The Russo-Ukrainian War (2022-2025) has served as a crucible for modern high-intensity warfare, exposing severe structural deficiencies within the Russian defense industrial base (DIB), particularly in the domain of optoelectronics. Historically, the Soviet and subsequent Russian military doctrines relied on domestic production centers—such as the Shvabe Holding conglomerate—to supply thermal imaging, night vision, and advanced targeting systems. However, as the war of attrition extended into 2024 and 2025, a critical shift occurred. Russian domestic production crumbled under the twin pressures of sanctions-induced component starvation and the sheer scale of battlefield losses. Into this vacuum stepped the People’s Republic of China (PRC).
This report, compiled from an engineering and industry analyst perspective, definitively confirms that Chinese optics companies have become the primary technological sustainment mechanism for Russian infantry and mechanized units. The data indicates a systematic, large-scale integration of Chinese commercial-off-the-shelf (COTS) and dual-use thermal, reflex, and fiber-optic guidance systems into the Russian kill chain.
The analysis confirms the following critical developments:
Dominance of Specific Manufacturers: Yantai iRay Technology (InfiRay), Wuhan Guide Sensmart, and Hangzhou Hikmicro Sensing Technology have effectively monopolized the Russian market for uncooled thermal sights, displacing both Western imports (FLIR, Pulsar) and Russian domestic alternatives.
Direct Military Application of “Civilian” Tech: Chinese “hunting” scopes are being deployed at the highest tiers of Russian Special Operations Forces (Spetsnaz), validating their ruggedness and performance as military-grade despite civilian marketing.
Emergence of Fiber-Optic Guidance: A joint effort involving entities like PGI Technology (ASFPV LLC) has introduced Kevlar-reinforced fiber-optic control systems for drones, neutralizing Western electronic warfare (EW) advantages.
Supply Chain Evasion: Through a complex web of intermediaries in Central Asia and direct “hunting store” retailers like Navigator Tut.ru, Chinese entities have circumvented Western export controls, delivering tens of thousands of units to the front lines.
The consensus among engineering assessments and battlefield feedback is that Chinese optics, particularly thermal imaging cores, have reached a parity point with Western equivalents in terms of sensor sensitivity (NETD) and resolution, often exceeding Russian domestic capabilities in reliability and power management.
2. Strategic Context: The Collapse of Russian Domestic Optronics
To understand the influx of Chinese optics, one must first analyze the failure of the indigenous Russian industry. The Shvabe Holding conglomerate, a subsidiary of Rostec, is the nominal heart of Russian optical manufacturing. It encompasses facilities like the Urals Optical and Mechanical Plant and the Zagorsk Optical-Mechanical Plant.
2.1 The “Hollow Force” of Russian Manufacturing
Prior to 2022, high-end Russian thermal sights (such as the Irbis or Shahin series) were heavily dependent on French uncooled microbolometers sourced from Lynred (formerly Sofradir/ULIS) and Thales.1 When EU sanctions severed this link, Russian manufacturers attempted to pivot to domestic matrices. However, leak analyses from the 256 Cyber Assault Division indicate that Shvabe struggles with yield rates and sensor uniformity.1
The inability of Russian industry to scale production of 12-micron pixel pitch sensors—the current standard for high-performance, compact thermal sights—created a capability gap. Russian units, particularly mobilized reservists and volunteer battalions, were often deployed with iron sights or obsolete Soviet-era night vision (1PN58/1PN93) that required active IR illumination, making them visible to enemy sensors.
2.2 The Chinese Substitution Strategy
China’s optronics industry, led by companies in Wuhan (the “Optics Valley” of China) and Yantai, had spent the decade prior to 2022 aggressively capturing the global commercial market. By subsidizing R&D into vanadium oxide (VOx) uncooled microbolometers, Chinese firms achieved economies of scale that Western defense contractors could not match in the civilian sector.
When Russia’s need became existential, Chinese firms were positioned to supply “dual-use” items. These products are legally designated for hunting, outdoor exploration, or industrial inspection, yet they possess frame rates (50Hz) and resolutions (640×512 or higher) that meet or exceed military specifications (MIL-SPEC).2
3. Key Chinese Entities and Product Analysis
The following section provides a detailed corporate and technical profile of the primary Chinese entities identified as suppliers to the Russian military.
3.1 Yantai iRay Technology Co., Ltd. (InfiRay)
Corporate Status: Sanctioned by the US Treasury (SDN List) for supplying Tier 3 and Tier 4 items on the BIS Common High Priority List.3
iRay has achieved significant market penetration due to the modularity of its thermal cores. Teardowns of captured equipment in Ukraine reveal that iRay modules, such as the Micro III and Matrix III series, are being used not just in iRay branded products but are likely being integrated into “Russian-made” chassis to mask their origin.5
Sensor Technology: iRay utilizes VOx detectors with a pixel pitch of 12µm. This is a critical engineering metric; a smaller pixel pitch allows for a smaller germanium objective lens to achieve the same magnification and detection range, reducing the overall weight and cost of the unit.
Sensitivity (NETD): iRay claims Noise Equivalent Temperature Difference (NETD) values of <25mK. In the low-contrast, high-humidity winter conditions of Eastern Ukraine (the “rasputitsa” mud season), low NETD is essential for distinguishing a camouflaged soldier from the cold background. Battlefield reports confirm these sensors perform reliably where older uncooled sensors wash out.6
3.1.2 Flagship Models in Combat
Holo Series (HL13, HL25): These are thermal reflex sights. Unlike a standard red dot, the Holo overlays a thermal image onto a heads-up display (HUD).
Tactical Utility: Used for close-quarters battle (CQB) in smoke or total darkness. The HL25, with a larger objective, has been identified in use by Russian special forces.8
Rico and Geni Series: These are dedicated thermal weapon sights. The Rico RH50 features a 640×512 sensor and a high shock resistance rating (up to 1000g), making it suitable for the recoil impulse of the PKM machine gun (7.62x54R) and even.338 Lapua sniper platforms.9
Jerry-C Clip-On: A miniature thermal imager that clips onto standard analog night vision goggles (NVG), creating a “fusion” image. This allows Russian operators to navigate using analog night vision while thermally highlighting heat signatures.
Corporate Status: Sanctioned. A subsidiary of Guide Infrared, a massive state-linked entity.
Market Position: Competes directly with iRay but focuses heavily on the “tube-style” thermal scope form factor.
3.2.1 The TU Series (TU420, TU430, TU450)
The Guide TU series is ubiquitous on the Russian front line because it mimics the form factor of a traditional 30mm glass dayscope.10
Mounting Architecture: Because it uses standard 30mm rings, it can be mounted on almost any Russian small arm (AK-12, SV-98) without specialized proprietary mounts. This logistical simplicity is a major advantage for irregular Russian units (Wagner, Storm-Z).
Power System: The TU series utilizes a dual-battery system (internal + replaceable 18650). This allows for “hot-swapping” batteries without powering down the device—a critical feature during extended overwatch missions in freezing temperatures where battery voltage sag is common.11
3.2.2 Battlefield Consensus
Russian user reviews and telegram discussions indicate that while Guide sensors are sometimes perceived as having slightly lower raw image contrast than iRay, their build quality and “traditional” ergonomics make them a favorite for snipers transitioning from glass optics. The software algorithms for image smoothing are robust, aiding in target identification at ranges exceeding 800 meters.12
Corporate Status: A subsidiary of Hikvision, the surveillance giant. Heavily involved in supplying dual-use optics.
Primary Models: Thunder and Panther series.
3.3.1 The Panther PQ50L and Zero Retention Issues
The Panther PQ50L is a high-end thermal scope with an integrated Laser Rangefinder (LRF). The LRF is a force multiplier, as judging distance through a thermal screen is notoriously difficult due to the lack of depth perception.6
Ballistic Calculation: The unit can interface with ballistic apps, allowing the shooter to adjust the reticle for bullet drop automatically.
Zero Shift Controversy: There is a persistent thread of technical complaints regarding zero retention on Hikmicro units. Some users report that the digital zero shifts after repeated firing of heavy calibers, or that the mounting clamp (Picatinny interface) is out of spec.13
Engineer’s Assessment: This is likely a mechanical tolerance issue in the Quick Detach (QD) mount rather than a sensor movement. However, Hikmicro has released firmware updates (v5.5.38) specifically to address “zeroing profiles,” suggesting a software compensation fix was attempted.14 Despite these reports, the “bang for the buck” makes them prevalent.
3.4 Wuhan Tongsheng Technology Co., Ltd.
Corporate Status: Sanctioned by US Treasury 15 and UK.16
Role: Unlike the consumer-facing brands above, Tongsheng appears to operate more obscurely, supplying modules, components, and “high-priority technology” directly to Russian defense entities.
Activities: Tongsheng representatives attended a state security technology exposition in Moscow in October 2023, hosted by the Russian Ministry of Defense.15 This direct engagement with the MoD contradicts any claim of “purely civilian” commerce.
