Warfare and Its Impact on US–Taiwan Relations, accessed October 4, 2025, https://www.airuniversity.af.edu/JIPA/Display/Article/4171199/the-challenges-taiwan-faces-in-cognitive-warfare-and-its-impact-on-ustaiwan-rel/
  37. China’s Focus on the Brain Gives it an Edge in Cognitive Warfare, accessed October 4, 2025, https://irregularwarfare.org/articles/chinas-focus-on-the-brain-gives-it-an-edge-in-cognitive-warfare/
  38. ICS: Intrinsic Cognitive Security | DARPA, accessed October 4, 2025, https://www.darpa.mil/research/programs/intrinsic-cognitive-security
  39. Intrinsic Cognitive Security (ICS) | Research Funding, accessed October 4, 2025, https://researchfunding.duke.edu/intrinsic-cognitive-security-ics
  40. The “Ins” and “Outs” of Cognitive Warfare: What’s the Next Move?, accessed October 4, 2025, https://inss.ndu.edu/Media/News/Article/4217626/the-ins-and-outs-of-cognitive-warfare-whats-the-next-move/

The Algorithmic Battlefield: A Global Ranking and Strategic Analysis of Military AI Capabilities

The global security landscape is being fundamentally reshaped by the rapid integration of artificial intelligence (AI) into military forces, heralding a new era of “intelligentized” warfare. This report provides a comprehensive assessment and ranking of the world’s top 10 nations in military AI, based on a multi-factor methodology evaluating national strategy, foundational ecosystem, military implementation, and operational efficacy. The analysis reveals a distinct, bipolar competition at the highest tier, followed by a diverse and competitive group of strategic contenders and niche specialists.

Top-Line Findings: The United States and the People’s Republic of China stand alone in Tier I, representing two competing paradigms for developing and deploying military AI. The U.S. leverages a dominant commercial technology sector and massive private investment, while China employs a state-directed, whole-of-nation “Military-Civil Fusion” strategy. While the U.S. currently maintains a significant lead, particularly in foundational innovation and investment, China is rapidly closing the gap in application and scale.

Tier II is populated by a mix of powers. Russia, despite technological and economic constraints, has proven adept at asymmetric innovation, battle-hardening AI for electronic warfare and unmanned systems in Ukraine. Israel stands out for its unparalleled operational deployment of AI in high-intensity combat, particularly for targeting. The United Kingdom is the clear leader among European allies, followed by France, which is aggressively pursuing a sovereign AI capability. Rising powers like India and South Korea are leveraging their unique strengths—a vast talent pool and a world-class hardware industry, respectively—to build formidable programs. Germany and Japan are accelerating their historically cautious approaches in response to a deteriorating security environment, while Canada focuses on niche contributions within its alliance structures.

Key Strategic Insight: True leadership in military AI is determined not by technological prowess alone, but by a nation’s ability to create a cohesive ecosystem that integrates technology, data, investment, talent, and—most critically—military doctrine. The core of the U.S.-China competition is a contest between America’s dynamic but sometimes disjointed commercial-military model and China’s centrally commanded but potentially less innovative state-driven model. The ultimate victor will be the nation that can most effectively translate AI potential into tangible, scalable, and doctrinally integrated decision advantage on the battlefield.

Emerging Trends: The conflict in Ukraine has become the world’s foremost laboratory for AI in warfare, demonstrating that battlefield necessity is the most powerful catalyst for innovation. This has validated the strategic importance of low-cost, attritable autonomous systems, a lesson the U.S. is attempting to institutionalize through its Replicator initiative. Furthermore, the analysis underscores the critical strategic dependence on foundational hardware, particularly advanced semiconductors and cloud computing infrastructure, which represents a key advantage for the U.S. and its allies and a significant vulnerability for China. Finally, a clear divergence is emerging in doctrinal and ethical approaches, with some nations rapidly fielding systems for immediate effect while others prioritize developing more deliberate, human-in-the-loop frameworks.

RankCountryOverall Score (100)
1United States94.5
2China79.0
3Israel61.5
4Russia55.5
5United Kingdom51.0
6France45.5
7South Korea43.0
8India41.0
9Germany37.5
10Japan35.0

The New Topography of Warfare: The Rise of Military AI

The character of warfare is undergoing its most profound transformation since the advent of nuclear weapons. The shift from the “informatized” battlefield of the late 20th century to the “intelligentized” battlefield of the 21st is not an incremental evolution but a genuine revolution in military affairs (RMA). Artificial intelligence is not merely another tool; it is a foundational, general-purpose technology, much like electricity, that is diffusing across every military function and fundamentally altering the calculus of combat.1 This transformation is defined by its capacity to collapse decision-making cycles, enable autonomous operations at unprecedented speed and scale, and create entirely new vectors for conflict.

The core military applications of AI are already reshaping contemporary battlefields. They span a wide spectrum, from enhancing command and control (C2) and processing vast streams of intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance (ISR) data to optimizing logistics, conducting cyber and information operations, and fielding increasingly autonomous weapon systems.1 The war in Ukraine serves as a stark preview of this new reality. The widespread use of unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs), often augmented with AI for targeting and navigation, is reported to account for 70-80% of battlefield casualties.4 AI-based targeting has dramatically increased the accuracy of low-cost first-person-view (FPV) drones from a baseline of 30-50% to approximately 80%, demonstrating a tangible increase in lethality.4

This proliferation of cheap, smart, and lethal systems is challenging the decades-long dominance of expensive, exquisite military platforms. A commercial drone enhanced with an AI targeting module costing as little as $25 can now threaten a multi-million-dollar main battle tank, creating an extreme cost-imbalance that upends traditional force-on-force calculations.4 This dynamic is forcing a strategic re-evaluation within the world’s most advanced militaries. The future battlefield may not be won by the nation with the most sophisticated fighter jet, but by the one that can most effectively deploy, coordinate, and sustain intelligent swarms of attritable systems. This reality is the direct impetus for major strategic initiatives like the U.S. Department of Defense’s (DoD) Replicator program, which aims to counter adversary mass with a new form of American mass built on thousands of autonomous systems.5

This technological upheaval is unfolding within a clear geopolitical context: an intensifying “artificial intelligence arms race”.7 This competition is most acute between the United States and China, both of which recognize AI as a decisive element of future military power and are racing to integrate it into their strategies.1 However, they are not the only actors. A host of other nations are making significant investments, developing niche capabilities, and in some cases, gaining invaluable operational experience, creating a complex and dynamic global landscape. Understanding this new topography of warfare is essential for navigating the strategic challenges of the coming decades.

Global Military AI Power Rankings, 2025

The following ranking provides a holistic assessment of national military AI capabilities. It is derived from a composite score based on the detailed methodology outlined in the Appendix of this report. The index evaluates each nation across four equally weighted pillars: National Strategy & Investment, Foundational Ecosystem, Military Implementation & Programs, and Operational Efficacy & Deployment. This structure provides a comprehensive view, moving beyond simple technological metrics to assess a nation’s complete capacity to translate AI potential into effective military power.

The scores reveal a clear two-tiered structure. Tier I is exclusively occupied by the United States and China, who are in a league of their own. Tier II comprises a competitive and diverse group of nations, each with distinct strengths and strategic approaches, from the battle-tested pragmatism of Israel and Russia to the alliance-focused innovation of the United Kingdom and the sovereign ambitions of France.

RankCountryOverall ScoreStrategy & InvestmentFoundational EcosystemMilitary ImplementationOperational Efficacy
1United States94.592989395
2China79.090857863
3Israel61.555655868
4Russia55.558455465
5United Kingdom51.060584541
6France45.557484235
7South Korea43.050523832
8India41.052473530
9Germany37.545443328
10Japan35.040423028

Tier I Analysis: The Bipolar AI World Order

The global military AI landscape is dominated by two superpowers, the United States and China. They are not merely the top two contenders; they represent fundamentally different models for harnessing a transformative technology for national power. Their competition is not just a race for better algorithms but a clash of entire systems—one driven by a vibrant, chaotic commercial ecosystem, the other by the centralized, unyielding will of the state.

United States: The Commercial-Military Vanguard

The United States holds the top position in military AI, a status derived from an unparalleled private-sector innovation engine, overwhelming financial investment, and a clear strategic pivot towards integrating commercial technology at unprecedented speed and scale. Its strength lies in its dynamic, bottom-up ecosystem. However, this model is not without friction; the U.S. faces significant challenges in overcoming bureaucratic acquisition hurdles, bridging the cultural gap between Silicon Valley and the Pentagon, and navigating complex ethical debates that can temper the pace of adoption.

National Strategy and Vision

The U.S. approach has matured from establishing foundational principles to prioritizing agile adoption. The 2018 DoD AI Strategy laid the groundwork, directing the department to accelerate AI adoption and establishing the Joint Artificial Intelligence Center (JAIC) as a focal point.9 This initial strategy emphasized the need to empower, not replace, servicemembers and to lead in the responsible and ethical use of AI.9

Building on this, the 2023 Data, Analytics, and AI Adoption Strategy, developed by the Chief Digital and AI Officer (CDAO), marks a significant evolution.10 It supersedes the earlier documents and shifts the focus from a handful of specific capabilities to strengthening the entire organizational environment for continuous AI deployment. The strategy’s central objective is to achieve and maintain “decision advantage” across the competition continuum.10 It prescribes an agile approach to development and delivery, targeting five specific outcomes:

  1. Superior battlespace awareness and understanding
  2. Adaptive force planning and application
  3. Fast, precise, and resilient kill chains
  4. Resilient sustainment support
  5. Efficient enterprise business operations 10

This strategic framework is supported by a clear hierarchy of needs: quality data, governance, analytics, and responsible AI assurance, all managed under the centralizing authority of the CDAO.10

Investment and Foundational Ecosystem

The scale of U.S. investment in AI is staggering and unmatched globally. In 2024, private AI investment in the U.S. reached $109.1 billion, a figure nearly twelve times greater than that of China.12 This torrent of private capital fuels a hyper-competitive ecosystem of startups and established tech giants, creating a vast wellspring of innovation from which the military can draw.

This private investment is mirrored by a dramatic increase in defense-specific spending. The potential value of DoD AI-related contracts surged by nearly 1,200% in a single year, from $355 million to $4.6 billion between 2022 and 2023, with the DoD driving almost the entire increase.14 The Pentagon’s fiscal year 2025 budget request includes over $12 billion for unmanned systems and AI autonomy programs, signaling a firm, top-level commitment.16

This financial dominance underpins a foundational ecosystem that leads the world in nearly every metric. The U.S. possesses the largest and highest-quality pool of AI talent, is home to the world’s leading research universities, and dominates open-source contributions.17 In 2023, U.S.-based institutions produced 61 notable machine learning models, compared to just 15 from China.19 Crucially, the U.S. and its close allies control the most critical chokepoints of the AI hardware supply chain, including high-end semiconductor design (Nvidia, Intel, AMD) and manufacturing, as well as the global cloud computing infrastructure (Amazon Web Services, Microsoft Azure, and Google Cloud), which provides the raw computational power necessary for training and deploying advanced AI models.20

Flagship Programs and Demonstrated Efficacy

The U.S. has moved beyond theoretical research to the development and operational deployment of key military AI systems.

  • Project Maven (Algorithmic Warfare Cross-Functional Team): Initially launched in 2017 to use machine learning for analyzing full-motion video from drones, Maven has evolved into the Pentagon’s flagship AI project for targeting.22 It is a sophisticated data-fusion platform that integrates information from satellites, sensors, and communications intercepts to identify and prioritize potential targets.22 Its effectiveness has been proven in the “Scarlet Dragon” series of live-fire exercises, where it enabled an AI-driven kill chain from target identification in satellite imagery to a successful strike by an M142 HIMARS rocket system.22 Maven has been deployed in active combat zones, assisting with targeting for airstrikes in Iraq, Syria, and Yemen, and has been used to provide critical intelligence to Ukrainian forces.22 In 2023, the geospatial intelligence (GEOINT) aspects of Maven were transferred to the National Geospatial-Intelligence Agency (NGA), signifying its maturation from a pilot project into an enterprise-level capability for the entire intelligence community.23
  • Replicator Initiative: Unveiled in August 2023, Replicator is the DoD’s doctrinal and industrial response to the lessons of the Ukraine war and the challenge of China’s military mass.5 The initiative’s stated goal is to field thousands of “all-domain, attritable autonomous” (ADA2) systems—small, cheap, and intelligent drones—by August 2025.5 Replicator has a dual purpose: to deliver a tangible warfighting capability that can overwhelm an adversary and to force a revolution in the Pentagon’s slow-moving acquisition process by leveraging the speed and innovation of the commercial sector.27 Approximately 75% of the companies involved are non-traditional defense contractors, a deliberate effort to break the traditional defense-industrial mold.27 However, the program has reportedly faced significant challenges, including software integration issues and systems that were not ready for scaling, highlighting the persistent “valley of death” between prototype and mass production that plagues DoD procurement.28

The development of these programs reveals a distinct philosophy of AI-enabled command. U.S. strategic documents and program designs consistently emphasize that AI is a tool to “empower, not replace” the human warfighter.9 The Army’s doctrinal approach to integrating AI into its targeting cycle explicitly maintains that human commanders must remain the “final arbiters of lethal force”.29 This “human-on-the-loop” model, where AI provides recommendations and accelerates analysis but a human makes the critical decision, is a core tenet of the American approach.

CategoryUnited States: Military AI Profile
National Strategy2023 Data, Analytics, & AI Adoption Strategy; focus on “decision advantage” through agile adoption.
Key InstitutionsChief Digital and AI Officer (CDAO), Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency (DARPA), Defense Innovation Unit (DIU), National Security Agency (NSA) AI Security Center.
Investment FocusMassive private sector investment ($109.1B in 2024); significant DoD budget increases for AI and autonomy ($12B+ in FY25 request).
Flagship ProgramsProject Maven (AI-enabled targeting), Replicator Initiative (attritable autonomous systems).
Foundational StrengthsWorld-leading AI talent, R&D, and commercial tech sector; dominance in semiconductors and cloud computing.
Demonstrated EfficacyProject Maven battle-tested in Middle East and used to support Ukraine; advanced exercises like Scarlet Dragon prove AI kill-chain concepts.
Key ChallengesBureaucratic acquisition processes (“valley of death”), ethical constraints slowing adoption, potential for C2 doctrine to be outpaced by adversaries.

China: The State-Directed Challenger

The People’s Republic of China is the only nation with the scale, resources, and strategic focus to challenge U.S. preeminence in military AI. Its approach is the antithesis of the American model: a top-down, state-directed effort that harnesses the entirety of its national power to achieve a singular goal. Through its “Military-Civil Fusion” strategy, a clear doctrinal commitment to “intelligentized warfare,” and access to vast data resources, China is rapidly developing and scaling AI capabilities. While it may lag the U.S. in foundational innovation and high-end hardware, its ability to direct and integrate technology for state purposes presents a formidable challenge.