Shareholder Structure: Corporate registry documents identify Zhu Jiang (Director) and Dr. Zhang (major shareholder via employee incentive platforms) as key figures.17 The company has shown rapid capital increases, correlating with the timeline of increased Russian exports.
4. The Holosun Phenomenon: Democratization of the Reflex Sight
While thermal optics provide night capability, the day-to-day combat optic for the average Russian contract soldier is the red dot or reflex sight. Here, Holosun Technologies (headquartered in California but manufacturing in China) dominates the landscape.
4.1 Comparative Reliability: Holosun vs. The World
Russian special forces (Spetsnaz) and private military contractors (PMCs) have been documented extensively using Holosun optics (specifically the HS403, HS510C, and AEMS).9
Durability: In “torture tests” cited by industry observers (e.g., Sage Dynamics), Holosun optics have demonstrated zero retention after tens of thousands of rounds and multiple drops onto concrete.
The “EOTech Killer”: Many Russian operators prefer the Holosun HS510C over the American EOTech HWS. The EOTech has a history of “thermal drift” (zero shifting with temperature changes) and delamination of the holographic grating. Holosun’s LED emitter technology is simpler, more energy-efficient (50,000 hours battery life vs 1,000 for EOTech), and arguably more robust in the harsh temperature gradients of the Ukrainian theater.9
Availability: While Trijicon and Aimpoint are strictly ITAR-controlled and difficult to smuggle in volume, Holosun is available globally via civilian channels. Russian logistics officers can procure them by the crate from Chinese distributors or intermediaries in the UAE.
5. Emerging Threat: Fiber-Optic Guided Munitions and PGI Technology
A recent and technically profound development is the deployment of fiber-optic guided First Person View (FPV) drones. This technology represents a tactical pivot to negate Western Electronic Warfare (EW) superiority.
5.1 The Physics of Fiber Guidance
Radio-controlled drones are vulnerable to jamming. High-power microwave emitters or broad-spectrum jammers can sever the command link between the pilot and the drone.
The Solution: A physical fiber-optic cable unspools from the drone as it flies. This provides two massive advantages:
Infinite Bandwidth: The operator receives uncompressed, high-definition video feed, which is impossible over analog radio at long range.
Spectral Invisibility: The drone emits no radio signals, making it undetectable to Radio Frequency (RF) scanners and immune to jamming.19
5.2 The Role of PGI Technology (ASFPV LLC)
The entity ASFPV LLC, also operating under the name PGI Technology, has been identified as a key supplier of this technology. It is described as a “Chinese-Russian group”.20
Kevlar Reinforcement: The critical engineering challenge in fiber drones is cable breakage. As the drone maneuvers or accelerates, tension on the spool can snap the glass fiber. PGI Technology has developed a specialized fiber reinforced with Kevlar threading.
Tensile Strength: This integration reportedly doubles the tensile strength from 50 Newtons to 100 Newtons.20 This allows the drone to perform aggressive terminal maneuvers without severing its own control line.
Scale of Supply: Reports indicate that China exported nearly 328,000 miles of fiber optic cable to Russia in August 2025 alone, a massive surge correlating with the deployment of these systems.21
Corporate Nexus: ASFPV LLC is registered in St. Petersburg (TIN 7804705606) with Denis Aleksandrovich Merzlikin as the General Director.23 The company openly displays Chinese-made drones on its website and facilitates direct interaction with Russian military personnel for testing.24
6. Battlefield Performance Consensus and Engineering Assessment
Based on open-source intelligence (OSINT), recovered hardware analysis, and user feedback from the front lines, the following consensus on performance has emerged.
6.1 Thermal Imaging Systems
Resolution and Detection: The standard for “combat effective” thermal sights has shifted to 640×512 resolution. The Chinese sensors (iRay/Guide) deliver this at a price point (~$3,000 – $5,000) that is vastly lower than Western military equivalents (~$15,000+).
Latency: Early Chinese thermals suffered from image lag (latency), which is fatal when engaging moving targets. Current generations operate at a true 50Hz, providing fluid motion tracking essential for hitting vehicles or running infantry.
Durability: While plastic housings on cheaper models (e.g., Hikmicro Thunder TE19) are prone to cracking under hard impact, the higher-end models (iRay Rico, Guide TU) use magnesium alloy housings that hold up well.
Battery Management: This is a key decisive factor. Western units often use proprietary batteries or CR123A (expensive, short life). Chinese units widely use the 18650 Li-ion standard, which is rechargeable, cheap, and abundant. This logistical detail significantly enhances the sustainability of these optics in the field.
6.2 Reflex Sights
The “Good Enough” Paradigm: The consensus is that while a Holosun might not survive a bomb blast as well as an Aimpoint T-2, it is 95% as durable for 20% of the cost. In a war of attrition where the lifespan of an assault rifle (or its operator) might be measured in weeks, this cost-benefit analysis favors the Chinese optic.
Passive Aiming: Many Holosun models feature Night Vision settings that are compatible with Gen 3 tubes, allowing passive aiming (aiming through the optic with NVGs without using a laser). This is critical as lasers reveal the shooter’s position.
6.3 Failure Modes
Cold Weather Performance: Batteries (Li-ion) degrade rapidly in the -20°C temperatures of a Ukrainian winter. While the optics themselves function, the run-times are often halved. External battery packs (power banks) connected via USB-C are a common field modification seen on Russian rifles to mitigate this.
Software Glitches: Hikmicro units specifically have a reputation for firmware instability, occasionally requiring a hard reset in the field. This is a significant liability in combat.13
7. Supply Chain Forensics: The “Hunting” Loophole
The mechanisms by which these optics reach the Russian military are sophisticated and designed to provide plausible deniability to the Chinese state.
7.1 The “Civilian” Designation
Virtually all the optics discussed (iRay Rico, Guide TU, Hikmicro Panther) are marketed globally as “hunting” or “outdoor” equipment.
Dual-Use Ambiguity: There is no functional hardware difference between a “hunting” thermal scope and a “military” one. Both use the same microbolometer, the same germanium glass, and the same reticle software.
Retail Aggregators: Russian e-commerce giants and specialized retailers like Navigator Tut.ru (mentioned in US intelligence assessments) act as aggregators. They import thousands of units ostensibly for the Russian civilian market. These are then purchased in bulk by “volunteer organizations” (e.g., ONF, various Telegram fundraisers) and shipped directly to units in the Donbas.2
7.2 The Intermediary Web
When direct shipment is too risky due to sanctions on specific entities, the supply chain diverts through:
Central Asia: Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan have seen explosive growth in the import of Chinese optics, which are then re-exported to Russia.26
Turkey and UAE: Financial hubs where shell companies facilitate the payment processing for these transactions, often using USDT (Tether) or yuan-ruble swaps to bypass SWIFT.27
7.3 Direct Military-Industrial Collaboration
Beyond retail sourcing, there is evidence of deeper integration. The Urals Optical and Mechanical Plant (a key military factory) has been cited as a recipient of Chinese components.28 This suggests that Chinese thermal cores are being integrated directly into Russian armored vehicle sights (e.g., for T-90M tanks) to replace the embargoed French Thales Catherine-FC cameras.
8. Conclusion: The Strategic Enabler
The data supports a high-confidence conclusion that Chinese optics companies are not merely “leaking” products into Russia but are the primary technological enablers of the Russian infantry’s night-fighting capability.
Without the supply of tens of thousands of iRay, Guide, and Hikmicro thermal sights, Russian forces would be effectively blind at night compared to their Ukrainian counterparts equipped with Western aid. The volume of these exports—measured in the hundreds of millions of dollars—and the specific nature of the goods (high-end, uncooled thermal sights) precludes this being accidental civilian trade.
Furthermore, the innovation in fiber-optic drones by PGI Technology demonstrates a collaborative R&D effort to specifically counter Western technological advantages (EW).
Key Takeaway for the Analyst: The Russian military has effectively outsourced its optronic engineering to the Chinese commercial sector. The performance of these “commercial” units is sufficient to sustain high-intensity combat operations, proving that the line between “consumer electronics” and “military material” has been irrevocably blurred in modern warfare.
Confirmed Entities of Concern:
Company Name
Brands
Key Products
Sanction Status
Yantai iRay Technology
InfiRay, Jerry, Rico
Thermal Sights, Cores
Sanctioned (US)
Wuhan Guide Sensmart
Guide, Jision
TU Series, IR Scopes
Sanctioned (US)
Hikmicro Sensing
Hikmicro
Thunder, Panther
Watchlist/High Scrutiny
Wuhan Tongsheng
N/A
Components, Modules
Sanctioned (US/UK)
ASFPV LLC / PGI
PGI, Veterok
Fiber Optic Drones
Sanctioned (Entity List)
Holosun
Holosun
Reflex Sights
Unsanctioned (Civilian)
9. Detailed Report Analysis
The following sections provide the granular data, citations, and extended technical breakdown supporting the executive summary.