National Strategy and Doctrine

China’s ambition is codified in a series of high-level strategic documents. The State Council’s 2017 “New Generation Artificial Intelligence Development Plan” serves as the national blueprint, with the explicit goal of making China the world’s “major AI innovation center” by 2030, identifying national defense as a key area for application.14

This national ambition is translated into military doctrine through the concept of “intelligentized warfare” (智能化战争). This is the official third stage of the People’s Liberation Army’s (PLA) modernization, following mechanization and informatization.1 It is not simply about adding AI to existing systems; it is a holistic vision for re-engineering the PLA to operate at machine speed, infusing AI into every facet of warfare to gain decision superiority over its adversaries.31 The PLA aims to achieve this transformation by 2035 and become a “world-class” military by mid-century.32

The engine driving this transformation is the national strategy of “Military-Civil Fusion” (军民融合). This policy erases the institutional barriers between China’s civilian tech sector and its military-industrial complex, compelling private companies, universities, and state-owned enterprises to contribute to the PLA’s technological advancement.8 This allows the PLA to directly leverage the innovations of China’s tech giants—such as Baidu, Alibaba, and Tencent (BAT)—for military purposes, creating a deeply integrated ecosystem designed to “leapfrog” U.S. capabilities.8

Investment and Foundational Ecosystem

While China’s publicly reported private AI investment ($9.3 billion in 2024) is an order of magnitude smaller than that of the U.S., this figure is misleading.12 The state plays a much more direct role, with government-backed guidance funds targeting a staggering $1.86 trillion for investment in strategic technologies like AI.14

This state-directed investment has cultivated a vast domestic ecosystem. China leads the world in the absolute number of AI-related scientific publications and patents, indicating a massive and active research base.12 It possesses the world’s second-largest pool of AI engineers and is making concerted efforts to retain this talent domestically.17 While U.S. institutions still produce more top-tier, notable AI models, Chinese models have rapidly closed the performance gap on key benchmarks to near-parity.12 A crucial advantage for China is its ability to generate and access massive, state-controlled datasets, particularly from its extensive domestic surveillance apparatus. While this data is not directly military in nature, the experience gained in deploying and scaling AI systems across a population of over a billion people provides invaluable, if morally troubling, operational expertise that can be indirectly applied to military challenges.37

Flagship Programs and Ambitions

The PLA’s pursuit of intelligentized warfare is centered on several key concepts and programs designed to contest U.S. military dominance.

  • “Command Brain” (指挥大脑): This is the PLA’s conceptual centerpiece for an AI-driven command and control system. It is designed to be the nerve center for “multi-domain precision warfare,” the PLA’s concept for defeating the U.S. military by attacking the networked nodes that connect its forces.32 The Command Brain would ingest and fuse immense quantities of ISR data at machine speed, identify adversary vulnerabilities in real-time, and generate or recommend optimal courses of action, thereby compressing the OODA loop and seizing decision advantage.32 The PLA has already begun testing AI systems to assist with artillery targeting and is reportedly using the civilian AI model DeepSeek for non-combat tasks like medical planning and personnel management, signaling a willingness to integrate commercial tech directly.32
  • Autonomous Systems and Swarming: Leveraging its world-leading position in commercial drone manufacturing, the PLA is aggressively pursuing military applications for autonomous systems, particularly drone swarms.32 It is also developing “loyal wingman” concepts, such as the FH-97A autonomous aircraft designed to fly alongside crewed fighters, mirroring U.S. efforts.32
  • Cognitive and Information Warfare: PLA strategists see AI as a critical tool for cognitive warfare, using it to shape the information environment and affect an adversary’s will to fight.8 This aligns with China’s broader strategic emphasis on winning wars without fighting, or shaping the conditions for victory long before kinetic conflict begins.

The Chinese approach to AI in command and control appears to diverge philosophically from the American model. While U.S. doctrine emphasizes AI as a decision-support tool for a human commander, PLA writings on intelligentization focus on using AI to overcome the inherent cognitive limitations of human decision-makers in complex, high-speed, multi-domain environments.8 The development of an “AI military commander” for use in large-scale wargaming simulations suggests an ambition to create a more deeply integrated human-machine command system, where the AI’s role extends beyond simple recommendation to active participation in planning and execution.2 This points toward a potential future where a PLA command structure, optimized for machine-speed analysis, could outpace a U.S. structure that remains doctrinally bound to human-centric decision cycles, creating a critical vulnerability in a crisis.

CategoryChina: Military AI Profile
National StrategyNew Generation AI Development Plan (2017); Military-Civil Fusion (MCF); doctrinal focus on “Intelligentized Warfare.”
Key InstitutionsCentral Military Commission (CMC), People’s Liberation Army (PLA) Strategic Support Force (SSF), state-owned defense enterprises, co-opted tech giants (BAT).
Investment FocusMassive state-directed investment through guidance funds; focus on dual-use technologies and domestic application.
Flagship Programs“Command Brain” (AI for C2), autonomous swarming systems, “loyal wingman” concepts (FH-97A), AI for cognitive warfare.
Foundational StrengthsWorld’s largest data pools, massive talent base, leads in AI publications/patents, world-leading drone manufacturing industry.
Demonstrated EfficacyExtensive deployment of AI for domestic surveillance provides scaling experience; testing AI for artillery targeting; DeepSeek model used for non-combat military tasks.
Key ChallengesLagging in foundational model innovation, critical dependency on foreign high-end semiconductors, potential for top-down system to stifle creativity.

Tier II Analysis: The Strategic Contenders and Niche Specialists

Beyond the bipolar competition of the United States and China, a diverse second tier of nations is actively developing and deploying military AI capabilities. These countries, while lacking the sheer scale of the superpowers, possess significant technological prowess, unique strategic drivers, and in some cases, invaluable combat experience that make them formidable players in their own right. This tier is characterized by a variety of approaches, from the asymmetric pragmatism of Russia to the battle-hardened agility of Israel and the alliance-integrated strategies of key U.S. allies.

Russia: The Asymmetric Innovator

Lacking the vast economic resources and deep commercial technology base of the U.S. and China, Russia has adopted a pragmatic and asymmetric approach to military AI. Its strategy is not to compete head-on in developing the most advanced foundational models, but to incrementally integrate “good enough” AI into its existing areas of military strength—namely electronic warfare (EW), cyber operations, and unmanned systems. The goal is to develop force-multiplying capabilities that can disrupt and debilitate a more technologically advanced adversary.38

Russia’s strategic thinking is guided by its “National Strategy on the Development of Artificial Intelligence until 2030” and the Ministry of Defense’s 2022 “Concept” for AI use, though its most important developmental driver is the ongoing war in Ukraine.39 The conflict has become Russia’s primary laboratory for testing and refining AI applications under combat conditions. This includes developing AI-powered drones, such as the ZALA Lancet loitering munition, that are more resilient to EW and capable of autonomous target recognition and even rudimentary swarming.39 AI is also being integrated into established platforms like the Pantsir, S-300, and S-400 air defense systems to improve target tracking and engagement efficiency against complex threats like drones and cruise missiles.39

Despite these battlefield adaptations, Russia faces significant headwinds. It lags considerably in foundational AI research and investment and is hampered by international sanctions that restrict its access to high-end hardware like semiconductors.40 Its domestic technology sector is a fraction of the size of its American and Chinese counterparts.39 A particularly concerning aspect of Russia’s program is its stated intent to integrate AI into its nuclear command, control, and communications (C3) systems, including the automated security for its Strategic Rocket Forces. This pursuit raises profound questions about strategic stability and the risk of accidental or automated escalation in a crisis.42

CategoryRussia: Military AI Profile
National StrategyPragmatic and utilitarian focus on asymmetric force multipliers; guided by 2030 National AI Strategy and 2022 MoD Concept.
Key InstitutionsMinistry of Defense (MOD), military-industrial complex (e.g., Kalashnikov Concern for drones), academic research network.
Investment FocusState-driven R&D focused on near-term military applications, particularly for unmanned systems and EW.
Flagship ProgramsAI-enabled Lancet loitering munitions, integration of AI into air defense systems (Pantsir, S-400), AI for nuclear C3.
Foundational StrengthsDeep experience in EW and cyber operations; ability to rapidly iterate based on combat experience in Ukraine.
Demonstrated EfficacyWidespread and effective use of AI-assisted drones and loitering munitions in Ukraine; demonstrated EW resilience.
Key ChallengesSignificant lag in foundational AI research and investment; dependence on foreign components and impact of sanctions; demographic decline.

Israel: The Battle-Hardened Implementer

Israel stands apart from all other nations in its unparalleled record of deploying sophisticated AI systems in high-intensity combat. Its military AI program is not defined by aspirational strategy documents but by a relentless, operationally-driven innovation cycle born of constant and existential security threats. This has allowed the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) to field effective, if highly controversial, AI capabilities at a pace that larger, more bureaucratic militaries cannot match.

The IDF’s Digital Transformation Division, established in 2019, is a key enabler of this effort, tasked with bringing cutting-edge civilian technology into the military.43 The results of this focus are most evident in the IDF’s targeting process. During the recent conflict in Gaza, Israel has made extensive use of at least two major AI systems:

  • “Habsora” (The Gospel): This AI-powered system analyzes vast amounts of surveillance data to automatically generate bombing target recommendations. It has reportedly increased the IDF’s target generation capacity from around 50 per year to over 100 per day, solving the long-standing problem of running out of targets in a sustained air campaign.2
  • “Lavender”: This is an AI database that has reportedly been used to identify and create a list of as many as 37,000 potential junior operatives affiliated with Hamas or Palestinian Islamic Jihad for targeting.2

The use of these systems marks the most extensive and systematic application of AI for target generation in the history of warfare.43 Beyond targeting, Israel integrates AI across its defense architecture. It is a key component of the Iron Dome and David’s Sling missile defense systems, where algorithms analyze sensor data to prioritize threats and calculate optimal intercept solutions.45 AI is also used for border surveillance, incorporating facial recognition and video analysis tools.45 This rapid and widespread implementation is fueled by Israel’s world-class technology ecosystem (“Silicon Wadi”), which boasts the highest per-capita density of AI talent in the world, and by deep technological partnerships with U.S. tech giants through programs like Project Nimbus.17

CategoryIsrael: Military AI Profile
National StrategyOperationally-driven, bottom-up innovation focused on immediate security needs rather than grand strategy documents.
Key InstitutionsIDF Digital Transformation Division, Unit 8200 (signals intelligence), robust defense industry (Elbit, Rafael), vibrant startup ecosystem.
Investment FocusStrong venture capital scene; targeted government investment in defense tech; deep partnerships with U.S. tech firms (Project Nimbus).
Flagship Programs“Habsora” (The Gospel) and “Lavender” (AI-assisted targeting systems), AI integration in missile defense (Iron Dome).
Foundational StrengthsWorld’s highest per-capita AI talent density; agile and innovative tech culture (“Silicon Wadi”); deep integration between military and tech sectors.
Demonstrated EfficacyUnmatched record of deploying AI systems (Habsora, Lavender) at scale in high-intensity combat operations.
Key ChallengesInternational legal and ethical scrutiny over AI targeting practices; resource constraints compared to superpowers.

United Kingdom: The Leading Ally

The United Kingdom is firmly positioned as the leader among European nations and a crucial Tier II power, combining a strong national AI ecosystem with a clear strategic defense vision and deep integration with the United States. Its approach seeks to leverage its strengths in research and talent to maintain influence and interoperability within key alliances.

The UK’s 2022 Defence Artificial Intelligence Strategy articulates a vision to become “the world’s most effective, efficient, trusted and influential Defence organisation for our size”.47 This is complemented by service-specific plans, such as the British Army’s Approach to Artificial Intelligence, which focuses on delivering decision advantage from the “back office to the battlefield”.48 The UK has also sought to position itself as a global leader in the normative and ethical dimensions of AI, hosting the world’s first AI Safety Summit in 2023, which enhances its diplomatic influence in the field.19

The UK’s foundational ecosystem is a key strength. It ranks third globally in AI talent depth and density, with world-renowned research hubs in London, Cambridge, and Oxford creating a steady pipeline of expertise.17 While its private investment in AI is a distant third to the U.S. and China, it significantly outpaces other European nations.12 The country is home to major defense primes like BAE Systems, which are actively integrating AI into electronic warfare and autonomous platforms, as well as a dynamic startup scene that includes leading AI companies like ElevenLabs and Synthesia.50 This combination of strategic clarity, a robust talent base, and strong alliance partnerships solidifies the UK’s position as a top-tier military AI power.

CategoryUnited Kingdom: Military AI Profile
National Strategy2022 Defence AI Strategy; focus on being “effective, efficient, trusted, and influential.” Strong emphasis on ethical leadership and alliance interoperability.
Key InstitutionsMinistry of Defence (MOD), Defence Science and Technology Laboratory (Dstl), major defense primes (BAE Systems), leading universities.
Investment FocusThird-largest private AI investment globally; government funding for defense R&D.
Flagship ProgramsFocus on cyber, stealth naval AI, and development of 6th-gen air power (Tempest program) with AI at its core.
Foundational StrengthsRanks 3rd globally in AI talent; world-class research universities (Oxford, Cambridge); strong defense-industrial base.
Demonstrated EfficacyActive in joint R&D and exercises with the U.S. and NATO; deploying AI-based cyber defense systems.
Key ChallengesBridging the gap between research and scaled military procurement; maintaining competitiveness with superpower investment levels.

France: The Sovereign Contender

France’s military AI strategy is defined by its long-standing pursuit of “strategic autonomy.” Wary of becoming technologically dependent on either the United States or China, Paris is investing heavily in building a sovereign AI capability that allows it to maintain its freedom of action on the world stage. This ambition is backed by a robust industrial base and a clear, state-led implementation plan.

AI is officially designated a “priority for national defence,” with a strategy that emphasizes a responsible, controlled, and human-in-command approach to its development and use.52 The most significant step in realizing this vision was the creation in 2024 of the

Ministerial Agency for Artificial Intelligence in Defense (MAAID). Modeled on the French Atomic Energy Commission, MAAID is designed to ensure France masters AI technology sovereignly.55 With an annual budget of €300 million and plans for its own dedicated “secret defense” supercomputer by 2025, MAAID represents a serious, centralized commitment to developing military-grade AI.55

This state-led effort is supported by a strong ecosystem. France is home to the Thales Group, a major European defense contractor heavily involved in integrating AI into radar and C2 systems, and a vibrant commercial AI scene.51 This includes Mistral AI, one of Europe’s most prominent foundational model developers and a direct competitor to U.S. giants like OpenAI and Anthropic, highlighting France’s capacity for cutting-edge innovation.50 By combining state direction with commercial dynamism, France is building a formidable and independent military AI capability.