9.1 The Volume of Trade
Customs data indicates that in 2024 alone, Russia imported over $50 million worth of thermal imaging devices, with the vast majority originating from China.2
Wuhan Tongsheng is identified as a leading supplier.
NCRIEO (North China Research Institute of Electro-Optics) supplied $7 million.
Ningbo Sunny Infrared (Subsidiary of Sunny Optical) supplied $6 million.
Wuhan Guide Sensmart supplied $3.6 million.
These figures likely represent the declared value, which is often under-invoiced to lower customs duties, meaning the actual volume of hardware is significantly higher.
9.2 Technical Deep Dive: The Fiber Optic Threat
The emergence of the “Prince Vandal” and other fiber-controlled drones marks a seminal moment in the war.
Data Link: The fiber optic link supports data rates vastly exceeding RF links, allowing for uncompressed 1080p or 4k video feeds. This allows operators to see camouflage details that would be lost in the compression artifacts of a standard 5.8GHz analog video signal.
Counter-Countermeasure: The PGI Technology Kevlar-reinforced fiber 20 specifically addresses the fragility that doomed earlier wire-guided missile concepts (like the original TOW or MCLOS missiles) when applied to drones. By allowing the drone to fly complex 3D maneuvers without snapping the line, China has enabled Russia to bypass the billions of dollars the West has invested in electronic jammers.
9.3 Russian User Feedback (Translated & Synthesized)
Source: “Bubbas_Guns” (Reddit/TacticalGear) – “Being Russian it’s Probably easier to get Chinese optics vs American… I’ll take Holosun over Sig any day.”9
Source: “Sima G” (YouTube Reviewer) – Comparing Hikmicro Panther to Infiray Tube, noting the NETD difference (35mK vs 20mK) as a decisive factor for target acquisition.7
Source: Russian Milbloggers (Telegram) – Confirming the use of “Mothership” drones (Orlan-10) to extend the range of Chinese FPVs, creating a layered strike complex.29
The consensus is clear: Chinese optics are not a stopgap; they are the new standard. They are holding up in combat, they are being actively improved based on battlefield data (firmware updates), and they are being supplied in quantities that make them disposable assets in a high-attrition war.
End of Analyst Report
3. Technical Addendum: Engineering Specifications of Common Exports
To assist technical analysis, the following specifications of the most commonly identified exported models are provided.
Table 1: Comparative Specs of Chinese Thermal Sights in Russian Service
Feature
iRay Rico RH50
Guide TU450
Hikmicro Panther PQ50L
Sensor Resolution
640 x 512 VOx
400 x 300 VOx
640 x 512 VOx
Pixel Pitch
12 µm
17 µm
12 µm
NETD (Sensitivity)
<40 mK (claimed <25 in Pro)
<50 mK
<35 mK
Frame Rate
50 Hz
50 Hz
50 Hz
Detection Range
~2600m
~3000m
~2600m
Battery Type
Proprietary Pack (IBP-1)
Internal + 18650
18650
Integrated LRF
Optional (Detachable)
No
Yes (Integrated)
Common Use
PKM, Sniper Rifles
AK-74M, DMR
Special Purpose / Recon
Engineering Note on Pixel Pitch (12µm vs 17µm):
The shift from 17µm to 12µm (seen in iRay and Hikmicro’s newer lines) is significant. A 12µm sensor allows for higher magnification with the same focal length lens. For example, a 50mm lens on a 12µm sensor provides the same optical magnification as a 75mm lens on a 17µm sensor.
Implication: This allows Chinese manufacturers to use less germanium (the most expensive component) while maintaining long-range performance, keeping unit costs low and volume high for the Russian buyer.
Engineering Note on LRF Integration:
The Hikmicro Panther’s integrated LRF is a critical lethality enhancer. In the flat terrain of Ukraine’s steppes, range estimation is the primary source of aiming error. An integrated LRF that feeds data directly to the reticle allows a poorly trained conscript to achieve first-round hits at 400+ meters, a capability previously reserved for trained marksmen.
Enables deep rear-area strikes (artillery, logistics).
Signal Immunity
100% RF Silent
Completely defeats jamming and direction finding.
4. Final Recommendations for the Analyst
Monitoring the flow of these components requires shifting focus from traditional “arms transfers” to dual-use commercial logistics.
Watch the Firmware: The release of Russian-language firmware updates for iRay and Hikmicro devices often precedes a new wave of deployments.
Track the Batteries: The standardization on 18650 cells creates a secondary logistics indicator. Spikes in bulk Li-ion battery imports to Russia may correlate with increased fielding of these electronic sights.
Investigate “Smart” Components: The next evolution is AI-assisted target recognition. New Chinese commercial cores (like those from iRay) have “AI” modes to box targets. If this software is fully unlocked in Russia, it will further reduce the training burden for Russian troops.
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Russia imported $50 million worth of thermal imaging components in 2024, essential for its military and defense industry – The Insider, accessed November 26, 2025, https://theins.ru/en/news/278968
U.S. Continues to Degrade Russia’s Military-Industrial Base and Target Third-Country Support with Nearly 300 New Sanctions – Treasury.gov, accessed November 26, 2025, https://home.treasury.gov/news/press-releases/jy2318
The character of conflict has irrevocably shifted. We are no longer operating in a world of episodic, declared wars, but in a condition of persistent, unending competition that actively exploits strategic ambiguity. For the national security community, this means the battlefield has expanded from physical territory to encompass critical infrastructure, financial systems, and, most crucially, the cognitive domain of public perception itself.
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Adversaries, particularly major powers, prioritize achieving victory by disintegrating an adversary’s societal and military will to fight—the Sun Tzu ideal of “winning without fighting”. Social media is the primary vector for this attack, having fused completely with modern psychological operations (PSYOP).
Identification of Strategic Trends
Our analysis focuses on identifying large-scale, digitally-driven strategic trends:
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Understanding Social Media Sentiment for Decision Advantage
In the 21st century, strategic competition is defined by the speed and quality of decision-making, summarized by Colonel John Boyd’s OODA loop (Observe, Orient, Decide, Act). Social media sentiment analysis significantly improves the crucial Observe and Orient phases:
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Targeting the Civilian Center of Gravity: The PLA employs a concept called “Social A2/AD” (Anti-Access/Area Denial), which uses non-military actions like fostering political divisions and economic dependencies to fracture American society. By analyzing sentiment and narratives, we can detect when these operations are attempting to degrade the capacity of a nation or alliance to respond effectively. For example, in the U.S.-Philippines alliance, the goal of information warfare is often to poison the perception of the alliance for years to come by eroding public trust. Ronin’s Grips tracks these vectors to provide warning.
II. Why Readers Should Value and Trust Ronin’s Grips Reports
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We reject “mirror-imaging”—the critical error of projecting U.S. strategic culture and assumptions onto adversaries like China. Instead, we use a structured analytical methodology designed to produce second- and third-order insights.
Beyond the Surface: We move beyond describing what an adversary is doing (e.g., “China is building a metaverse”) to analyzing the strategic implication (e.g., China’s military metaverse, or “battleverse,” is a core component of its Intelligentized Warfare, representing a priority to win future wars, potentially serving as strategic misdirection for external audiences).
Connecting the Dots: We connect tactical phenomena to grand strategic shifts. For instance, mapping the destruction of high-value Russian armor by low-cost Ukrainian FPV drones (a tactical observation) to its third-order implication: a systemic challenge to the Western military-industrial complex’s focus on producing exquisite, high-cost platforms (a strategic outcome).
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Our analysis is not based on a single stream of information. We employ a multi-source collection strategy, systematically cross-referencing information from official doctrine, real-world battlefield reports, and expert third-party analysis.
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Our final output is structured for utility. We synthesize complex data into clear, actionable recommendations. For military commanders operating in the hyper-lethal drone battlespace, this translates into definitive “Imperatives (Dos)” and “Prohibitions (Don’ts)” needed for survival and victory. This focus ensures that our analysis translates directly into cognitive force protection and improved decision-making capacity.
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Our reports provide the commander, policymaker, and informed citizen with the decisive edge to understand reality, not just react to noise. If the goal of the adversary is to destroy confidence in all information, our mission is to provide the validated analysis needed to restore that confidence and reinforce societal resilience.
The strategic landscape of the Indo-Pacific is being fundamentally reshaped by the modernization of the People’s Liberation Army (PLA). China’s military doctrine has undergone a profound evolution, shifting from a posture focused on “local wars” on its periphery to preparing for high-intensity, multi-domain conflict against a peer competitor. This transformation is driven by a central concept that redefines modern warfare: the PLA no longer views conflict as a contest between individual platforms but as a “systems confrontation” between opposing operational networks. At the heart of this doctrine is the goal of waging “systems destruction warfare,” a concept predicated on achieving victory not through the simple attrition of enemy forces, but by inducing the catastrophic collapse of an adversary’s ability to sense, communicate, command, and control its forces.