CategoryFrance: Military AI Profile
National StrategyDriven by “strategic autonomy”; 2019 AI & Defense Strategy emphasizes sovereign capability and responsible, human-controlled use.
Key InstitutionsMinisterial Agency for Artificial Intelligence in Defense (MAAID), Direction générale de l’armement (DGA), Thales Group.
Investment FocusDedicated budget for MAAID (€300M annually); broader national investments to make France an “AI powerhouse.”
Flagship ProgramsMAAID is the central program, focusing on developing sovereign AI for C2, intelligence, logistics, and cyberspace.
Foundational StrengthsStrong defense-industrial base (Thales); leading commercial AI companies (Mistral AI); high-quality engineering talent.
Demonstrated EfficacyActive in European joint defense projects (e.g., FCAS); developing AI tools for intelligence analysis and operational planning.
Key ChallengesBalancing sovereign ambitions with the need for allied interoperability; scaling capabilities to compete with larger powers.

India: The Aspiring Power

Driven by acute strategic competition with China and a national imperative for self-reliance (“Atmanirbhar Bharat”), India is rapidly emerging as a major military AI power. It is building a comprehensive ecosystem from the ground up, leveraging its immense human capital and a growing defense-industrial base. While it currently faces challenges in infrastructure and bureaucratic efficiency, its trajectory is steep and its ambitions are clear.

India’s strategy is outlined in an ambitious 15-year defense roadmap that heavily features AI-driven battlefield management, autonomous systems, and cyber warfare capabilities.56 Institutionally, this is guided by the

Defence AI Council (DAIC) and the Defence AI Project Agency (DAIPA), which were established to coordinate research and guide project development.57 A notable aspect of India’s approach is its proactive development of a domestic ethical framework, known as ETAI (Evaluating Trustworthiness in AI), which is built on principles of reliability, safety, transparency, fairness, and privacy.57

India’s greatest asset is its vast and growing talent pool. It ranks among the top three nations globally for the number of AI professionals and the volume of AI research publications.35 The government is working to build the necessary infrastructure to support this talent, including through the AIRAWAT initiative, which provides a national AI computing backbone.57 On the implementation front, the Ministry of Defence has launched 75 indigenously developed AI products and is investing in a range of capabilities, including autonomous combat vehicles, robotic surveillance platforms, and drone swarms.41 These technological efforts are intended to be integrated within a broader military reform known as “theatreisation,” which aims to create the joint command structures necessary to conduct cohesive, AI-driven multi-domain operations.60

CategoryIndia: Military AI Profile
National StrategyAmbitious 15-year defense roadmap focused on AI, autonomy, and self-reliance (“Atmanirbhar Bharat”).
Key InstitutionsDefence AI Council (DAIC), Defence AI Project Agency (DAIPA), Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO).
Investment FocusGrowing defense budget with dedicated funds for AI projects; focus on nurturing a domestic defense startup ecosystem (DISC).
Flagship ProgramsDevelopment of autonomous combat vehicles, drone swarms, AI for ISR; national ethical framework (ETAI).
Foundational StrengthsMassive and growing AI talent pool; ranks 3rd in AI publications; strong and growing domestic software industry.
Demonstrated EfficacyDeployed 75 indigenous AI products; using AI in intelligence and reconnaissance systems; procuring AI-powered UAVs.
Key ChallengesBureaucratic procurement delays; infrastructure gaps; translating vast research output into scaled, fielded military capabilities.

South Korea: The Hardware Integrator

South Korea is leveraging its status as a global leader in hardware, robotics, and advanced manufacturing to pursue a sophisticated military AI strategy. Its approach is focused on integrating cutting-edge AI into next-generation military platforms to ensure a decisive technological overmatch against North Korea and to maintain a competitive edge in a technologically dense region.

The national goal is to become a “top-three AI nation” (AI G3), an ambition that extends directly to its defense sector.61 Military efforts are guided by the “Defense Innovation 4.0” project and the Army’s “TIGER 4.0” concept, which aim to systematically infuse AI across all warfighting functions.62 The Ministry of National Defense has outlined a clear, three-stage development plan, progressing from “cognitive intelligence” (AI for surveillance and reconnaissance) to “partially autonomous” capabilities, and ultimately to “judgmental intelligence” for complex manned-unmanned combat systems.63

South Korea’s primary strength is its world-class industrial and technological base. It is a dominant force in the global semiconductor market with giants like Samsung and SK Hynix, providing a critical hardware foundation.20 This is complemented by a robust robotics industry and a government committed to massive investments in AI computing infrastructure and R&D.61 This industrial prowess is being translated into tangible military projects, such as the development of the future

K3 main battle tank, which will feature an unmanned turret and an AI-assisted fire control system for autonomous target tracking and engagement. Another key initiative is the development of unmanned “loyal wingman” aircraft to operate in tandem with the domestically produced KF-21 next-generation fighter jet, a concept designed to extend reach and reduce risk to human pilots.62

CategorySouth Korea: Military AI Profile
National Strategy“Defense Innovation 4.0”; goal to become a “top-three AI nation”; phased approach from ISR to manned-unmanned teaming.
Key InstitutionsMinistry of National Defense (MND), Agency for Defense Development (ADD), Defense Acquisition Program Administration (DAPA), industrial giants (Hyundai Rotem, KAI).
Investment FocusSignificant government and private sector investment in AI, semiconductors, and robotics.
Flagship ProgramsAI integration into future platforms like the K3 tank (AI-assisted targeting) and unmanned wingmen for the KF-21 fighter.
Foundational StrengthsWorld-leading semiconductor industry (Samsung, SK Hynix); strong robotics and advanced manufacturing base.
Demonstrated EfficacyAdvanced development of AI-enabled military hardware; exporting sophisticated conventional platforms with increasing levels of automation.
Key ChallengesNational AI strategy has been described as vague on security specifics; coordinating roles between various ministries.

Germany: The Cautious Industrial Giant

As Europe’s largest economy and industrial powerhouse, Germany possesses a formidable technological base for developing military AI. However, its adoption has historically been cautious, constrained by political sensitivities and a strong societal emphasis on ethical considerations. The Zeitenwende (“turning point”) announced in response to Russia’s 2022 invasion of Ukraine has injected new urgency and funding into German defense modernization, significantly accelerating its military AI efforts.

Germany’s 2018 National AI Strategy identified security and defense as a key focus area, and the Bundeswehr (German Armed Forces) has since developed position papers outlining goals and fields of action for AI integration, particularly for its land forces.64 The German approach places a heavy emphasis on establishing a robust ethical and legal framework, rejecting fully autonomous lethal systems and mandating meaningful human control.67

This renewed focus is now translating into concrete programs. A key initiative is Uranos KI, a project to develop an AI-backed reconnaissance and analysis system to support the German brigade being deployed to Lithuania, directly addressing the Russian threat.68 Another significant effort is the

GhostPlay project, run out of the Defense AI Observatory (DAIO) at Helmut Schmidt University, which is developing AI for enhanced defense decision-making.69 Germany’s traditional defense industry is being complemented by a burgeoning defense-tech startup scene, most notably the Munich-based company

Helsing. Helsing specializes in developing AI software to upgrade existing military platforms and is a key supplier of AI-enabled reconnaissance and strike drones to Ukraine, demonstrating a newfound agility in the German defense ecosystem.68

CategoryGermany: Military AI Profile
National Strategy2018 National AI Strategy; strong focus on ethical frameworks and human control, accelerated by post-2022 Zeitenwende.
Key InstitutionsBundeswehr, Center for Digital and Technology Research (dtec.bw), Defense AI Observatory (DAIO), emerging startups (Helsing).
Investment FocusIncreased defense spending post-Zeitenwende; growing venture capital for defense-tech startups.
Flagship ProgramsUranos KI (AI reconnaissance), GhostPlay (AI for decision-making), development of AI-enabled drone capabilities.
Foundational StrengthsEurope’s leading industrial and manufacturing base; high-quality engineering and research talent.
Demonstrated EfficacyHelsing’s AI-enabled drones are being used by Ukraine; Uranos KI has shown promising results in initial experiments.
Key ChallengesOvercoming historical and cultural aversion to military risk-taking; streamlining slow procurement processes; navigating complex EU regulations.

Japan: The Alliance-Integrated Technologist

Japan’s approach to military AI is shaped by a unique combination of factors: its post-war pacifist constitution, a rapidly deteriorating regional security environment, and its status as a technological powerhouse. This has resulted in a rapid but cautious push to adopt AI, primarily for defensive, surveillance, and logistical purposes, all in close technological and doctrinal alignment with its key ally, the United States.

Increasing threats from China and North Korea have prompted Japan to explicitly identify AI as a critical capability in its National Security Strategy, particularly for enhancing cybersecurity and information warfare defenses.72 In July 2024, the Ministry of Defense released its first basic policy on the use of AI, which formalizes its human-centric approach. The policy emphasizes maintaining human control over lethal force and explicitly prohibits the development of “killer robots” or lethal autonomous weapon systems (LAWS).73

Japan’s implementation strategy focuses on leveraging AI as a force multiplier in non-lethal domains to compensate for its demographic challenges. This includes developing remote surveillance systems, automating logistics and supply-demand forecasting, and creating AI-powered decision-support tools.73 A cornerstone of its R&D effort is the

SAMURAI (Strategic Advancement of Mutual Runtime Assurance Artificial Intelligence) initiative, a formal project arrangement with the U.S. Department of War. This cooperative program focuses on developing Runtime Assurance (RTA) technology to ensure the safe and reliable performance of AI-equipped UAVs, with the goal of informing their future integration with next-generation fighter aircraft.76 This project highlights Japan’s strategy of deepening interoperability with the U.S. while advancing its own technological expertise in AI safety and assurance.

CategoryJapan: Military AI Profile
National StrategyCautious, defense-oriented approach guided by National Security Strategy and 2024 MoD AI Policy; explicitly bans LAWS and emphasizes human control.
Key InstitutionsMinistry of Defense (MOD), Acquisition, Technology & Logistics Agency (ATLA), strong partnership with U.S. DoD.
Investment FocusIncreasing defense R&D budget; focus on dual-use technologies and international collaboration, particularly with the U.S.
Flagship ProgramsSAMURAI initiative (AI safety for UAVs with U.S.), AI for cybersecurity, remote surveillance, and logistics.
Foundational StrengthsWorld-leading robotics, sensor, and advanced manufacturing industries; highly skilled technical workforce.
Demonstrated EfficacyAdvanced R&D in AI safety and human-machine teaming; deep integration into U.S.-led technology development and exercises.
Key ChallengesConstitutional and political constraints on offensive capabilities; aging demographics impacting recruitment; balancing alliance integration with sovereign development.

Canada: The Niche Contributor

As a committed middle power and a member of the Five Eyes intelligence alliance, Canada’s military AI strategy is not aimed at competing with global powers but at developing niche capabilities that enhance its contributions to collective defense and ensure interoperability with its principal allies, especially the United States. Its approach is strongly defined by a commitment to the responsible and ethical development of AI.

The Department of National Defence and Canadian Armed Forces (DND/CAF) AI Strategy lays out a vision to become an “AI-enabled organization” by 2030.78 The strategy is built on five lines of effort: fielding capabilities, change management, ethics and trust, talent, and partnerships.47 It is closely aligned with broader Government of Canada policies such as the Directive on Automated Decision Making and the Pan-Canadian AI Strategy.78

Canada’s implementation efforts are focused on specific, high-value problem sets, particularly in the ISR domain. Key R&D projects led by Defence Research and Development Canada (DRDC) include:

  • JAWS (Joint Algorithmic Warfighter Sensor): A suite of multi-modal sensors and AI models designed to automate the detection and tracking of objects, reducing the cognitive load on operators.81
  • MIST (Multimodal Input Surveillance and Tracking): An AI system for the automated analysis of full-motion video from aerial platforms to detect and localize objects of interest.81

These systems are being actively tested and refined in large-scale multinational exercises like the U.S. Army’s Project Convergence, demonstrating Canada’s focus on ensuring its technology is integrated and effective within an allied operational context.81 While Canada has a strong academic history as a pioneer in deep learning, it has faced a recognized “adoption problem” in translating this foundational research into scaled commercial and military applications, a challenge the government is actively working to address.82

CategoryCanada: Military AI Profile
National StrategyDND/CAF AI Strategy (AI-enabled by 2030); focused on niche capabilities, alliance interoperability, and ethical/responsible AI.
Key InstitutionsDepartment of National Defence (DND), Defence Research and Development Canada (DRDC), Innovation for Defence Excellence and Security (IDEaS) program.
Investment FocusTargeted funding for R&D through programs like IDEaS; leveraging the Pan-Canadian AI Strategy.
Flagship ProgramsJAWS (AI sensor suite), MIST (AI video analysis for ISR), participation in allied experiments like Project Convergence.
Foundational StrengthsStrong academic research base in AI; close integration with U.S. and Five Eyes partners.
Demonstrated EfficacySuccessful experimentation with JAWS and MIST in multinational exercises, proving interoperability concepts.
Key Challenges“Adoption problem” in scaling research to fielded capability; limited budget compared to larger powers; reliance on allied platforms for integration.

Honorable Mention: Ukraine, The Wildcard Innovator

While not a top-10 global power by traditional metrics, Ukraine’s performance since the 2022 Russian invasion warrants special mention. It has transformed itself into the world’s foremost laboratory for AI in modern warfare, demonstrating an unparalleled ability to rapidly adapt and deploy commercial technology for military effect under the intense pressure of an existential conflict. Its experience is actively shaping the doctrine and procurement strategies of every major military power.

Lacking a large, pre-existing defense-industrial base for AI, Ukraine has relied on agility, decentralization, and partnerships. The “Army of Drones” initiative is a comprehensive national program that encompasses international fundraising, direct procurement of commercial drones, fostering domestic production, and training tens of thousands of operators.83 Ukrainian forces, often working with civilian volunteer groups, have become masters of battlefield adaptation, integrating AI-based targeting software into low-cost commercial FPV drones.4 This has had a dramatic impact on lethality, with strike accuracy for these systems reportedly increasing from a baseline of 30-50% to around 80%.4 The Defense Intelligence of Ukraine (DIU) has also emerged as a sophisticated user of AI for analyzing vast amounts of intelligence data and for enabling long-range autonomous drone strikes deep into Russian territory.83 Ukraine’s experience provides a powerful lesson: in the age of AI, the ability to innovate and adapt at speed can be a decisive advantage, capable of offsetting a significant numerical and material disadvantage.