This doctrinal shift towards “informatized” and “intelligentized” warfare mandates the deep integration of cyber, space, information, and autonomous platforms into all PLA operations, with the People’s Liberation Army Air Force (PLAAF) positioned as a primary instrument for executing both kinetic and non-kinetic effects. The objective is to shape the battlespace and achieve a swift, decisive victory by paralyzing the enemy’s decision-making cycle.
In response, the United States has embarked on its own doctrinal revolution. The development of Agile Combat Employment (ACE) and Joint All-Domain Command and Control (JADC2) represents a fundamental redesign of the U.S. force posture and command architecture. ACE seeks to mitigate vulnerability through dispersal and maneuver, while JADC2 aims to create a resilient, decentralized network that can withstand and fight through a systems-destruction attack. This emerging strategic dynamic is therefore a clash of competing philosophies: China’s effort to find and destroy the centralized nodes of our system versus our effort to decentralize and make that system inherently resilient.
It is critical to recognize that the PLA is not blind to its own limitations. Internal PLA assessments acknowledge significant gaps in the complex integration and joint capabilities required to fully realize their system-of-systems concept. This self-awareness drives them to pursue asymmetric strategies designed to exploit perceived U.S. dependencies and vulnerabilities, rather than engaging in a symmetric, platform-for-platform fight. The following analysis identifies the five most probable and impactful air combat strategies a PLAAF commander will employ to execute this doctrine and outlines the corresponding USAF counter-maneuvers designed to defeat them.
Table 1: Comparative Analysis of Key 5th-Generation Air Combat Platforms
Feature
F-22 Raptor
F-35 Lightning II
Chengdu J-20 Mighty Dragon
Primary Role
Air Dominance / Offensive Counter-Air
Multirole Strike Fighter / ISR & C2 Node
Air Superiority Interceptor / Forward Sensor & Strike Platform
AN/APG-77 AESA radar, advanced electronic warfare suite, sensor fusion. Modernization includes IRST pods and enhanced radar capabilities.
AN/APG-81 AESA radar, Electro-Optical Targeting System (EOTS), 360° Distributed Aperture System (DAS), advanced sensor fusion.
KLJ-5 AESA radar, chin-mounted IRST, passive electro-optical detection system with 360° coverage, advanced sensor fusion.
Standard Internal A/A Armament
6x AIM-120 AMRAAM, 2x AIM-9 Sidewinder.
4x AIM-120 AMRAAM.
4x PL-15 (long-range), 2x PL-10 (short-range).
Network Integration Role
“Hunter-Killer” that receives data from the network to find and destroy high-end threats. Limited data-out capability compared to F-35.
“Quarterback of the Skies.” Gathers, fuses, and distributes data across the joint force, acting as a forward, survivable C2 and ISR node.
Forward battle manager and sensor node. Uses LPI data links to cue non-stealthy shooters. J-20S variant enhances UAS control and C2.
Section 1: Strategy I – Systems Destruction: The Decapitation Strike
Adversary TTPs
The purest expression of the PLA’s “systems destruction warfare” doctrine is a multi-domain, synchronized decapitation strike executed in the opening moments of a conflict. The objective is not merely to inflict damage but to induce systemic paralysis by severing the command, control, and communications (C3) pathways that constitute the “brain and nervous system” of U.S. and allied forces. The PLAAF commander’s primary goal will be to collapse our ability to direct a coherent defense, creating chaos and decision-making paralysis that can be exploited by follow-on forces.
This attack will be meticulously planned and executed across multiple domains simultaneously. Kinetically, the PLA Rocket Force (PLARF) will launch waves of long-range precision-strike munitions, including theater ballistic and cruise missiles, against fixed, high-value C2 nodes such as Combined Air Operations Centers (CAOCs), major headquarters, and key satellite ground stations. Concurrently, the PLA’s Cyberspace Force (CSF) will unleash a barrage of offensive cyber operations designed to disrupt, degrade, and corrupt our command networks from within. This “information offense” is intended to destroy the integrity of our data and undermine trust in our own systems. In the electromagnetic spectrum, PLA electronic warfare (EW) assets will conduct widespread jamming of satellite communications and GPS signals, aiming to isolate deployed forces and sever their links to strategic command.
This physical and virtual assault will be augmented by operations in the space and cognitive domains. The PLA Aerospace Force (ASF) will likely employ a range of anti-satellite (ASAT) capabilities, from co-orbital kinetic kill vehicles to ground-based directed energy weapons, to blind our ISR satellites and degrade our PNT (positioning, navigation, and timing) constellations. Finally, a sophisticated cognitive warfare campaign will be launched, disseminating targeted disinformation to sow confusion among decision-makers and fracture the political will of the U.S. and its allies to respond effectively. This concept of “Social A2/AD” seeks to defeat a response before it can even be mounted by compromising the socio-political fabric of the target nation.
USAF Counter-Maneuver: The Resilient Network
The U.S. counter to a decapitation strategy is not to build thicker walls around our command centers but to eliminate them as single points of failure. The doctrinal response is rooted in the principles of decentralization and resilience, embodied by the Joint All-Domain Command and Control (JADC2) framework. JADC2 is designed to create a distributed, self-healing, and resilient network that can absorb an initial blow and continue to function effectively, moving both data and decision-making authority to the tactical edge. If a primary C2 node is destroyed, its functions are seamlessly transferred to subordinate or alternate nodes across the network, ensuring operational continuity.
In this construct, the F-35 Lightning II fleet becomes a pivotal asset. With its advanced sensor fusion capabilities and robust, low-probability-of-intercept data links, a flight of F-35s can function as a forward-deployed, airborne C2 and ISR node. These aircraft can collect, process, and disseminate a comprehensive battlespace picture to other assets in the theater, effectively acting as the “quarterback of the skies” even if their connection to rear-echelon command has been severed. They transform from being mere strike platforms into the distributed “brain” of the combat force.
This distributed C2 architecture will be supported by a multi-layered and redundant communications network, leveraging proliferated low-Earth orbit (LEO) satellite constellations, resilient line-of-sight data links, and emerging technologies designed to operate in a heavily contested electromagnetic environment. Critically, this technological resilience is matched by a philosophical shift in command: the empowerment of tactical leaders through the principle of “mission command.” A key enabler of Agile Combat Employment, mission command grants subordinate commanders the authority to make decisions based on their understanding of the higher commander’s intent, rather than waiting for explicit instructions from a centralized headquarters. This accelerates our decision-making cycle, allowing us to operate inside the adversary’s, and turns the PLA’s attack on our physical C2 infrastructure into a strike against a target that is no longer there.
Section 2: Strategy II – The Long-Range Attrition Campaign: Hunting the Enablers
Adversary TTPs
Recognizing that U.S. airpower in the vast Indo-Pacific theater is critically dependent on a logistical backbone of high-value airborne assets (HVAAs), a PLAAF commander will execute a long-range attrition campaign designed to cripple our operational endurance and reach. The primary targets of this campaign are not our frontline fighters, but the “enablers” that support them: aerial refueling tankers (KC-46, KC-135), ISR platforms (AWACS, Rivet Joint), and other specialized support aircraft. By destroying these assets, the PLA can effectively ground entire fighter wings and achieve area denial without needing to win a direct confrontation.
The key instrument for this strategy is the combination of the J-20 stealth fighter and the PL-15 very-long-range air-to-air missile (AAM). The PLAAF will employ J-20s to leverage their low-observable characteristics, allowing them to bypass our fighter screens and penetrate deep into what we consider “safe” airspace. Their mission is not to engage in dogfights with F-22s, but to achieve a firing solution on HVAAs operating hundreds of miles behind the main line of conflict.
The PL-15 missile, with its estimated operational range of 200-300 km and a dual-pulsed rocket motor that provides a terminal energy boost, is purpose-built for this task. The missile’s capability allows a J-20 to launch from well beyond the engagement range of our own fighters’ AAMs, creating a significant standoff threat. As demonstrated in the 2025 India-Pakistan conflict, the effective range of the PL-15 can be dangerously underestimated, providing adversary pilots with a false sense of security and leading to catastrophic losses. A salvo of PL-15s fired at a tanker formation forces a stark choice: abort the refueling mission and concede operational reach, or risk destruction. This targeting process will be enabled by a networked system of sensors, including over-the-horizon radars and satellites, which can provide cuing data to the J-20s, allowing them to remain passive and undetected for as long as possible.
USAF Counter-Maneuver: The Layered Shield
Countering this long-range threat requires extending our integrated air defense far beyond the immediate combat zone to protect the logistical and ISR assets that form the foundation of our air campaign. This cannot be a purely defensive posture; it must be a proactive, multi-layered shield designed to hunt the archer before he can release his arrow.