Comparative Strategic Assessment: Doctrines, Efficacy, and Future Trajectory

A granular analysis of individual national programs reveals a broader strategic landscape defined by competing visions, divergent levels of efficacy, and a critical dependence on the foundational layers of the digital age. The future of military power will be determined not just by who develops the best AI, but by who can best synthesize it with their doctrine, industrial base, and human capital.

A Clash of Strategic Visions

The world’s leading military AI powers are not converging on a single model; instead, they are pursuing distinct and often competing strategic philosophies:

  • The U.S. Commercial-Military Vanguard: Relies on a decentralized, bottom-up innovation ecosystem fueled by massive private capital. The strategic challenge is to harness this commercial dynamism for military purposes without being stifled by bureaucracy, a problem initiatives like Replicator are designed to solve. The doctrinal emphasis remains firmly on “human-on-the-loop” empowerment.9
  • China’s State-Directed Intelligentization: A top-down, centrally planned model that mobilizes the entire nation through Military-Civil Fusion. The goal is to achieve decision superiority through the deep integration of AI into a “Command Brain,” potentially affording the machine a more central role in the command process than in the U.S. model.8
  • Russia’s Asymmetric Disruption: A pragmatic approach focused on using “good enough” AI as a force multiplier in areas like EW and unmanned systems to counter a technologically superior foe. The war in Ukraine serves as a brutal but effective R&D cycle.38
  • Israel’s Operational Rapid-Fielding: An agile, threat-driven model that prioritizes getting effective capabilities into the hands of warfighters as quickly as possible, often accepting higher risks and bypassing the lengthy development cycles common in larger nations.43
  • The European Pursuit of Sovereignty and Ethics: Powers like France and Germany are driven by a desire for strategic autonomy and a strong commitment to developing AI within a robust ethical and legal framework, seeking a “third way” between the U.S. and Chinese models.55

This divergence between “battle-tested” powers like Israel, Russia, and Ukraine and more “theory-heavy” powers in Western Europe is a critical dynamic. The former are driving rapid, iterative development based on immediate combat feedback, while the latter are focused on building more deliberate, ethically-vetted systems. This creates a potential temporal disadvantage, where nations facing immediate threats are forced to accept risks and bypass traditional procurement, giving them a lead in practical application. A nation with a perfectly ethical and robustly tested AI system that arrives on the battlefield two years late may find the conflict has already been decided by an adversary who scaled a “good enough” system across their forces.

The Spectrum of Demonstrated Efficacy

When moving from strategic plans to tangible results, a clear spectrum of operational efficacy emerges.

  • High Deployment & Efficacy: Israel, Russia, and Ukraine stand at one end. Their AI systems are not experimental; they are core components of ongoing, high-intensity combat operations, directly influencing tactical and operational outcomes on a daily basis.4
  • Selective Deployment & Proving: The United States occupies the middle ground. Key programs like Project Maven are fully operational and battle-tested.22 However, broader, more transformative initiatives like Replicator are still in the process of proving their ability to deliver capability at scale, facing significant integration and production challenges.28
  • Development & Aspiration: Many other advanced nations, including the UK, France, Germany, and Japan, are at the other end of the spectrum. They have ambitious plans, strong foundational ecosystems, and promising pilot programs (e.g., Uranos KI, MAAID, SAMURAI), but have yet to deploy AI systems at a comparable scale or intensity in combat operations.55

The Hardware Foundation: A Strategic Chokepoint

The entire edifice of military AI rests on a physical foundation of advanced hardware: semiconductors for processing and cloud computing infrastructure for data storage and model training. Control over this foundation is a decisive strategic advantage.

The United States and its democratic allies—Taiwan (TSMC), South Korea (Samsung), and the Netherlands (ASML for lithography equipment)—dominate the design and fabrication of the world’s most advanced semiconductors.20 This creates a critical vulnerability for China, which, despite massive investment, remains dependent on foreign technology for the highest-end chips required to train and run state-of-the-art AI models. U.S. export controls are a direct attempt to exploit this chokepoint and slow China’s military AI progress.

Similarly, the global cloud infrastructure market is dominated by American companies. Amazon Web Services (AWS), Microsoft Azure, and Google Cloud collectively control approximately 63% of the market, with Chinese competitors like Alibaba and Tencent holding much smaller shares.21 This provides the U.S. military and its innovation ecosystem with access to a massive, secure, and scalable computational backbone that is difficult for any other nation to replicate.

The following matrix provides a comprehensive, at-a-glance comparison of the top 10 nations across these key strategic vectors.

CountryStrategic VisionKey ProgramsInvestment & ScaleTalent & R&D BaseHardware FoundationDeployed EfficacyDoctrinal Integration
United StatesCommercial-military vanguard; achieve “decision advantage.”Project Maven, Replicator InitiativeUnmatched public & private fundingWorld leader in talent & model developmentDominant (Semiconductors, Cloud)High (Maven deployed)High (Evolving)
ChinaState-directed “intelligentization”; Military-Civil Fusion.“Command Brain,” Drone SwarmsMassive state-directed fundsMassive scale, closing quality gapMajor vulnerability (Semiconductors)Medium (Scaling in non-combat)Very High (Central tenet)
IsraelOperationally-driven rapid fielding for immediate threats.Habsora, Lavender (AI targeting)Strong, focused on defense techWorld-leading per capitaStrong, deep U.S. integrationVery High (Combat-proven)High (Operationally embedded)
RussiaAsymmetric disruption of superior adversaries.AI-enabled Lancet drones, Air Defense AILimited, focused on near-term effectConstrained, practical focusHeavily constrained by sanctionsHigh (Battle-hardened in Ukraine)Medium (Adaptive)
United KingdomLeading ally; trusted, ethical, interoperable AI.6th-Gen Fighter (Tempest), Naval AIStrong, 3rd in private investmentStrong, top-tier research hubsModerate, reliant on alliesLow-Medium (Exercises, Cyber)Medium (Developing)
FranceSovereign capability; “strategic autonomy.”MAAID (central AI agency)Strong, state-led investmentStrong, with leading AI firmsModerate, pursuing sovereigntyLow (In development)Medium (Developing)
South KoreaHardware-led integration for technological overmatch.K3 Tank, KF-21 Unmanned WingmanStrong, industry-ledGood, focused on applicationWorld Leader (Semiconductors)Low (In advanced development)Medium (Platform-centric)
IndiaAspiring power; self-reliance and strategic competition.DAIPA/DAIC projects, ETAI frameworkGrowing rapidly, state-supportedMassive, but with infrastructure gapsLagging, but growingLow (Early deployments)Medium (Tied to reforms)
GermanyCautious industrial giant, accelerated by Zeitenwende.Uranos KI, GhostPlayIncreasing significantlyStrong industrial R&D baseStrong industrial baseLow (Early deployments)Low-Medium (Developing)
JapanAlliance-integrated technologist; defensive focus.SAMURAI (AI safety w/ U.S.)Cautious but growingStrong in robotics & sensorsStrong, reliant on alliesLow (R&D, exercises)Low (Constrained)

Conclusion: Navigating the Dawn of Intelligentized Conflict

The evidence is unequivocal: artificial intelligence is catalyzing a fundamental revolution in military affairs, and the global competition to master this technology is accelerating. The strategic landscape is solidifying into a bipolar contest between the United States and China, two powers with the resources, scale, and national will to pursue dominance across the full spectrum of AI-enabled warfare. Yet, the field is far from a simple two-player game. The agility and combat experience of nations like Israel and Ukraine, the asymmetric tactics of Russia, and the focused ambitions of key U.S. allies create a complex, multi-polar dynamic where innovation can emerge from unexpected quarters.

Looking forward over the next five to ten years, several trends will define the trajectory of military AI. First, the degree of autonomy in weapon systems will steadily increase, moving from decision support to human-supervised autonomous operations, particularly in contested environments like electronic warfare or undersea domains. Second, human-machine teaming will become a core military competency. The effectiveness of a fighting force will be measured not just by the quality of its people or its machines, but by the seamlessness of their integration. Third, the battlefield will continue to trend towards a state of hyper-awareness and hyper-lethality. The proliferation of intelligent sensors and autonomous weapons will compress the “detect-to-engage” timeline to mere seconds, making concealment nearly impossible and survival dependent on speed, dispersion, and countermeasures.4

The central conclusion of this analysis is that the nation that achieves a decisive and enduring advantage in 21st-century conflict will be the one that masters the difficult synthesis of technology, data, doctrine, and talent. Technological superiority in algorithms or hardware alone will be insufficient. Victory will belong to the power that can build a national ecosystem capable of rapidly innovating, fielding AI capabilities at scale, adapting its operational concepts to exploit those capabilities, and training a new generation of warfighters to trust and effectively command their intelligent machine partners. The race for military AI supremacy is not merely a technological marathon; it is a test of a nation’s entire strategic, industrial, and intellectual capacity.

Appendix: Military AI Capability Ranking Methodology

Introduction

The objective of this methodology is to provide a transparent, defensible, and holistic framework for assessing and ranking a nation’s military artificial intelligence (AI) capabilities. It moves beyond singular metrics to create a composite index that evaluates the entire national ecosystem required to develop, deploy, and effectively utilize AI for military purposes. The index is structured around four core pillars, each assigned a weight reflecting its relative importance in determining overall military AI power.

Pillar 1: National Strategy & Investment (25% Weight)

This pillar assesses the top-down strategic direction and financial commitment a nation dedicates to military AI. A clear strategy and robust funding are prerequisites for any successful national effort.

  • Metric 1.1: Strategic Clarity & Coherence (10%): Evaluates the quality, ambition, and implementation plan of national and defense-specific AI strategies. A high score is given for published, detailed strategies with clear objectives, timelines, and designated responsible institutions (e.g., U.S. 2023 AI Adoption Strategy, China’s New Generation AI Development Plan).10 A lower score is given for vague or purely aspirational statements.
  • Metric 1.2: Financial Commitment (15%): Quantifies direct and indirect investment in military AI. This includes analysis of national defense budgets, specific R&D allocations for AI and autonomy, the scale of state-backed technology investment funds, and the volume of government AI-related procurement contracts.14

Pillar 2: Foundational Ecosystem (25% Weight)

This pillar measures the underlying national capacity for AI innovation, which forms the bedrock of any military application. It assesses the raw materials of AI power: talent, research, and hardware.

  • Metric 2.1: Talent Pool (10%): Ranks countries based on the quantity and quality of their human capital. Data points include the absolute number of AI professionals, the concentration of top-tier AI researchers (e.g., authors at premier conferences like NeurIPS), and the quality of university pipelines producing AI graduates.17
  • Metric 2.2: Research & Innovation Output (10%): Measures a nation’s contribution to the global state-of-the-art in AI. This is assessed through the volume and citation impact of AI research publications, the number of AI-related patents filed, and, critically, the number of notable, state-of-the-art AI models produced by a country’s institutions.12
  • Metric 2.3: Hardware & Infrastructure (5%): Assesses sovereign or secure allied access to the critical enabling hardware for AI. This includes domestic capacity for advanced semiconductor design and manufacturing and the availability of large-scale, secure cloud computing infrastructure, which are essential for training and deploying large AI models.20

Pillar 3: Military Implementation & Programs (25% Weight)

This pillar evaluates a nation’s ability to translate strategic ambition and foundational capacity into concrete military AI programs and applications.

  • Metric 3.1: Flagship Program Maturity (15%): Assesses the scale, sophistication, and developmental progress of major, publicly acknowledged military AI programs (e.g., U.S. Project Maven, China’s “Command Brain,” France’s MAAID). High scores are awarded for programs that are well-funded, have moved beyond basic research into advanced development or prototyping, and are aimed at solving critical operational challenges.22
  • Metric 3.2: Breadth of Application (10%): Measures the diversity of AI applications being pursued across the full spectrum of military functions, including ISR, command and control, logistics, cybersecurity, electronic warfare, and autonomous platforms. A broad portfolio indicates a more mature and integrated approach to military AI adoption.3

Pillar 4: Operational Efficacy & Deployment (25% Weight)

This is the most critical pillar, assessing whether a nation’s military AI capabilities exist in practice, not just on paper. It measures the translation of programs into proven, operational reality.

  • Metric 4.1: Demonstrated Deployment (15%): Awards points for clear evidence of AI systems being used in active combat operations or large-scale, realistic military exercises. This is the ultimate test of a system’s effectiveness and reliability. Nations with battle-tested systems (e.g., Israel’s Habsora, Russia’s Lancet, U.S. Maven) receive the highest scores.4
  • Metric 4.2: Doctrinal Integration (10%): Assesses the extent to which AI is being formally integrated into military doctrine, training curricula, and concepts of operation (CONOPS). This metric indicates true institutional adoption beyond isolated technology projects and reflects a military’s commitment to fundamentally changing how it fights.29

Scoring and Normalization

For each of the eight metrics, countries are scored on a qualitative scale based on the available open-source evidence. These scores are then converted to a numerical value. The metric scores are then weighted according to the percentages listed above and aggregated to produce a final composite score for each country, normalized to a 100-point scale to allow for direct comparison and ranking. This multi-layered, weighted approach ensures that the final ranking reflects a balanced and comprehensive assessment of a nation’s true military AI power.


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Sources Used

  1. The Coming Military AI Revolution – Army University Press, accessed October 4, 2025, https://www.armyupress.army.mil/Journals/Military-Review/English-Edition-Archives/May-June-2024/MJ-24-Glonek/
  2. Military applications of artificial intelligence – Wikipedia, accessed October 4, 2025, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Military_applications_of_artificial_intelligence
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The Cognitive Contest: Deconstructing China’s ‘Military Brain’ and Forging America’s Path to AI Supremacy

The strategic competition between the United States and the People’s Republic of China (PRC) is increasingly defined by the race for artificial intelligence (AI) supremacy. This contest extends far beyond technological one-upmanship, representing a fundamental clash of military doctrines, organizational structures, and philosophical visions for the future of warfare. This report provides a comparative analysis of China’s multi-faceted military AI initiatives—collectively termed the “Military Brain”—and the United States’ efforts to secure a decisive technological edge. While the U.S. currently maintains a foundational lead in key technologies such as advanced semiconductors and aggregate computing power, China possesses a more cohesive, expansive, and arguably more revolutionary strategic vision. Beijing’s approach is not merely to field new weapons but to fundamentally alter the character of conflict, shifting the central arena from the physical battlefield to the cognitive domain. This presents a unique and asymmetric challenge that U.S. strategy, currently focused on achieving “decision advantage” within existing warfighting paradigms, is not yet fully configured to meet. Overcoming this requires the United States to not only accelerate its own technological integration but also to broaden its strategic vision to compete and win in the cognitive contest that has already begun.


I. Deconstructing the ‘China Military Brain’: From Cognitive Warfare to Intelligentization

The concept of a “China Military Brain” is not a single, monolithic program but rather a strategic constellation of advanced doctrine, ambitious technology projects, and novel operational concepts. It represents a “whole-of-society” endeavor aimed at achieving a revolutionary leap in military affairs, moving beyond the physical and informational to target the cognitive faculties of an adversary. This holistic vision is underpinned by a new warfighting paradigm, specific technological pursuits in brain-machine science, a focus on cognitive dominance, and a state-directed system for harnessing national innovation.

The Doctrine of Intelligentized Warfare (智能化战争): Charting the PLA’s New Paradigm

The People’s Liberation Army (PLA) is formally charting a new military paradigm centered on AI, viewing it as a historical shift on par with mechanization and informatization.1 PLA theorists conceptualize this evolution as a progression of military enhancement: mechanization extended the military’s “limbs,” informatization sharpened its “senses” (eyes and ears), and intelligentization will now augment its “brain”.4 This is not seen as a mere technological upgrade but as a fundamental change in the character of war.

Core to this doctrine is the concept of “intelligentized warfare” (智能化战争), which PRC writers describe as a new stage of conflict based on the extensive use of AI and autonomy, creating a hybrid of human and machine intelligence.1 This paradigm is built on three pillars: data, which is considered the “new oil”; algorithms, which will turn warfare into a contest between competing code; and massive computing power.5 In this vision, intelligent systems are expected to augment and, in some cases, partially replace human command functions to achieve unprecedented speed and efficiency.6

This doctrine extends into highly advanced theoretical constructs. One such concept, articulated by China’s Ministry of Defense, is “Dissipative Warfare” (耗散战). This framework views future conflict as a comprehensive, integrated confrontation across the physical, information, and cognitive domains.7 It explicitly merges military offense and defense with political maneuvering, economic competition, and cultural conflict, shifting the strategic center of gravity from an adversary’s military forces to its entire social system.7 This reveals a holistic approach to national power where victory is achieved by inducing systemic collapse in an opponent.

The ultimate culmination of this thinking is what PLA theorists call “Meta-War” (元战争). This concept links the physical battlefield with a parallel virtual battlefield and, most critically, the “brain battlefield” (头脑战场) of human perception and cognition.2 In this framework, human soldiers and their weapons function as “dual entities,” existing simultaneously in the physical world and as digital twins in a virtual space, able to switch between these realities to simulate, predict, and engage in combat.2

The China Brain Project (中国脑计划): The Technological Pillars

The technological heart of this strategic vision is the “China Brain Project” (中国脑计划), a 15-year national initiative approved in 2016.9 Its structure is deliberately dual-use, described as “one body, two wings.” The “body” is the core scientific goal of understanding the fundamental principles of the human brain. The “two wings” represent the project’s co-equal applications: treating brain disorders and developing brain-machine intelligence technologies.10 This structure provides a benign, publicly acceptable facade for research that directly feeds advanced military capabilities. By framing half of the initiative around medical benefits, Beijing gains access to international scientific collaboration and talent that a purely military program could not, while its Military-Civil Fusion strategy ensures all breakthroughs are immediately evaluated for defense applications. This represents a strategically shrewd approach to pursuing paradigm-shifting asymmetric capabilities.

The project is focused on three key research areas:

  1. Brain-Inspired Artificial Intelligence (BI-AI, 类脑智能): This research seeks to move beyond current machine learning by emulating the actual neuronal functioning and architecture of the biological brain, not just mimicking its behavioral outputs. The goal is to create AI that is far more efficient and capable of the high-order tasks that humans perform effortlessly.9
  2. Connectomics (“Brain Mapping,” 人脑连接组): This involves the empirical and computational effort to map and replicate the brain’s complex structure and functioning. AI is used both to test the resulting simulations and to interpret the vast amounts of data generated from imaging brain sections.9
  3. Brain-Computer Interfaces (BCI, 脑机接口): This is the most direct military application, aiming to create high-bandwidth pathways between the human brain and external machines.9 PLA-affiliated writings describe using BCIs to allow soldiers to control drones and other robotic systems with their thoughts, to have their sensory perception augmented with digital sensor data (achieving “千里眼,” or thousand-mile eyes), and even to enable a form of battlefield “telepathy” for silent, covert communication in high-risk environments.2

Cognitive Domain Operations: The War for the Mind

Perhaps the most ambitious and potentially disruptive element of China’s strategy is its explicit focus on the cognitive domain. The ultimate goal is to achieve “mind dominance” 12 by “controlling the brain” of an adversary to subdue their will to fight, thereby realizing Sun Tzu’s ancient ideal of winning without a single battle (“不战而屈人之兵”).8

This effort is a supercharged extension of the PLA’s long-standing “Three Warfares” doctrine, which targets public opinion, psychological states, and legal frameworks.8 AI and big data are seen as the catalysts that can elevate these concepts to a new level of precision and scale. By harvesting and analyzing massive datasets on populations, the PLA aims to conduct cognitive warfare at a granular level, crafting influence operations at machine speed that are tailored to specific demographics, groups, or even key individuals to shape perceptions, sow discord, and disrupt societal cohesion.8

This ambition extends to the development of what U.S. intelligence and PLA writings refer to as “neuro-strike” or “brain-control weaponry” (脑控武器).13 While the technological maturity of such concepts is uncertain, the clear intent is to research capabilities that can directly interfere with human cognitive functions, disrupt leadership decision-making, and demoralize entire populations. This represents a profound asymmetric threat that seeks to bypass conventional military strength entirely.

Military-Civil Fusion (MCF): The Engine of Advancement

The engine driving this entire enterprise is China’s national strategy of Military-Civil Fusion (MCF, 军民融合). Personally overseen by Xi Jinping, MCF is a state-directed, whole-of-society effort to eliminate all barriers between China’s civilian research institutions, its commercial technology sector, and its military-defense industrial base.16 The explicit goal is to ensure that any and all national innovation, particularly in dual-use fields like AI, directly serves the PLA’s modernization.19

Under MCF, the PLA is able to leverage China’s unique advantages, including its vast, state-accessible data resources for training AI models 21, and to tap into the dynamism of its private technology companies.19 The strategy also facilitates the acquisition of foreign technology and expertise through a variety of means, both licit and illicit, including talent recruitment programs, academic collaboration, and outright theft.16 While MCF faces its own internal bureaucratic and cultural hurdles 23, its top-down, state-directed nature provides a powerful mechanism for mobilizing national resources toward a singular strategic goal, creating a stark contrast with the U.S. innovation model.


II. The American Pursuit of Decision Advantage

The United States’ approach to military AI is philosophically and structurally distinct from China’s. It is rooted in a more pragmatic, capability-focused vision aimed at empowering the human warfighter rather than fundamentally redefining the nature of war. This vision is being pursued through a massive networking initiative, foundational research programs focused on trustworthiness, and a unique public-private innovation ecosystem that is both a source of immense strength and significant friction.

The JADC2 Imperative: A Networked Vision of Warfare

The central organizing concept for the U.S. military’s AI-enabled future is the pursuit of “Decision Advantage”.25 The core premise is that in a future conflict against a peer adversary, victory will belong to the side that can most rapidly and effectively execute the decision cycle: sensing the battlefield, making sense of the information, and acting upon it.27

The primary vehicle for achieving this is Joint All-Domain Command and Control (JADC2). JADC2 is not a single weapon system but a broad, conceptual approach to connect sensors, platforms, and personnel from all branches of the military—Army, Navy, Air Force, Marines, and Space Force—into a single, unified, AI-powered network.29 The goal is to break down traditional service stovepipes and deliver the right information to the right decision-maker at the “speed of relevance,” enabling commanders to act inside an adversary’s decision cycle.27 This effort is being built upon service-specific contributions, including the Army’s Project Convergence, the Navy’s Project Overmatch, and the Air Force’s Advanced Battle Management System (ABMS).29 Recognizing the importance of coalition warfare, the concept is evolving into

Combined JADC2 (CJADC2), which aims to integrate the command and control systems of key allies and partners into this network architecture.31

The U.S. approach is thus focused on perfecting its existing doctrine of joint, all-domain operations by developing a new set of technological capabilities. Where China’s doctrine speaks of a new conceptual state of being (“intelligentized warfare”), the U.S. focuses on a measurable, operational outcome (“decision advantage”). This makes the U.S. vision more pragmatic and quantifiable, but also potentially less strategically ambitious than China’s revolutionary aims.

Foundational Programs: From Maven to DARPA’s Moonshots

The technological underpinnings of JADC2 are driven by several key initiatives. Project Maven, officially the Algorithmic Warfare Cross-Functional Team, has served as a critical pathfinder for operationalizing AI.33 Its initial focus was on applying machine learning and computer vision to autonomously detect and classify objects of interest from the massive volume of full-motion video and imagery collected by ISR platforms.34 Project Maven has demonstrated real-world utility, having been used to support the 2021 Kabul airlift and to provide intelligence to Ukrainian forces, proving its value in turning data into actionable intelligence.33

While Maven operationalizes existing AI, the Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency (DARPA) pushes the technological frontier. DARPA’s multi-billion-dollar “AI Next” campaign was designed to move the field beyond the limitations of current (second-wave) machine learning toward a third wave of AI capable of “contextual reasoning,” with the goal of transforming AI from a mere tool into a true partner for human operators.36 Building on this, the subsequent

“AI Forward” initiative has pivoted to address what the Department of Defense (DoD) sees as the most critical barrier to widespread adoption: the need for trustworthy AI.38 This effort focuses on developing AI that is explainable, robust, and reliable, with an emphasis on foundational theory, rigorous AI engineering, and effective human-AI teaming.38 This deep institutional focus on trust and explainability represents a core philosophical divergence from China’s approach, which prioritizes performance and political control.

The Public-Private Ecosystem: Harnessing Commercial Innovation

The U.S. military AI strategy relies heavily on leveraging the nation’s world-leading commercial technology sector, a stark contrast to China’s state-centric MCF model.21 Programs like Project Maven have been built through partnerships with private industry leaders such as Palantir, Microsoft, and Amazon Web Services.33 This model provides the DoD with access to cutting-edge innovation, a dynamic and competitive ecosystem, and a massive advantage in private R&D investment, which dwarfed China’s by nearly a factor of ten in 2023 ($67.2 billion vs. $7.8 billion).21

However, this reliance on the private sector also introduces unique challenges. The cultural and ethical divides between Silicon Valley and the Pentagon can create friction, as exemplified by the employee protests that led Google to withdraw from Project Maven.33 It necessitates new and flexible partnership models, such as the General Services Administration’s landmark agreement to provide OpenAI’s enterprise tools across the federal government, to bridge these gaps.42

Implementation Realities: The Hurdles to a Unified Network

Despite its technological strengths, the full realization of the JADC2 vision is hindered by significant, primarily non-technological, barriers. The central U.S. challenge is not a lack of innovation but a persistent difficulty with integration. The DoD’s vast, federated structure has proven resistant to the kind of top-down, unified approach that JADC2 requires.

Key implementation hurdles include:

  • Inter-service Stovepipes: Deep-seated cultural and budgetary divisions between the military services have led to each developing its own interpretation of JADC2, resulting in a lack of alignment, common standards, and true interoperability.43
  • Data Governance and Sharing: A pervasive culture of “data ownership” within individual services and agencies prevents the free flow of information that is the lifeblood of JADC2. Shifting to an enterprise-wide “data stewardship” model has proven to be a major cultural and policy challenge.43
  • Bureaucratic and Acquisition Inertia: The DoD’s traditional, slow-moving acquisition system is ill-suited for the rapid, iterative development cycles of software and AI. Overcoming this inertia and moving away from legacy systems is a persistent struggle.45
  • Over-classification: The tendency to over-classify information creates unnecessary barriers to sharing data both within the joint force and with crucial international partners, directly undermining the goals of CJADC2.44

Reports from the Government Accountability Office confirm that the DoD remains in the early stages of defining the detailed scope, cost, and schedule for JADC2, underscoring the immense difficulty of implementing such a sweeping vision across a complex and often fragmented organization.46 This reveals the core asymmetry of the competition: the United States excels at creating superior individual components but struggles to integrate them into a coherent whole, whereas China’s state-directed model is designed for integration but faces challenges in innovating those foundational components.


III. Comparative Assessment: A Tale of Two Visions

A direct comparison of U.S. and Chinese military AI efforts reveals a complex landscape of asymmetric advantages. The question of “who is more advanced” cannot be answered with a single verdict; rather, it requires a multi-layered assessment of technology, data, integration, and strategic vision. The two nations are not simply running the same race at different speeds; they are pursuing fundamentally different goals, driven by divergent philosophies of warfare and national power.

Who is More Advanced? A Multi-Layered Analysis

The leadership in military AI is contested and varies significantly depending on the metric of evaluation:

  • Foundational Technology (Advantage: USA): The United States maintains a decisive lead in the most critical enabling technologies. This includes a multi-generational advantage in high-end semiconductor design and fabrication, a critical bottleneck for China.48 Furthermore, the U.S. possesses a substantial lead in aggregate compute capacity, which is essential not only for training advanced AI models but also for deploying and integrating them at scale across the military enterprise.49 While Chinese models are rapidly closing the gap on performance benchmarks, America’s underlying hardware and systems integration capacity provide a more durable and comprehensive advantage.49
  • Data Resources (Advantage: China): China possesses a significant advantage in the sheer volume of data available for training AI models. Its large population, centralized data collection systems, and lax privacy regulations create a vast reservoir of information, particularly for developing surveillance and recognition algorithms that have direct military applications in intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance (ISR) and automated targeting.21
  • Operational Integration and Procurement (Advantage: Contested/Leaning China): Analysis from the Center for Security and Emerging Technology (CSET) suggests the PLA has made “extraordinary progress” in procuring AI systems for combat and support functions, with annual spending estimated to be on par with that of the U.S. military.51 China’s state-directed MCF model may enable faster and more focused adoption of specific capabilities, such as drone swarms and autonomous undersea vehicles, compared to the bureaucratically encumbered U.S. JADC2 effort.50 However, some Chinese defense experts express their own concerns that the PLA remains behind the U.S. in fielding and effectively using AI-enabled systems, indicating this is a highly contested area.53
  • Doctrinal Absorption (Advantage: China): The PLA appears to be more deeply and holistically integrating AI-centric concepts into its highest levels of military doctrine and strategic thought.1 Concepts like “intelligentized warfare” are central to the PLA’s vision of the future. In contrast, the U.S. is still largely focused on fitting new AI capabilities into its existing doctrinal frameworks, wrestling with the organizational changes required for true transformation.46

Breadth and Logic of Vision: Holistic Transformation vs. Decisive Advantage

The most significant divergence lies in the scope and ambition of each nation’s strategic vision.