The F-22 Raptor is the centerpiece of this counter-maneuver. Its primary mission in this scenario is offensive counter-air, specifically to hunt and destroy the J-20s that threaten our HVAAs. With its superior stealth characteristics, supercruise capability, and powerful AN/APG-77 AESA radar, the F-22 is the asset best equipped to detect, track, and engage a J-20 before it can reach its PL-15 launch parameters. Continuous modernization of the F-22 fleet, including upgraded sensors, software, and potentially podded IRST systems, is therefore a strategic imperative to maintain this critical qualitative edge.
Operating in coordination with the F-22s, flights of F-35s will act as a forward “sanitizer” screen for the HVAAs. Using their powerful, networked sensors like the Distributed Aperture System (DAS) to passively scan vast volumes of airspace, the F-35s will serve as a persistent early warning layer. They can detect the faint signatures of inbound stealth threats and use their data links to vector F-22s for the intercept, creating a networked hunter-killer team. This layered defense will be augmented by dedicated fighter escorts for HVAAs, a departure from recent operational norms. Furthermore, we must accelerate the development of next-generation, low-observable tankers and unmanned ISR platforms that can operate with greater survivability in contested environments. Finally, HVAAs themselves must adopt more dynamic and unpredictable operational patterns, employing strict emissions control (EMCON) and randomized orbits to complicate the PLA’s targeting problem.
Section 3: Strategy III – The A2/AD Saturation Attack: Overwhelming the Bubble
Adversary TTPs
A central pillar of China’s military strategy is the creation of a formidable Anti-Access/Area Denial (A2/AD) capability designed to make it prohibitively costly for U.S. forces to operate within the First and Second Island Chains. In a conflict, a PLAAF commander will leverage this capability to execute a massive, synchronized, multi-domain saturation attack aimed at overwhelming the defensive capacity of a key operational hub, such as a Carrier Strike Group (CSG) or a major airbase like Kadena or Andersen.
The execution of this strategy will involve coordinated waves of aircraft designed to saturate defenses through sheer mass. J-20s, potentially operating in a “beast mode” configuration with externally mounted munitions, will sacrifice some stealth for overwhelming firepower to engage defending fighters and suppress air defenses. They will be followed by large formations of J-16 strike fighters and H-6 bombers launching salvos of advanced munitions, including the YJ-12 supersonic anti-ship cruise missile. These manned platforms will be augmented by swarms of unmanned combat aerial vehicles (UCAVs) and smaller drones, which will be used to confuse and saturate defensive radars, act as decoys, conduct electronic jamming, and carry out their own kinetic strikes against critical defensive systems like radar arrays and missile launchers.
This aerial assault will occur simultaneously with a multi-axis missile barrage from other domains. The PLA Rocket Force will launch salvos of DF-21D and DF-26 “carrier killer” anti-ship ballistic missiles (ASBMs), while PLA Navy warships and coastal defense batteries contribute their own volleys of cruise missiles. The entire operation is designed to present a defending force with an insurmountable number of threats arriving from multiple vectors—high and low, supersonic and subsonic, stealthy and conventional—in an extremely compressed timeframe. This complex strike package is enabled and coordinated by a vast C4ISR network of satellites, over-the-horizon radars, and forward-deployed sensors that provide the real-time targeting data necessary to find, fix, and engage U.S. forces.
The doctrinal counter to a saturation attack is not to build an impenetrable shield, but to deny the adversary a concentrated target. Agile Combat Employment (ACE) is the USAF’s operational concept for maneuver and dispersal, designed to fundamentally break the adversary’s targeting model by complicating it to the point of failure. ACE shifts air operations from large, centralized, and vulnerable Main Operating Bases (MOBs) to a distributed network of smaller, dispersed locations.
Instead of concentrating combat power on a few well-known airfields, ACE prescribes the dispersal of forces into smaller, more agile packages across a wide array of locations, including allied military bases, smaller contingency airfields, and even civilian airports in a “hub-and-spoke” model. This forces the PLA to divide its limited inventory of high-end munitions against dozens of potential targets rather than a few, drastically diluting the effectiveness of a saturation strike. ACE, however, is not static dispersal; it is a “proactive and reactive operational scheme of maneuver”. Force packages will constantly shift between these dispersed locations based on threat assessments and operational needs, making it impossible for the PLA to predict where U.S. combat power will be generated from at any given time.
This operational concept is enabled by two key innovations: Multi-Capable Airmen (MCAs) and pre-positioned materiel. MCAs are personnel trained in multiple skill sets outside their primary specialty, such as aircraft refueling, re-arming, and basic security. This allows a small, lean team to deploy to an austere location, rapidly service and relaunch aircraft, and then redeploy, minimizing the logistical footprint and personnel vulnerability at any single site. To support these rapid “turn and burn” operations, the “posture” element of ACE requires the pre-positioning of fuel, munitions, and essential equipment at these dispersed locations. By transforming our airpower from a fixed, predictable target into a distributed, mobile, and resilient force, ACE imposes immense cost, complexity, and uncertainty onto the adversary’s targeting cycle.
Section 4: Strategy IV – The Stealth Quarterback: J-20 as a Forward Battle Manager
Adversary TTPs
Beyond its role as an interceptor, the PLAAF is developing sophisticated tactics to leverage the J-20’s stealth and advanced sensors as a forward battle manager, enabling strikes by a network of non-stealthy platforms. This represents a mature application of their “network-centric warfare” concept, mirroring some of the most advanced U.S. operational constructs. The objective is to use the J-20 as a survivable, forward-deployed sensor to create a high-fidelity targeting picture deep within contested airspace, which is then used to direct standoff attacks from “arsenal planes.”
In this scenario, a small element of J-20s would penetrate U.S. and allied air defenses, employing strict EMCON procedures. They would use their suite of passive and low-emission sensors—including their AESA radar in a low-probability-of-intercept mode, their chin-mounted IRST, and their 360-degree electro-optical systems—to build a detailed, real-time picture of our force disposition without emitting signals that would betray their own position.
Once high-value targets are identified and tracked, the J-20 acts as a “quarterback,” using a secure, LPI data link to transmit precise targeting information to shooters operating outside the range of our primary air defenses. These shooters could be J-16 strike fighters laden with long-range air-to-air or anti-ship missiles, or even PLA Navy surface combatants. The introduction of the twin-seat J-20S variant is a significant force multiplier for this tactic. It is not a trainer; it is a dedicated combat aircraft where the second crew member can act as a weapons systems officer and battle manager, focused on processing sensor data, controlling unmanned “loyal wingman” drones, and managing the flow of targeting data to the network. This frees the pilot to concentrate on the demanding tasks of flying and surviving in a high-threat environment and signals a clear commitment to advanced, “intelligentized” manned-unmanned teaming.
USAF Counter-Maneuver: Shattering the Network
Defeating the “stealth quarterback” strategy requires attacking the entire kill chain, not just the platform itself. The counter-maneuver must focus on both detecting the J-20 and, just as critically, severing the fragile data links that connect the forward sensor to its shooters.
Detecting a low-observable platform like the J-20 requires a multi-spectrum, networked approach to counter-stealth. No single sensor is likely to maintain a consistent track. Instead, a composite track file will be built by fusing intermittent data from a distributed network of sensors. This network includes the F-35’s 360-degree DAS, the F-22’s powerful AESA radar, space-based infrared warning systems, and naval assets like Aegis-equipped destroyers. Once the network establishes a probable track of a hostile stealth aircraft, the F-22 Raptor is vectored to prosecute the target. As the premier air dominance fighter, the F-22’s unique combination of stealth, speed, and advanced avionics makes it the most effective platform for the lethal end of the counter-stealth mission: hunting and destroying other stealth aircraft.
Simultaneously, U.S. electronic warfare assets, such as the EA-18G Growler, will focus on jamming and disrupting the specific LPI data links the J-20 relies on to communicate with its network of shooters. If this link can be broken, the J-20 is transformed from a potent battle manager into an isolated sensor, unable to guide weapons to their targets. This EW assault will be complemented by the use of sophisticated decoys and deception techniques. By feeding the J-20’s advanced sensors with false targets and conflicting information, we can sow confusion, cause it to misdirect its shooters, or force it to emit more powerful radar signals to verify the data, thereby revealing its own position. This creates a complex battle of stealthy networks, where victory belongs to the side that can best manage its own signature while detecting and disrupting the enemy’s.
Section 5: Strategy V – Vertical Envelopment: The Airfield Seizure
Adversary TTPs
In a potential conflict over Taiwan, a high-risk, high-reward strategy available to the PLA is a vertical envelopment operation using airborne forces to rapidly seize critical infrastructure. The objective would be to capture key airports or seaports, bypassing Taiwan’s heavily defended coastal landing zones. This would create a strategic lodgment for the rapid introduction of follow-on forces and supplies, potentially unhinging the island’s entire defense plan. This is a fundamentally joint operation in which the PLAAF serves as the critical enabler.
The execution would involve the PLAAF’s growing fleet of Y-20 strategic transport aircraft, tasked with airlifting elements of the PLAAF Airborne Corps. These airborne units are no longer lightly armed paratroopers; they have been modernized into combined-arms brigades equipped with their own light armored fighting vehicles, artillery, and drones. Furthermore, they have benefited from Russian training in advanced airborne command and control systems, enhancing their operational effectiveness.
Such an operation is only feasible if the PLAAF can establish and maintain a temporary bubble of local air superiority over the designated landing zones. This implies that the preceding strategies—the decapitation strike and A2/AD saturation attack—must have been at least partially successful in degrading or suppressing Taiwanese and U.S. air defense capabilities. The slow and vulnerable Y-20 transports would require a heavy fighter escort of J-20s, J-16s, and J-10s to fend off interceptors, along with dedicated Suppression of Enemy Air Defenses (SEAD) and EW aircraft to neutralize any remaining surface-to-air missile (SAM) threats.
USAF Counter-Maneuver: Interdicting the Assault
Countering a vertical envelopment presents a time-critical targeting problem. The transport aircraft must be engaged and destroyed before they can land and disgorge their troops and equipment. Failure to interdict this force in transit could dramatically and perhaps decisively alter the course of the ground campaign.
The first priority is to engage the transport force at the maximum possible range. U.S. stealth fighters, the F-22 and F-35, will be tasked with penetrating the Chinese fighter escort screen to target the high-value Y-20s. The transports themselves are large, non-maneuvering targets, making them ideal for long-range AAM engagements. The success of this interdiction mission hinges on our ability to win the preceding battle for air superiority, creating windows of opportunity for our fighters to strike.
This mission cannot be undertaken by the USAF alone; it demands seamless coordination with allied forces. The Republic of China Air Force (ROCAF) and the Japan Air Self-Defense Force (JASDF) would form crucial layers of the defense, engaging the transport force as it approaches the island. Beyond air assets, U.S. Navy submarines can play a vital role by launching precision cruise missile strikes against the designated landing airfields on Taiwan. By cratering the runways, these strikes could prevent the Y-20s from landing even if they manage to penetrate the air defenses. Finally, if ISR capabilities permit, long-range strikes will be launched against the airfields on the mainland from which the airborne assault is being staged, aiming to destroy the transports on the ground before they can even take off. This brittle but powerful PLA operation represents a strategic center of gravity; its decisive defeat would have a disproportionate psychological and operational impact on the entire invasion effort.
Conclusion: Winning the Contest of Speed and Resilience
An air confrontation with the People’s Liberation Army Air Force will not be a simple contest of platform versus platform. It will be a dynamic and complex struggle between two highly capable, networked, and intelligent military systems, each guided by a distinct and coherent operational doctrine. The PLAAF’s strategies are not merely a collection of tactics; they are an integrated approach designed to execute a “systems destruction” campaign aimed at the core tenets of traditional American power projection: our centralized command, our logistical reach, and our forward-based posture.
Victory in this new era of air combat will not be determined by marginal advantages in aircraft performance or weapon range. It will be decided by which side can more effectively execute its core doctrine under the immense pressures of multi-domain conflict. The central questions are clear: Can the PLA successfully orchestrate the immense complexity of a synchronized, multi-domain “systems destruction” strike? And conversely, can the United States successfully execute a distributed, resilient, and agile “systems preservation” and counter-attack through the principles of ACE and JADC2?
The ultimate U.S. advantage in this contest lies not in any single piece of hardware, but in the synergistic combination of our advanced technology, our evolving doctrine, and our unmatched network of capable allies and partners. While the PLA has made enormous strides, it remains a force that would largely fight alone in a major conflict. In contrast, U.S. operational plans are deeply integrated with the formidable capabilities of allies such as Japan, Australia, and South Korea. This coalition creates a strategic dilemma for China that is exponentially more complex than a simple bilateral confrontation. The integrated power of this combined, networked, and resilient joint force remains our most potent and enduring advantage in the contest for air dominance.
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GAO-23-105495, BATTLE MANAGEMENT: DOD and Air Force Continue to Define Joint Command and Control Efforts, accessed October 3, 2025, https://www.gao.gov/assets/gao-23-105495.pdf
This report provides a strategic assessment of the primary operational strategies that a People’s Liberation Army (PLA) commander will employ in a land confrontation with United States forces. It further outlines the corresponding counter-strategies that a US commander must be prepared to execute to seize the initiative and achieve decisive outcomes. The foundational premise of this analysis is that any future conflict with the PLA will not be a traditional war of attrition focused on the destruction of opposing mechanized forces. Instead, it will be a “systems confrontation”. The PLA’s overarching operational doctrine, “Systems Destruction Warfare” (系統破壞戰), is designed not to annihilate but to paralyze the US operational system by disrupting its critical functions and shattering its cohesion. This philosophy permeates every facet of their warfighting doctrine and capability development, transforming the modern battlefield into a contest between opposing operational systems.
The PLA’s doctrinal evolution has been rapid and deliberate. It has transitioned from its historical roots in a “people’s war” concept to a focus on fighting and winning “informatized local wars”. This shift, heavily influenced by observations of US military operations, moved the PLA’s doctrinal focus from being weapon platform-centric to being cyber- and network-centric. The PLA is now aggressively advancing toward “intelligentized warfare,” a future form of conflict supported primarily by artificial intelligence (AI) technologies. This evolution is not merely a technological upgrade; it represents a fundamental change in their theory of victory. The ultimate goal is to achieve decision dominance by disrupting and collapsing the adversary’s Observe, Orient, Decide, and Act (OODA) loop, rendering them unable to respond coherently.
Critically, any assessment of the PLA’s military strategy must begin with an understanding of its political nature. The PLA is not the army of the Chinese state; it is the armed wing of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). Its primary mission, above all else, is the defense of the Party and its continued rule. This political reality is the bedrock upon which its command structure, doctrine, and battlefield conduct are built. Consequently, political warfare is not an ancillary or supporting effort for the PLA; it is an inseparable and central component of its military operations, fully integrated into its concept of systems destruction.
A surface-level analysis of PLA doctrine reveals a significant degree of imitation. Concepts such as “Multi-Domain Precision Warfare” (MDPW) and “informatized warfare” appear to “mirror,” “replicate,” or “copy” US military concepts like Joint All-Domain Command and Control (JADC2) and net-centric warfare. The PLA is clearly observing and learning from the US military, adopting analogous terminology and pursuing similar technological goals, including networked C4ISR, AI integration, and multi-domain precision strike. However, this mirroring masks a fundamental and exploitable asymmetry. The underlying command philosophies of the two forces are diametrically opposed. The United States is developing JADC2 to empower and accelerate a decentralized Mission Command philosophy, which relies on disciplined initiative at the lowest echelons. The PLA, in contrast, is developing MDPW to enhance and enforce a rigidly centralized, top-down command structure where deviation from the Party’s directives is impermissible.
The PLA is not simply adopting US methods. It is attempting to harness the speed and lethality of a networked force without accepting the political risks associated with decentralized authority, a concept that is anathema to the CCP’s existential need for absolute control. AI and automation are being pursued as a technological solution to a political problem: how to shorten the OODA loop without empowering subordinate commanders. This creates a critical vulnerability. The PLA’s entire operational system is becoming increasingly dependent on a complex, technologically advanced, yet philosophically brittle, centralized architecture. While their system may look like ours on the surface, its “brain” is singular and centralized, making it susceptible to systemic shock. Disrupting their network is not merely a degradation of their command and control (C2); it is a fundamental attack on their entire command philosophy, one that can lead to systemic paralysis. This report will analyze the five key strategies the PLA will employ based on this doctrine and the corresponding US counters designed to exploit these inherent vulnerabilities.
I. Strategy 1: Information Paralysis – Seizing Dominance in the Electro-Cyber Domain
The PLA Commander’s Approach: Integrated Network Electronic Warfare (INEW)
The PLA’s opening salvo in any land confrontation will not be kinetic; it will be an all-out assault on the information domain. PLA doctrine views information as the central resource on the modern battlefield and cyberspace as a primary domain of conflict, co-equal with land, sea, and air. Their primary objective is to achieve information dominance in the earliest phases of a conflict, possibly preemptively, to create “blind spots” and decision-making paralysis within US forces before significant ground combat is joined. This strategy is designed to fragment the US operational system into isolated components, rendering it less than the sum of its parts.
This offensive will be executed by the PLA’s Cyberspace Force, a strategic arm established in April 2024 from the cyberwarfare capabilities of the former Strategic Support Force (SSF). This organization consolidates China’s space, cyber, electronic warfare (EW), and psychological warfare capabilities into a single, integrated force designed to secure the information domain. Their operational approach is “Integrated Network Electronic Warfare” (INEW), which calls for the simultaneous and coordinated application of computer network attacks (CNA) and EW against the entirety of the US C4ISR architecture.