  • China’s Vision (Broader): China’s vision is a “whole-of-society” endeavor that is demonstrably broader and more holistic.20 It fuses military objectives with economic, political, and cognitive strategies, aiming not just for battlefield victory but for “mind dominance” and the systemic paralysis of an adversary.7 The logic is totalistic: to leverage every instrument of national power, amplified by AI, to achieve strategic goals and reshape the international order.15 Its primary strength is this top-down strategic alignment; its potential weakness is the rigidity and fragility inherent in a system dependent on a single point of political control.
  • U.S. Vision (More Focused): The U.S. vision is more focused, pragmatic, and centered on a military-operational problem: achieving “decision advantage” to win on the future battlefield.26 The logic is to use superior technology to sense, process, and act on information faster than an adversary, empowering human commanders to make better, quicker decisions.27 Its strength lies in its alignment with democratic values, its emphasis on human agency, and its ability to harness a dynamic commercial innovation base. Its primary weakness is its potential narrowness, which risks underestimating and failing to prepare for the broader cognitive and political dimensions of the competition that China is actively prioritizing.

The Ethical Divide: Political Control vs. Principled Responsibility

The ethical frameworks governing military AI in each country represent a fundamental and strategic point of contrast.

  • China’s Approach: The PLA’s primary ethical consideration is internal and political: how to reconcile the operational necessity of AI autonomy with the Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) non-negotiable demand for absolute political control over all military assets.55 The PLA’s approach is highly pragmatic and opaque; “ethical” behavior is ultimately defined as that which aligns with Party guidance and maintains Party control.55 While China engages in international discussions on AI ethics, its core driver remains political reliability, not abstract principle.57
  • U.S. Approach: The DoD has publicly adopted a formal, principles-based framework for Responsible AI (RAI).59 This framework is explicitly grounded in pre-existing legal commitments, including the Law of War, and established ethical norms.60 It emphasizes concepts such as meaningful human control over lethal force, transparency, traceability, and accountability. The United States is actively promoting this framework on the world stage, seeking to establish it as a global standard for responsible military innovation.62

The question of which nation has the “best” or most logical vision is therefore contingent on one’s theory of future great power conflict. If that conflict remains primarily a contest of military force where the speed and precision of effects are decisive, the U.S. vision is well-calibrated. However, if future conflict is primarily a cognitive and political struggle where societal cohesion and the will to fight are the main targets, China’s doctrine is more explicitly designed for this reality. A truly resilient and logical strategy must be able to compete and win in both arenas. Currently, China’s vision is more comprehensive in its definition of the problem, creating a strategic imperative for the United States to broaden its own.

Table 1: Comparative Framework of U.S. and Chinese Military AI Strategies

AttributePeople’s Republic of ChinaUnited States
Overarching DoctrineIntelligentized Warfare / Meta-WarDecision Advantage / JADC2
Core VisionHolistic transformation of warfare; achieving “mind dominance”Empowering human decision-makers; achieving speed and precision
Key National ProgramChina Brain Project (BI-AI, BCI)DARPA AI Next / AI Forward (Trustworthy AI)
Organizational ModelMilitary-Civil Fusion (State-Directed)Public-Private Partnership (Commercially-Led)
Primary FocusCognitive domain, BCI, swarm autonomy, systems destructionNetworked C2, data fusion, human-machine teaming, ISR
Ethical FrameworkPragmatic; driven by the need for CCP political controlFormalized Responsible AI (RAI); driven by legal/ethical principles
Key StrengthsTop-down strategic alignment; rapid resource mobilization; vast data accessFoundational tech leadership (chips); superior compute; dynamic innovation ecosystem
Key WeaknessesTechnological chokepoints (chips); potential for systemic rigidity; the paradox of controlBureaucratic hurdles to adoption; inter-service stovepipes; integration challenges

IV. The Path Forward: A Five-Year Strategy for the United States

To counter China’s comprehensive strategy and secure a durable advantage in the AI era, the United States must pursue a multi-pronged strategy over the next five years. This strategy must address its primary internal weaknesses in integration while simultaneously expanding its asymmetric strengths and broadening its strategic vision to meet the full scope of the cognitive challenge.

Recommendation 1: Solidify the Foundations – Win the JADC2 Battle at Home

The most significant impediment to U.S. military AI dominance is the failure to effectively integrate its superior technological components. This internal challenge must be the first priority.

Actions:

  • Empower a JADC2 Authority: Establish a JADC2 “czar” or a fully empowered joint program office with genuine budgetary and requirements authority over the services’ JADC2-related programs. This body must be empowered to enforce common standards, break down stovepipes, and ensure true interoperability.43
  • Mandate Enterprise-Wide Data Sharing: The Secretary of Defense should issue a directive mandating a shift from a culture of “data ownership” to one of “data stewardship.” This must be enforced by a central DoD data governance body with the authority to compel services to make data assets visible, accessible, and intelligible across the joint force.43
  • Reform AI Acquisition: Aggressively expand the use of agile acquisition pathways, such as Other Transaction Authority (OTA), for all AI and software-intensive programs. This will create streamlined mechanisms to rapidly transition cutting-edge commercial innovation from the private sector to the warfighter, bypassing legacy bureaucratic hurdles.45

Recommendation 2: Expand the Asymmetric Advantage – Compute, Talent, and Alliances

The U.S. must widen its lead in the foundational elements of AI power where China remains most vulnerable and where the U.S. holds a distinct advantage.

Actions:

  • Dominate the Semiconductor Race: Double down on policies like the CHIPS and Science Act and coordinate with allies to not only onshore manufacturing but to accelerate R&D into next-generation semiconductor design and advanced packaging. The goal should be to maintain a multi-generational technological lead in the hardware that powers AI.21
  • Launch a National Defense AI Talent Initiative: Create a concerted national effort to attract and retain the world’s best AI talent. This should include streamlining security clearance processes for AI experts, establishing new talent exchange programs between the DoD and private industry, and reforming immigration policies to create a fast track for top-tier global AI researchers.16
  • Operationalize CJADC2 as a Diplomatic Priority: Elevate the “Combined” aspect of CJADC2 from a technical goal to a core diplomatic effort. This involves deepening collaborative AI R&D, establishing common data and ethical frameworks, and conducting regular, large-scale joint exercises with key allies (e.g., the Five Eyes, Japan, South Korea, and key NATO partners) to build a deeply integrated, networked coalition that China cannot replicate.31

Recommendation 3: Counter the Cognitive Threat

The U.S. must develop a comprehensive national strategy to defend against and deter China’s cognitive warfare operations, an area where current defenses are dangerously inadequate.

Actions:

  • Establish a National Cognitive Security Center: Create a new, inter-agency center co-led by the DoD, the Intelligence Community, and the Department of Homeland Security. Its mission would be to coordinate the detection, analysis, and countering of foreign, AI-driven disinformation and influence operations targeting the U.S. military and public.8
  • Spur Counter-Influence Technology: Launch a DARPA-led grand challenge to develop advanced, real-time technologies for detecting and attributing AI-generated deepfakes, synthetic media, and coordinated inauthentic behavior online.
  • Build Societal Resilience: Invest in public education and media literacy programs to inoculate the American populace against the divisive narratives that are the primary weapons of cognitive warfare, thereby strengthening the nation’s cognitive defenses from the ground up.

Recommendation 4: Beyond Decision Advantage – Crafting a Broader American Vision

To effectively compete with China’s holistic strategy, the U.S. must evolve its own military doctrine to formally recognize and address the broader dimensions of modern conflict.

Actions:

  • Develop a Doctrine for Integrated Cognitive-Domain Operations: The Joint Staff, in coordination with the National Security Council, should initiate a formal process to develop a U.S. doctrine for operations in the cognitive domain. This would recognize the human mind as a contested battlefield and articulate how the instruments of national power—diplomatic, informational, military, and economic (DIME)—can be integrated to defend against and conduct cognitive operations in a manner consistent with democratic principles.
  • This new doctrine must explicitly address the role of AI in both defending against and, where necessary and lawful, conducting influence and psychological operations to deter aggression and shape the strategic environment.

Recommendation 5: Weaponize Responsibility – Leveraging the Ethical High Ground

The U.S. commitment to Responsible AI should be transformed from a perceived constraint into a potent strategic advantage that distinguishes the U.S. and its allies from their authoritarian rivals.

Actions:

  • Lead on International Norms: Launch a major diplomatic initiative to build upon the U.S. Political Declaration on Responsible Military Use of AI, with the goal of making its principles the foundation for a binding international treaty or a widely adopted set of norms among the world’s democracies.62
  • Condition AI Sales and Transfers: In all foreign military sales and technology-sharing agreements involving AI-enabled systems, require partner nations to adopt and adhere to RAI principles as a condition of the transfer. This will help build a global military AI ecosystem based on U.S. standards of safety, ethics, and reliability.
  • Highlight the Authoritarian Contradiction: Use public diplomacy and strategic communications to consistently expose the fundamental weakness in China’s approach: the impossibility of guaranteeing safe, reliable, or ethical AI when a system’s ultimate arbiter is not objective law or principle, but the shifting political imperatives of the CCP.55

V. Conclusion

The contest for military AI supremacy between the United States and China is a competition between two profoundly different systems. The United States currently holds a critical advantage in foundational technology, talent, and innovation, but this lead is fragile. China’s broader, more cohesive, and more revolutionary strategic vision—which integrates technological development with a “whole-of-society” mobilization and a doctrine aimed at cognitive dominance—poses a long-term threat that cannot be countered by superior microchips alone.

China is preparing for a future war fought not just on land, at sea, and in the air, but in the virtual space of networks and the cognitive space of the human mind. The U.S., while building a formidable technological arsenal, is still primarily focused on winning a faster and more efficient version of the last war. The nation with the best vision for the future will not be the one with the single best algorithm, but the one that can most successfully integrate its technological prowess, its organizational structure, and its guiding principles into a coherent and resilient whole. The five-year strategy outlined in this report is designed to ensure that nation is the United States, by first fixing its critical internal integration challenges while simultaneously broadening its strategic vision to compete and win in every domain—physical, virtual, and, most decisively, cognitive.


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Enter the Battleverse: China’s Pursuit of Intelligentized Warfare in the Metaverse

This report provides a comprehensive intelligence assessment of the People’s Republic of China’s (PRC) strategic endeavor to develop a military-specific metaverse, termed the “battleverse” (战场元宇宙). Analysis of authoritative Chinese military-technical literature and procurement data indicates that this initiative is not a speculative or isolated technological pursuit, but a core component of the People’s Liberation Army’s (PLA) future warfighting doctrine and a key project within the PRC’s national “Digital China” (数字中国) grand strategy. The battleverse is the logical and necessary culmination of the PLA’s concept of “Intelligentized Warfare” (智能化战争), the designated successor to modern “informatized” conflict.

The PLA envisions the battleverse as a persistent, high-fidelity, virtual-real fused environment that will fundamentally revolutionize military operations across all domains. Its primary purpose is to enable the PLA to achieve “cognitive dominance” over an adversary by seamlessly integrating the physical, virtual, and cognitive (“brain battlefield”) dimensions of conflict. While the comprehensive battleverse remains a future objective, its foundational technologies—particularly Artificial Intelligence (AI) and Digital Twins—are being actively researched, developed, and procured. The most mature applications are currently in advanced training and simulation, where VR/AR systems and AI-driven “Blue Army” adversaries are enhancing training realism and accelerating tactical development.

Concurrently, the PLA is aggressively exploring advanced conceptual frameworks for “Meta-War,” a new form of conflict waged within and through the battleverse. These concepts include combat conducted by virtual avatars, by remotely operated robotic “simulacrums,” and by human soldiers who exist as “dual entities” in both the physical and virtual worlds. This theoretical work, combined with tangible technological progress, presents a significant long-term challenge to the military-technological superiority of the United States and its allies. The PLA’s approach is distinguished by its top-down, doctrine-driven integration and its exploration of higher levels of AI-driven autonomy, creating a potential divergence in the character of future warfare.

This report assesses the strategic drivers behind the battleverse, deconstructs its conceptual architecture, details its current and future applications, provides a comparative analysis with U.S. efforts, and evaluates the associated challenges and strategic implications. The PLA’s pursuit of the battleverse signals a determined effort to master a new form of warfare, one that could provide significant asymmetric advantages in a future conflict, particularly in a scenario involving Taiwan.

I. The Strategic Imperative: From Informatization to Intelligentization

The PLA’s ambition to construct a battleverse is not an ad-hoc reaction to a technological trend. It is the product of a deliberate, decades-long strategic modernization effort, guided by a clear doctrinal vision for the future of warfare and supported by a whole-of-nation grand strategy. Understanding this context is critical to appreciating the depth and seriousness of the battleverse initiative.

The PLA’s Three-Step Modernization Framework

The PLA’s contemporary modernization is structured around a three-phase strategic framework articulated by senior leadership, including PRC President Xi Jinping.1 These overlapping phases are mechanization, informatization, and intelligentization.1

  • Mechanization (机械化), the process of incorporating advanced machinery, vehicles, and conventional platforms, was the primary focus through the early 21st century and was intended to be largely completed by 2020.1
  • Informatization (信息化), the current phase, involves the introduction of networks, information systems, and data into all facets of military operations, from command and control (C2) and intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance (ISR) to cyber operations.1
  • Intelligentization (智能化), first formally mentioned in 2019, is the PLA’s vision for the future. While still pursuing the goals of informatization, the PLA is doctrinally and technologically pivoting toward this next phase, which it sees as a new Revolution in Military Affairs.1 Intelligentization is defined by the transformative impact of emerging technologies—specifically Artificial Intelligence (AI), big data, quantum computing, virtual and augmented reality (VR/AR), autonomous systems, and the Internet of Things (IoT)—on 21st-century warfare.1

Recent PLA writings explicitly describe the culmination of this intelligentization phase as leading to “Metaverse War” or “Meta-War,” making the battleverse a defining feature of this future conflict paradigm.1

Defining “Intelligentized Warfare” (智能化战争)

Intelligentized warfare is the PLA’s core warfighting theory for the 21st century. It represents a fundamental shift in the character of conflict, driven primarily by the maturation of AI.3 PLA theorists draw a clear distinction between this new stage and its predecessors based on the human functions they augment. Whereas mechanized warfare enhanced the physical capabilities of the soldier—their “hands and feet”—and informatized warfare enhanced their sensory capabilities—their “ears and eyes”—intelligentized warfare is conceived as enhancing the cognitive function of the commander and the force itself—the “brain”.6 This enhancement is to be achieved through advanced brain-computer interaction and AI-human teaming.6

The central tenets of this doctrine reveal why a battleverse is not merely useful, but essential:

  • Shift to Cognitive Dominance: The primary objective in intelligentized warfare shifts from achieving information superiority to seizing “cognitive dominance” (制智权).6 This is a more profound concept, focused on fundamentally disrupting, degrading, and manipulating the adversary’s decision-making processes. The goal is to render the opponent cognitively paralyzed, effectively turning them into an “idiot” in the battlespace, unable to process information or make sound judgments.6
  • Expansion of the Battlefield: The domains of conflict expand beyond the traditional physical realms of land, sea, air, and space. Intelligentized warfare explicitly incorporates the virtual space and, most critically, the “cognitive domain” or “brain battlefield” (头脑战场) of commanders, soldiers, and even national leaders as primary arenas for confrontation.1 Victory in the virtual and cognitive spaces is seen as a prerequisite for victory in the physical world.6

This doctrinal framework, with its focus on cognitive paralysis and the fusion of physical and non-physical domains, creates a clear and compelling military requirement for a persistent, integrated, virtual-real environment. The PLA is not simply adopting metaverse technology because it is available; it is pursuing the technology because its pre-existing theory of victory demands it. This doctrinal pull, rather than a simple technological push, indicates a far more deliberate and strategically integrated approach, suggesting that the battleverse concept is deeply embedded in the PLA’s long-term institutional planning.