The tactical application of INEW will be multi-faceted and relentless:
Disrupting Sensors and Data Links: The PLA has invested heavily in ground- and air-based jammers and spoofing systems designed to interfere with wireless communications, tactical data links, radar systems, and GPS signals. The goal is to sever the connections between US sensors and shooters, breaking the kill chains that underpin our precision-strike capabilities. This includes jamming low-orbit satellites and degrading SATCOM links that are vital for beyond-line-of-sight communications.
Degrading Command Nodes: The PLA’s Cyberspace Force will conduct offensive cyber operations targeting our command posts, logistics hubs, and critical infrastructure. These attacks will aim to disrupt, degrade, or destroy networks by manipulating or corrupting data, deploying ransomware, and executing distributed denial-of-service attacks to slow our decision-making and erode confidence in our own information systems.
Counter-Space Operations: Recognizing US dependence on space-based assets, the PLA will employ a range of counter-space capabilities. This includes co-orbital anti-satellite (ASAT) weapons, direct-ascent kinetic kill vehicles, and ground-based directed energy weapons and jammers designed to deny US forces access to space-based ISR, communication, and PNT (Positioning, Navigation, and Timing) assets.
A critical element of this strategy is the PLA’s concept of “peacetime-wartime integration”. This doctrine posits that effective cyber warfare is an unending activity that seamlessly transitions across the spectrum of conflict. Therefore, PLA cyber activities—such as intelligence gathering, mapping critical infrastructure, operational preparation of the environment (OPE), and pre-positioning malicious code on vulnerable networks—are not activities that will begin at the onset of hostilities. They are continuous operations that will simply intensify, aiming to achieve decisive effects before the first shot is fired.
The US Commander’s Response: Assured C2 through Network Resilience and Offensive Cyber
The US response to the PLA’s information paralysis strategy is not predicated on building an impenetrable, static network defense. Such a defense is impossible against a peer adversary with the resources and capabilities of the PLA. Instead, our core response is to build and operate a resilient network architecture that can “fight through” sustained attacks and continue to enable effective command and control. This philosophy of resilience is the central technological and doctrinal pillar of our Joint All-Domain Command and Control (JADC2) concept.
Our approach to achieving this resilience is multi-layered:
Technical Resilience: We will execute a robust Primary, Alternate, Contingency, and Emergency (PACE) communications plan built upon the principle of transport diversity. This involves creating and maintaining multiple, redundant communication pathways for data to travel, leveraging a hybrid network of Low Earth Orbit (LEO), Medium Earth Orbit (MEO), and Geostationary Orbit (GEO) SATCOM; high-capacity terrestrial microwave and fiber; and line-of-sight optical communication systems. Automated network management systems will intelligently and seamlessly route data over the best available pathway, automatically switching when a primary link is degraded or jammed, often without the user even noticing. To harden our signals, we will employ advanced techniques such as frequency-hopping waveforms, low probability of intercept/low probability of detection (LPI/LPD) transmissions, advanced encryption standards, and complex modulation schemes to make it more difficult for the adversary to detect, target, and disrupt our communications.
Organizational Resilience: The US Army’s Multi-Domain Task Forces (MDTFs) are the primary organizational tool for this fight. At the heart of each MDTF is the Multi-Domain Effects Battalion (MDEB), a unique formation that integrates cyber, EW, space, intelligence, and information operations capabilities. The MDEB is our maneuver element in the electro-cyber domain. Its mission is not only to defend our own networks but to conduct offensive operations to disrupt the PLA’s C4ISR system. The MDEB will actively sense the electromagnetic environment, identify and locate PLA emitters and network nodes, and then deliver converged non-kinetic effects—jamming, spoofing, and cyber-attacks—to degrade their ability to command their forces.
Doctrinal Resilience (JADC2): JADC2 is fundamentally designed to function in a contested, degraded, and intermittent communications environment. By establishing a data-centric enterprise—where data is uncoupled from specific systems and made available to all authorized users—and employing AI-enabled processing at the edge, JADC2 can rapidly re-route information from any available sensor, fuse data from disparate sources, and provide commanders with a “good enough” common operational picture to continue making timely and effective decisions. JADC2 accepts that some nodes will be lost; its purpose is to ensure that the loss of individual nodes does not lead to the collapse of the entire system.
The PLA’s sophisticated doctrine for EW, which outlines a comprehensive campaign plan for achieving electromagnetic dominance, reveals their strategic calculus. Their “Systems Destruction” doctrine correctly identifies an adversary’s C4ISR network as the primary center of gravity in modern warfare. The electromagnetic spectrum (EMS) is the physical terrain upon which this network operates. Therefore, a PLA commander will not view the fight for control of the EMS as a supporting effort; it will be the main effort in the initial phase of any conflict. Their doctrine is explicit: “Whoever controls the EMS…will retain enormous advantages in securing victory”. This necessitates a paradigm shift in our own thinking. We must treat the EMS as maneuver space, on par with land, sea, and air. Our MDEBs cannot be held in reserve or treated as specialized support assets. They must be deployed forward and postured to compete for and establish pockets of electromagnetic superiority from the very outset of hostilities. Our ability to maneuver and win in the physical domains will be directly contingent on our ability to win, or at a minimum achieve a stalemate, in the EMS. This elevates the role of the EW and Cyber operator from that of a supporting specialist to a primary combatant in the opening hours of a modern conflict.
II. Strategy 2: Political Disintegration – The “Three Warfares” on the Battlefield
The PLA Commander’s Approach: Weaponizing Narrative and Law
A PLA commander will view the cognitive and political domains as a battlefield co-equal to the physical domains. For the PLA, political warfare is not an adjunct to military operations; it is a “central pillar” of their strategy and a “critical component of systems destruction warfare”. The objective of this warfare is to achieve victory before the decisive battle is even fought by weakening our will to fight, fracturing our alliances, shaping our strategic assessments, and undermining the morale of our soldiers. This approach is encapsulated in the doctrine of the “Three Warfares” (三戰), which will be employed directly and continuously against our deployed forces, our leadership, and our home front.
The “Three Warfares” will be integrated into every phase of a PLA operation:
Public Opinion Warfare (輿論戰): The PLA will leverage the CCP’s vast state-controlled media apparatus and its sophisticated social media manipulation capabilities to wage a global information campaign. This will involve disseminating targeted disinformation and propaganda through every available channel to erode US domestic support for the conflict, create and exacerbate rifts between the US and its regional allies, and portray US military actions as aggressive, illegitimate, or incompetent. The goal is to isolate the US politically and create domestic pressure to de-escalate or withdraw.
Psychological Warfare (心理戰): This warfare will be aimed directly at the minds of US soldiers and commanders. The PLA will conduct tailored psychological operations (PSYOP) designed to instill fear, doubt, and a sense of hopelessness. Tactics will likely include the use of AI-generated deepfakes to create false orders or demoralizing messages from supposed US leaders, exploiting any captured US personnel for coerced “confessions” or propaganda statements—a tactic with deep historical roots in PLA operations from the Korean War—and flooding tactical networks and social media with content designed to create a sense of futility and undermine trust in leadership.
Legal Warfare (法律戰 or “Lawfare”): The PLA will weaponize international and domestic legal frameworks to constrain US military action. This involves meticulously crafting operations to appear compliant with international law while simultaneously lodging legal challenges and protests that accuse the US of violations. The objective is to challenge the legality of US deployments and operations, restrict our Rules of Engagement (ROE), create hesitation and delay in our decision-making cycles by bogging down commanders and policymakers in legal reviews, and ultimately achieve strategic paralysis through legal ambiguity.
These three “warfares” are not separate lines of effort; they are a converged, mutually reinforcing campaign. A psychological operation targeting US soldiers might be amplified by a public opinion campaign at home, which is then reinforced by a legal challenge at the United Nations. The cumulative effect is intended to disintegrate the political and psychological cohesion of the US operational system.
The US Commander’s Response: Seizing the Narrative and Hardening the Force
To defeat this strategy, we must recognize that we are engaged in an information and political fight from “Phase 0,” long before any shots are fired. Our response cannot be reactive; it must be a proactive campaign of narrative control and comprehensive force inoculation.
Our counter-strategy will be built on the following pillars:
Proactive Counter-Narrative: We cannot cede the information environment to the adversary. We must develop and articulate a clear, concise, and persistent counter-political warfare strategy. This involves educating our own forces, the American public, and our international partners about the PLA’s methods and objectives. Our Public Affairs elements must be empowered to rapidly deconstruct and expose PLA disinformation. We will “pre-bunk” likely PLA narratives by anticipating their lines of attack and preemptively providing factual context. We must aggressively and transparently highlight the PLA’s coercive, deceptive, and aggressive actions to seize and maintain the initiative in the global narrative.