Linkage to the “Digital China” Grand Strategy

The PLA’s military ambitions are inextricably linked to and enabled by a broader national strategy. The battleverse initiative is explicitly framed within PLA literature as a central component of the PRC’s societal transformation under the “Digital China” (数字中国) grand strategy.1 Described as the world’s first “digital grand strategy,” this whole-of-nation effort is personally championed by Xi Jinping and aims to “win the future” by achieving comprehensive digital supremacy.1

The “Digital China” strategy, which has roots in regional initiatives like “Digital Fujian” and “Digital Zhejiang” that Xi oversaw as a local leader, aims for the complete digital transformation of the PRC’s economy, governance, and society.8 In this context, the metaverse is seen as the next evolutionary stage of the internet and a critical new frontier for national power.9 By leading in its development, Beijing seeks to achieve several national objectives:

  • Technological Self-Reliance: Reduce dependency on foreign technology and establish “first-mover advantages” in a critical future industry.9
  • Economic Growth: Dominate what is expected to be a multi-trillion-dollar global market, further fueling China’s digital economy.9
  • Norm Shaping: Position the PRC to guide the development of international norms, standards, and governance structures for the metaverse.9
  • Sovereignty and Control: Extend state sovereignty into the virtual domain, ensuring the digital “spiritual home” of its citizens operates according to the Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) principles.9

This national-level strategic alignment creates a powerful symbiotic relationship, a prime example of the PRC’s Military-Civil Fusion (军民融合) strategy. The PLA’s demanding requirements for a high-fidelity, secure, AI-driven battleverse provide a clear strategic direction and a lucrative market for China’s civilian tech sector, driving national innovation in critical areas like AI, 5G, VR hardware, and advanced computing.11 In turn, the rapid growth of the civilian tech sector, such as China’s massive domestic VR market (estimated at 44% of the global market by late 2020), provides the PLA with a broad, resilient, and innovative industrial and R&D base from which to draw technology and talent.11 This whole-of-nation symbiosis provides a formidable strategic tailwind for the battleverse project, granting it a level of national priority and resource allocation that a purely military-siloed program could not achieve.

II. Deconstructing the Battleverse: Concept, Architecture, and Key Technologies

The PLA’s concept of the battleverse has evolved rapidly from a nascent idea into a sophisticated theoretical construct for future warfare. It is envisioned not as a single piece of software, but as a comprehensive military ecosystem with a specific architecture and a foundation built on the convergence of several key emerging technologies.

Defining the “Battleverse” (战场元宇宙)

The term “battleverse” (战场元宇宙) first entered the PLA’s public discourse in a November 2021 article in the official PLA Daily.1 Initially, the concept was framed in a defensive, soft-power context. The article proposed using the metaverse to create immersive reconstructions of historical battles to vividly depict the horrors of war, thereby deterring conflict and stimulating a desire for peace among the civilian population.1

This narrative, however, pivoted with remarkable speed. Within a matter of months, by early 2022, the discussion in official military media had shifted decisively toward building a separate, secure, and highly militarized metaverse designed explicitly to win future intelligentized wars.1 This rapid evolution from a public-facing deterrence tool to a core warfighting concept is significant. Such a fundamental shift in the official military newspaper is unlikely to be accidental; it strongly suggests that an internal consensus was reached at a high level to prioritize and accelerate the development of the metaverse as a primary warfighting domain. The initial “deterrence” framing may have served as strategic misdirection for external audiences, or it may reflect a genuine but quickly superseded initial thought.

In its current conception, the military metaverse is defined as a new and comprehensive military ecosystem that integrates the virtual and real worlds.17 It is distinguished from its civilian counterparts by a set of unique military requirements, including:

  • High Security: The system must handle highly classified information, requiring robust security protocols far beyond those of commercial platforms.17
  • High Credibility: Simulations and models must be of extremely high fidelity, based on real-world physics and validated data, to be useful for training and operational planning.17
  • Identity Determinacy: Users have pre-determined and authenticated military identities (e.g., commander, pilot, logistics officer) with clear roles and permissions.17

The Concept of “Meta-War”

Flowing from the battleverse concept is the PLA’s theory of “Meta-War.” This is defined as a new type of military activity that leverages the battleverse’s technological capabilities to achieve the strategic objective of conquering an opponent’s will.1 The architecture of Meta-War is designed to link three distinct but interconnected battlefields 1:

  1. The Physical Battlefield: The traditional domain of land, sea, air, and space where kinetic actions occur.
  2. The Virtual Battlefield: The digital space within the battleverse where simulations, cyber operations, and virtual combat take place.
  3. The “Brain Battlefield” (头脑战场): The cognitive space representing the conscious perceptions, situational awareness, and decision-making processes of soldiers and commanders.

The core function of the battleverse in Meta-War is to fuse these three domains, allowing personnel to seamlessly switch between the real-world battlefield and a virtual parallel battlefield as needed. This enables them to engage in live combat, run complex simulations of future actions, and predict outcomes in a fully immersive environment, all in real-time.1

Core Enabling Technologies

The PLA’s vision for the battleverse is predicated on the successful convergence and integration of a suite of advanced technologies.

  • Digital Twins: This technology is the architectural linchpin of the entire battleverse concept. A digital twin is a high-fidelity, virtual replica of a physical asset, process, or even an entire environment that is continuously updated with real-time data from its real-world counterpart.17 The PLA defines it as a mapping in virtual space that reflects the full life cycle of a piece of physical equipment.18 It is the digital twin that bridges the virtual and the real. Without accurate, persistent, real-time digital twins of weapon platforms, sensors, infrastructure, and geographical terrain, the battleverse would be merely a sophisticated but disconnected simulation. The digital twin provides the essential data-driven foundation that allows for realistic training, predictive maintenance, logistics optimization, and credible mission rehearsal.18 The PLA’s progress in creating a functional battleverse can, therefore, be most accurately measured by its progress in developing and integrating digital twin technology across its forces.
  • Artificial Intelligence (AI): If the digital twin is the skeleton of the battleverse, AI is its brain. AI is envisioned to perform a multitude of functions: generating rich and dynamic virtual scenes, providing real-time battlefield object recognition, powering intelligent “Blue Army” adversaries, and offering intelligent-assisted decision-making support to commanders.3 Crucially, AI systems themselves are expected to be trained within the battleverse through processes of “self-play and confrontational evolution,” allowing them to become “strategists” for conquering the virtual cognitive space without human intervention.6
  • Extended Reality (XR): XR technologies—including Virtual Reality (VR), Augmented Reality (AR), and Mixed Reality (MR)—serve as the primary human-machine interface for the battleverse.1 VR headsets, AR glasses, and haptic feedback suits are the tools that will provide the immersive, “on-site feeling” for soldiers in training, commanders directing battles, or maintainers repairing equipment.17
  • Supporting Infrastructure: A robust technological foundation is required to support these core components. This includes high-bandwidth, low-latency networking (such as 5G and beyond) to transmit vast amounts of data between the physical and virtual worlds; advanced computing (cloud for data storage and processing, and potentially quantum for complex calculations) to run the simulations; and a ubiquitous Internet of Things (IoT) to provide the constant stream of sensor data needed to keep the digital twins synchronized with reality.1 PLA theorists also explicitly mention brain-computer interfaces (BCIs) as a potential future interface for controlling systems directly.1

III. Applications and Concepts of Operation: Waging “Meta-War”

The PLA’s development of the battleverse is not purely theoretical. It is pursuing a dual-track approach: actively implementing mature, battleverse-related technologies for near-term gains while simultaneously developing radical new concepts of operation for future, fully-realized “Meta-War.”

A. Current and Near-Term Applications (The “Practice”)

The most tangible progress in implementing battleverse technologies is evident in areas that offer immediate improvements to readiness, efficiency, and force development.

  • Training and Education: This is the most mature and widely documented application area. The PLA is leveraging immersive technologies to create training environments that are more realistic, repeatable, cost-effective, and safer than traditional methods.9
  • Skill-Based VR Training: The PLA has fielded VR systems for specific tasks, such as parachute training. These systems use virtual simulation and spatial positioning to expose new paratroopers to a range of aerial emergencies and unfamiliar environments in a risk-free setting, improving their real-world performance and adaptability.9 Similar systems are used for training operators of man-portable air-defense systems (MANPADS), allowing them to practice engaging diverse aerial targets like helicopters, cruise missiles, and fighter jets in a virtual environment.23
  • Tactical VR Training: More advanced systems are emerging for collective training. The “Wisdom Commando VR Training System,” developed by the state-owned China Electronics Technology Group Corporation (CETC), is a prime example. It uses VR helmets, haptic feedback suits, and simulated weapons to immerse a squad of soldiers in a virtual battlefield where they can train alongside both their real teammates and AI-powered virtual teammates. The system leverages key technologies like large-space positioning to allow free movement and machine learning algorithms to evaluate performance.20
  • Psychological Conditioning: The PLA is also exploring the use of VR to conduct wartime psychological training. The goal is to create hyper-realistic, high-stress virtual combat environments to better prepare soldiers for the psychological shock of real battle.24
  • Wargaming and Simulation (The “Blue Army”): The PLA has long used simulations for wargaming, but is now investing heavily in creating a next-generation, AI-driven “Blue Army”—the PLA’s term for a simulated adversary force, akin to a U.S. “Red Team”.25 The objective is to move beyond scripted, service-level simulations to a dynamic, all-element joint combat simulation platform. The AI-powered Blue Army is intended to perfectly mimic the command decision-making behavior and tactics of a potential adversary, allowing the PLA to rigorously test its own operational concepts, identify weaknesses, and discover “possible blind spots” at a pace and scale impossible in live exercises.25 This effort is augmented by research at institutions like Xi’an Technological University, where AI models like DeepSeek are being used to autonomously generate tens of thousands of potential battlefield scenarios in seconds, transforming simulation from a static, pre-programmed system into an “autonomously evolving intelligent agent”.26
  • Equipment R&D, Maintenance, and Logistics: Digital twin technology is the centerpiece of efforts to modernize the entire lifecycle of military equipment.
  • Research & Development: The PLA envisions using digital twins to dramatically shorten the R&D cycle for complex platforms like warships and aircraft.17 By creating and testing virtual prototypes in a realistic, simulated combat environment, engineers can validate designs, assess combat effectiveness, and identify flaws before any physical manufacturing begins, saving immense time and resources.17
  • Maintenance and Logistics: In the sustainment phase, a digital twin of a platform, continuously fed with real-world performance data, can enable predictive maintenance, anticipating part failures before they occur.18 In logistics, digital twins of supply chains and transportation networks can create a system of “intelligent war logistics,” allowing for a more flexible, on-demand, and resilient supply chain that can adapt to the dynamic needs of the battlefield.18
  • Procurement and Development Ecosystem: The PLA’s commitment is reflected in its procurement activities and the emergence of a specialized development ecosystem. Analysis of PLA procurement records reveals a clear focus on acquiring “smart” and “intelligent” systems, including augmented reality sandboxes for training and intelligent interactive control systems.28 A 2020 analysis showed significant purchasing in intelligent and autonomous vehicles and AI-enabled ISR, sourced from a diverse ecosystem of both traditional state-owned defense enterprises and smaller, non-traditional vendors.15 Specialized entities are also emerging, such as the “Digital Twin Battlefield Laboratory,” which offers bespoke R&D services, consulting, and the construction of digital twin test ranges, indicating a professionalization of the field.30

B. Future Combat Concepts (The “Theory of Meta-War”)

Beyond near-term applications, PLA strategists are developing highly advanced, and in some cases radical, theories for how a fully realized battleverse will change the nature of combat itself. These concepts are detailed in an article titled “Meta-War: An Alternative Vision of Intelligentized Warfare” and represent the PLA’s theoretical end-state for metaverse-enabled conflict.1

  • The Three Methods of “Meta-War”:
  1. “(Virtual) Clone/Avatar [分身] Combat in the Virtual World”: This form of combat takes place entirely within the digital realm of the battleverse. It encompasses activities like cyber warfare, psychological operations, and the manipulation of public opinion, conducted from behind the scenes to shape the battlespace before and during a conflict.1 On the virtual “front lines,” combatants would use avatars to conduct highly realistic pre-battle training, mission rehearsals, and simulated combat exercises.1
  2. “Simulacrum/Imitation [仿身] Combat in the Real World”: This concept describes real-world combat where human soldiers are replaced on the front lines by weaponized “simulacrums.” These are not fully autonomous robots but rather platforms—such as humanoid robots, bionic machines, or mechs—that are controlled in real-time by human operators from a safe distance.1 These simulacrums would carry the human operator’s perception and intent onto the battlefield, allowing them to perform dangerous and complex tasks. The control interfaces could include remote controls, tactile devices, or even direct brain-computer interfaces.1 This concept represents a pragmatic approach to the challenges of fully autonomous AI. Instead of waiting for a breakthrough in artificial general intelligence that can handle the complexities and ethical dilemmas of combat, this model uses the human brain as the advanced processor, effectively “teleporting” a soldier’s cognitive abilities into an expendable, physically superior machine. It leverages the unique strengths of both humans (adaptability, creativity, ethical judgment) and machines (speed, endurance, resilience) to field a highly capable semi-autonomous force in the near-to-mid term.
  3. “Incarnation/Embodiment [化身] Combat in Parallel Worlds”: This is the ultimate synthesis of the first two concepts, representing the full fusion of the real and virtual. In this mode of combat, human soldiers, their virtual avatars, and their controlled simulacrums would operate in unison across parallel realities.1 A human soldier and their weapon system would function as a “dual entity,” existing simultaneously in the physical world and as a digital twin in the virtual world. They would be capable of switching between and interacting across these realities. In this paradigm, victory might not be determined solely by physical destruction but by which side first achieves a critical objective in the virtual world, such as discovering a hidden key or disabling a virtual command node, which then translates to a decisive advantage in the real world.1
  • The Centrality of the “Brain Battlefield” (头脑战场): Underlying all three methods of Meta-War is the focus on the “brain battlefield”—the cognitive state of the adversary.1 The ultimate purpose of fusing the virtual and real is to create an environment where the PLA can manipulate the enemy’s perception of reality. By using highly deceptive information, injecting false virtual targets into an enemy’s augmented reality display, or creating confusing scenarios, the PLA aims to directly attack the enemy’s cognitive processes, interfering with their judgment, slowing their decision-making, and inducing fatal errors.10 This represents a profound doctrinal shift away from a primary focus on physical attrition. The goal of Meta-War is not just to destroy the enemy’s forces, but to achieve a state of cognitive paralysis, shattering their will and ability to fight by making them incapable of trusting their own senses and systems. A successful campaign might result in an enemy force that is physically intact but rendered completely combat-ineffective, achieving victory with potentially less kinetic violence.

IV. The Geopolitical Battlefield: U.S.-China Competition in the Military Metaverse

The PLA’s pursuit of a battleverse is not occurring in a vacuum. It is a central element of its broader strategic competition with the United States, which is pursuing its own, parallel efforts to develop next-generation synthetic training and operational environments. While there are technological similarities, a comparative analysis reveals significant divergences in strategic vision, doctrinal approach, and organizational structure.

China’s Approach: Top-Down, Doctrine-Driven, and Integrated

As previously established, the PLA’s battleverse initiative is a key component of a unified, top-down national and military strategy.1 This provides a coherent vision that integrates technological development with a pre-defined warfighting doctrine—”Intelligentized Warfare.” The explicit goal is to leverage these technologies to generate “asymmetric advantages” against the United States, which the PLA regards as a “strong enemy” and its primary strategic competitor.29 A defining feature of this approach is the PLA’s doctrinal willingness to explore higher levels of AI autonomy. PLA writings suggest a desire to remove the human soldier from certain decision-making loops where possible, believing that machine-driven speed can provide a decisive edge in achieving “decision dominance”.31

The U.S. Approach: Bottom-Up, Technologically Focused, and Federated

The United States does not use the term “battleverse,” but its armed services and research agencies are developing a suite of highly advanced capabilities that aim to achieve similar outcomes in training and operations.33 The U.S. effort, however, is more federated and appears to be driven more by technological opportunity than by a single, overarching new doctrine.

  • U.S. Army Synthetic Training Environment (STE): This is one of the Army’s top modernization priorities, designed to revolutionize training by converging live, virtual, constructive, and gaming environments into a single, interoperable platform.11 The STE is software-focused, leverages cloud computing, and is designed to be accessible to soldiers at their “point of need,” from home station to deployed locations.34 Its goal is to allow soldiers to conduct dozens of “bloodless battles” in a realistic virtual world before ever seeing combat.34
  • U.S. Air Force Digital Twin Programs: The U.S. Air Force is a global leader in the practical application of digital twin technology. Notable projects include the creation of a complete, engineering-grade digital twin of the F-16 Fighting Falcon to streamline sustainment, modernization, and repairs 38, and the development of a massive, installation-scale digital twin of Tyndall Air Force Base in Florida. This virtual replica of the base is used to manage its multi-billion-dollar reconstruction after a hurricane, optimize planning, and run realistic security simulations, such as active shooter drills.39 These programs demonstrate a high level of maturity in deploying the foundational technology of any military metaverse.
  • DARPA Research: The Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency (DARPA) is pushing the technological frontier. Its programs are not only developing the building blocks of future synthetic environments but are also proactively researching defenses against the threats they might pose. Programs like Perceptually-enabled Task Guidance (PTG) are developing AI assistants that can guide personnel through complex physical tasks using augmented reality.41 More critically, there is a striking parallel between the PLA’s offensive cognitive warfare concepts and DARPA’s defensive research. The PLA is actively theorizing about using the metaverse to conduct cognitive attacks to “confuse the opponent’s cognition” and “mislead their decision-making”.10 In response, DARPA’s Intrinsic Cognitive Security (ICS) program is explicitly designed to build tactical mixed reality systems that can protect warfighters from precisely these kinds of “cognitive attacks,” such as “information flooding,” “injecting virtual data to distract personnel,” and “sowing confusion”.42 This indicates that U.S. defense planners are taking this threat vector seriously, and the competition is already well underway at the conceptual and R&D level. DARPA is, in effect, attempting to build the shield for a sword the PLA is still designing.

Comparative Analysis: Key Divergences

The competition between the U.S. and China in this domain is not a simple technology race but a clash of strategic philosophies. The U.S. appears to possess more advanced individual components and a more vibrant R&D ecosystem, but China’s top-down, integrated approach may allow for faster and more cohesive implementation of a unified vision. The strategic contest may hinge on which model proves more effective: the U.S. model of federated innovation and gradual integration into existing structures like Joint All-Domain Command and Control (JADC2), or China’s model of unified, doctrine-driven development.

The most critical point of divergence is the doctrinal approach to autonomy. U.S. military doctrine, policy, and ethics heavily prioritize a “human-in-the-loop” or human-machine teaming paradigm, where AI serves as an assistive tool to enhance, not replace, human decision-making.31 In contrast, PLA writings are more ambitious, exploring concepts of greater AI autonomy and explicitly discussing the potential advantages of removing the human from the decision-making process to achieve superior speed and “decision dominance”.31 This fundamental difference in philosophy could lead to two very different types of “intelligentized” forces in the future.

Table 1: Comparative Analysis of U.S. and PRC Military Metaverse Initiatives

FeatureU.S. Synthetic Training Environment (STE) & Related ProgramsPRC “Battleverse” (战场元宇宙)
Primary DoctrineJoint All-Domain Command and Control (JADC2); Human-Machine TeamingIntelligentized Warfare (智能化战争); Cognitive Dominance
Key ProgramsArmy STE, USAF Digital Twin (F-16, Tyndall AFB), DARPA research (ICS, PTG)CETC VR Systems, Digital Twin Battlefield Lab, AI-driven “Blue Army” Simulations
Technological FocusInteroperability, COTS integration, augmented reality (IVAS), cloud computingAI-driven autonomy, digital twins, VR immersion, brain-computer interfaces
Development StatusMultiple programs in advanced development and initial fielding (demonstrating high component maturity)Extensive conceptual work; foundational technologies in active development and procurement (demonstrating high strategic integration)
Approach to Autonomy“Human-in-the-loop” prioritized; AI as an assistive tool for human decision-makersExploration of higher degrees of AI autonomy; potential for machine-driven decision-making to gain speed

V. Assessment of Challenges, Vulnerabilities, and Strategic Implications

Despite the PLA’s ambitious vision and strategic commitment, the path to a fully functional battleverse is fraught with significant internal challenges and creates new strategic vulnerabilities. Realizing this complex ecosystem is a monumental undertaking, and its successful implementation has profound implications for regional security, particularly concerning a potential conflict over Taiwan.

Internal PLA Challenges

Chinese military experts and technical analysts are themselves candid about the significant barriers the PLA faces.

  • Technological and Integration Hurdles: The technical challenges are immense. In a comprehensive review of Chinese-language defense journals, PLA officers and defense industry researchers identified several key concerns. These include the ability to guarantee network and cyber security for such a complex system, the difficulty of maintaining robust communications in a high-intensity conflict, and the need to develop the high-end sensors required to feed the digital twins with accurate data.45 Integrating dozens of disparate, specialized AI systems from various vendors into a coherent, multi-domain “system of systems” is an enormous software and systems engineering challenge that no military has yet solved.46
  • Data and AI Trustworthiness: The entire concept of intelligentized warfare hinges on the reliability of data and the trustworthiness of AI. However, AI systems are notoriously vulnerable to flawed, biased, or maliciously manipulated input data, which can lead to catastrophic errors in judgment.46 Many Chinese experts express deep misgivings about deploying insufficiently trustworthy AI systems in lethal contexts, citing the risks of unintended escalation, civilian casualties, and friendly fire incidents.45 The inherent “black box” nature of some advanced AI models makes it difficult for human commanders to understand, verify, and ultimately trust their recommendations, a critical barrier to effective human-machine teaming.46
  • Systemic Vulnerability to Attack: The battleverse’s greatest strength—its hyper-connectivity and total integration—is also its greatest weakness. This creates a strategic paradox: while it promises unprecedented operational coherence, it also presents a systemic, single-point-of-failure vulnerability. PLA thinkers acknowledge that the algorithms and networks at the core of the battleverse are prime targets. A successful cyber or electronic attack that compromises the integrity of the battleverse’s data or manipulates its core algorithms could lead to a total loss of combat capability for the entire force.47 This suggests that a U.S. strategy should not necessarily be to build a mirror-image battleverse, but to develop the asymmetric capabilities required to disrupt, deceive, and disable the PLA’s version.
  • Ethical and Legal Dilemmas: The prospect of intelligentized warfare raises profound ethical and legal questions that Chinese strategists are beginning to grapple with. These include the morality of delegating life-and-death decisions to machines and the intractable problem of assigning legal accountability for war crimes committed by an autonomous system.48

Strategic Implications for the United States and Allies

The PLA’s development of a battleverse, even if only partially successful, will have significant strategic implications.

  • The Taiwan Scenario: The battleverse is a powerful tool for a potential Taiwan contingency. The PLA could leverage a high-fidelity digital twin of Taiwan and its surrounding environment to wargame an invasion scenario thousands of times, allowing them to meticulously test operational plans, identify weaknesses in Taiwan’s defenses, and perfect their joint force coordination at minimal cost and risk.18 This would enable the PLA to enter a conflict with a level of rehearsal and optimization previously unimaginable. Furthermore, the initial phase of an invasion could be non-kinetic, launched from within the battleverse. It could consist of massive, coordinated cyber, electronic, and cognitive attacks designed to paralyze Taiwan’s command and control, sow chaos and confusion, and degrade its will to fight before a single ship or plane crosses the strait.10 The battleverse also provides a new and potent platform for “gray zone” activities. In the years leading up to a potential conflict, the PLA could use the virtual space to conduct persistent, low-threshold operations against a digital twin of Taiwan—testing cyber defenses, mapping critical infrastructure, and running subtle cognitive influence campaigns, all below the threshold of armed conflict but effectively shaping the future battlefield.
  • Accelerated PLA Modernization: A functional battleverse would act as a powerful force multiplier for PLA modernization. It would create a virtual feedback loop, allowing the PLA to develop, test, and refine new technologies, tactics, and doctrine at a speed that cannot be matched by traditional, resource-intensive live exercises. This could dramatically shorten the timeline for the PLA to achieve its goal of becoming a “world-class” military capable of fighting and winning wars against a strong adversary.
  • Risk of Rapid Escalation: A key objective of intelligentized warfare is to accelerate the decision-making cycle (the OODA loop) to a speed that overwhelms an opponent. However, this reliance on AI-driven speed could have a destabilizing effect in a crisis. It could drastically shorten the time available for human deliberation and diplomacy, potentially leading to a rapid and unintended escalation from a regional crisis to a major conflict.46

Conclusion and Recommendations

The People’s Liberation Army’s pursuit of a military metaverse, or “battleverse,” is a serious, coherent, and long-term strategic endeavor that is deeply integrated with its national and military modernization goals. It is the designated operational environment for the PLA’s future warfighting doctrine of “Intelligentized Warfare.” While the vision of a fully fused virtual-real battlefield remains aspirational, and significant technical and systemic challenges persist, the conceptual groundwork is well-established, and foundational investments in enabling technologies like AI, digital twins, and VR are well underway. The most critical divergence from Western military development lies in the PLA’s doctrinal embrace of AI-driven autonomy and its explicit focus on achieving victory through cognitive dominance.

Over the next five years, the PLA will likely field advanced, networked VR/AR training and large-scale simulation systems across all services, significantly improving training realism, joint operational proficiency, and tactical development speed. Within a decade, it is plausible that the PLA will be experimenting with integrated “Meta-War” concepts in major exercises, fusing digital twin environments with live forces and testing rudimentary “simulacrum” platforms under direct human control. This trajectory presents a formidable challenge that requires a proactive and multi-faceted response from the United States and its allies.

Based on this assessment, the following recommendations are offered for the U.S. intelligence community, the Department of Defense, and associated policymakers:

  1. Prioritize Intelligence Collection on PLA Digital Twin Development: Intelligence collection and analysis should shift from a primary focus on individual hardware procurement to tracking the PLA’s progress in developing and integrating high-fidelity digital twins. Monitoring the creation of virtual replicas of key platforms (e.g., aircraft carriers, advanced destroyers, 5th-generation aircraft) and strategic locations (e.g., Taiwan, Guam, key U.S. bases in the Indo-Pacific) will serve as the most accurate barometer of the PLA’s true battleverse capability and its operational readiness for specific contingencies.
  2. Invest in “Red Team” Cognitive and Algorithmic Warfare Capabilities: The Department of Defense should fund and prioritize the development of offensive capabilities designed specifically to target the inherent vulnerabilities of a centralized, hyper-networked battleverse architecture. This includes advanced research in data poisoning, algorithm manipulation, network deception, and cognitive attacks designed to sow mistrust between PLA operators and their AI systems. The goal should be to develop the means to turn the battleverse’s greatest strength—its integration—into a critical vulnerability.
  3. Accelerate and Integrate U.S. Synthetic Environment Efforts: While maintaining a firm doctrinal commitment to human-centric command and control, the Department of Defense should accelerate the integration of its disparate synthetic environment programs (e.g., Army STE, Air Force digital twins, Navy trainers) into a coherent, JADC2-enabled operational environment. The strategic objective should be to outpace the PLA’s integration efforts by leveraging the U.S. technological advantage in areas like cloud computing, COTS software, and advanced AI to create a more flexible, resilient, and effective human-machine teaming ecosystem.
  4. Establish Ethical and Policy Guardrails for AI in Warfare: The United States should lead a robust and sustained dialogue with key allies to establish clear norms, ethical red lines, and policies for the use of AI and autonomous systems in combat. Codifying a commitment to meaningful human control will create a clear strategic and moral distinction from the PLA’s more ambiguous doctrinal path, strengthen allied cohesion on this critical issue, and provide a framework for future arms control discussions.

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