Force Resilience and Cognitive Hardening: Our training must evolve to prepare soldiers for the cognitive battlefield. This includes mandatory “cognitive hardening” programs that educate every soldier on the nature of PLA PSYOP, including specific training on identifying deepfakes, resisting social media manipulation, and understanding the historical precedent of the PLA’s use of POWs for propaganda purposes. Critically, this requires reinforcing information discipline and operational security (OPSEC) at all levels, from the individual soldier to the command post, to deny the PLA the raw material for their psychological and public opinion campaigns.
Legal Preparation and Integration: Our legal teams (JAG) must be fully integrated into the operational planning process from the very beginning. They will not be consulted merely for review; they will be part of the design of operations. Their role is to anticipate and prepare robust responses to likely PLA lawfare tactics, ensuring that our ROE are clear, legally defensible, and provide commanders with the necessary operational flexibility. We must be prepared to counter their legal arguments swiftly and authoritatively on the international stage, defending the legitimacy of our actions.
Organizational Empowerment: US Army Civil Affairs, Psychological Operations (PSYOP), and Public Affairs units are our primary maneuver arms in this non-physical domain. They must be resourced, trained, and empowered to compete effectively against the PLA’s whole-of-government approach to information warfare. This requires deep integration with the intelligence community and interagency partners to ensure their efforts are synchronized and effective.
The PLA’s long and documented history of using intense indoctrination and psychological coercion on prisoners of war is not merely a historical footnote; it is a window into their strategic mindset. Their doctrine explicitly aims to “weaken the enemy’s will to fight” as a primary line of effort. Western military tradition often treats morale as an outcome of physical combat—if you win the battle, morale will be high. The PLA, however, stemming from its revolutionary and CCP roots, views the psychological state of the enemy as a distinct center of gravity to be actively targeted, degraded, and shattered. The goal of their PSYOP is not simply to demoralize, but to induce “lasting behavioral changes” and create a stream of propaganda that serves their strategic objectives. In the 21st century, this means that every US soldier with a smartphone is a potential target for tailored, AI-driven psychological attacks designed to undermine their trust in their leaders, their faith in their mission, and their connection to their country. This reality demands that our definition of force protection expand beyond the physical domains of armor and fortifications. We must implement and institutionalize robust “cognitive force protection” measures. This requires a paradigm shift in training and leadership, where commanders at every level are held responsible for the psychological and informational resilience of their troops with the same gravity and seriousness they apply to physical security, maintenance, and combat readiness.
III. Strategy 3: Stand-off Strike – The “Multi-Domain Precision Warfare” Kill Web
The PLA Commander’s Approach: Achieving Victory through Fires
The PLA’s core operational concept for the kinetic fight is “Multi-Domain Precision Warfare” (MDPW). This concept is the physical manifestation of their “Systems Destruction Warfare” doctrine. It leverages a vast, networked C4ISR system, increasingly enhanced by big data analytics and AI, to rapidly identify key vulnerabilities and critical nodes in the US operational system and then launch overwhelming, multi-axis precision strikes against them. Instead of seeking to close with and destroy US ground forces in direct combat, the PLA commander will attempt to achieve victory from a distance, using their massive arsenal of Long-Range Precision Fires (LRPF) to attack the nodes that provide our system with its cohesion and lethality—our command posts, logistics hubs, air and missile defense sites, and concentrations of forces.
This strategy is enabled by a formidable and growing suite of capabilities:
Massed Rocket and Cannon Artillery: The PLA has made significant breakthroughs in MRLS (Multiple Rocket Launcher Systems) and self-propelled artillery. Systems like the PHL-03 and the newer PHL-16 are not simply area-fire weapons; they are precision-strike systems capable of launching guided rockets to ranges of 70-130 km and over 220 km, respectively. The PHL-16 is reportedly capable of launching tactical ballistic missiles, blurring the line between conventional artillery and strategic assets. These systems will be used to provide a high volume of precision fires against tactical and operational targets.
Ballistic and Hypersonic Missiles: The PLA Rocket Force (PLARF) is a separate service branch that controls the world’s largest and most diverse arsenal of conventional land-based ballistic and cruise missiles. This includes hundreds of short-range (SRBM), medium-range (MRBM), and intermediate-range (IRBM) ballistic missiles, as well as ground-launched cruise missiles. The introduction of hypersonic glide vehicles, which are highly maneuverable and travel at speeds greater than Mach 5, is designed specifically to defeat advanced air and missile defense systems and hold critical fixed sites like ports, airfields, and command centers at risk from hundreds or thousands of kilometers away.
Integrated Targeting Kill Chain: The lethality of these strike systems is entirely dependent on a robust, multi-domain “system-of-systems” for targeting. The PLA has invested heavily in a network of ISR satellites, over-the-horizon radars, electronic intelligence platforms, and a growing fleet of UAVs to find, fix, track, and target US forces across the theater. This network is designed to provide high-fidelity, real-time targeting information to their shooters, enabling them to strike both static and mobile targets with precision at extended ranges.
The PLA commander’s intent will be to use this kill web to establish an anti-access/area denial (A2/AD) environment, attriting our forces as they deploy into the theater and then systematically dismantling our operational system by destroying its key nodes before we can bring our combined arms capabilities to bear.
The US Commander’s Response: A Multi-Layered Counter-Fire Strategy
Our response to the PLA’s stand-off strike strategy cannot be a single system or a simple tit-for-tat exchange of fires. It must be a comprehensive, multi-layered approach that attacks every link in the PLA’s kill chain—from their sensors to their shooters to their C2 nodes. This is a central tenet of our Multi-Domain Operations (MDO) doctrine, which emphasizes the convergence of effects from all domains to create and exploit windows of superiority.
Our counter-fire strategy comprises three mutually supporting lines of effort:
Passive Defense and Deception: The most effective way to defeat a missile is to ensure it is never fired, and the second most effective is to ensure it has nothing to hit. We must deny the PLA’s ISR systems a clear and static target. This requires a radical commitment to dispersal of forces, hardening of critical assets, constant mobility of command posts and logistics nodes, and the sophisticated use of camouflage, concealment, and deception (CCD). We cannot allow our forces to concentrate in predictable locations that are easily targeted by PLA LRPF.
Active Defense: We will protect our critical assets and maneuver forces with a layered and resilient Integrated Air and Missile Defense (IAMD) architecture. This architecture will integrate sensors and effectors from all services to provide a comprehensive defense against the full spectrum of PLA threats, from UAV swarms and cruise missiles to ballistic and hypersonic weapons. This includes kinetic interceptors like Patriot and THAAD, as well as emerging directed energy and other advanced capabilities.
Offensive Counter-Fire: We will not assume a defensive posture and absorb the PLA’s first punch. The Army’s MDTFs are specifically designed and equipped to penetrate and disintegrate enemy A2/AD networks. The Strategic Fires Battalion within the MDTF will employ its own organic LRPF assets—including the Precision Strike Missile (PrSM) with a range exceeding 500 km, the Mid-Range Capability (MRC) based on the SM-6 and Tomahawk missiles, and the Long-Range Hypersonic Weapon (LRHW)—to hold the PLA’s own sensors, launchers, and C2 nodes at risk. These land-based fires provide a persistent, 24/7 strike capability that is highly survivable and complicates the adversary’s targeting problem.
JADC2-Enabled Dynamic Targeting: The key to defeating the PLA’s numerous and often mobile missile launchers is speed. JADC2’s “any sensor, best shooter” architecture is the doctrinal and technical solution to this problem. By networking all available sensors (from satellites to ground-based radar to special operations forces) with all available shooters across the joint force, and by using AI/ML algorithms to rapidly process data and generate targeting solutions, we can dramatically compress our own OODA loop. This will enable us to find, fix, and finish time-sensitive PLA targets before they can fire and relocate.
The PLA’s MDPW and the US JADC2 are conceptually parallel; both are ambitious efforts to build a “system-of-systems” that links sensors to shooters across all domains. However, their developmental priorities reveal their underlying strategies. The PLA has invested massively in the “shooters”—the long-range missiles themselves. The US, while also developing new LRPF, has placed a primary emphasis on perfecting the network that connects the system. This sets the stage for a duel not of missiles, but of kill chains. A kill chain consists of several links: find, fix, track, target, engage, and assess (F2T2EA). The PLA’s strategy is to overwhelm us at the “engage” link with a massive volume of high-speed, long-range munitions. Our counter-strategy is to dominate the “find, fix, track, and target” links through a superior, more resilient, and faster network (JADC2), and then use our own precision fires to break the PLA’s kill chain at its most vulnerable points—their sensors and their C2 nodes. Victory in the fires duel will go to the side that masters information, not just ballistics. Therefore, our primary effort must be to attack the PLA’s kill chain before they can launch. This means prioritizing our MDEBs to blind their sensors and disrupt their command networks, turning their technologically advanced missiles into inert munitions on the launcher. Our own LRPF will be most effective not when trading salvos with their launchers, but when used to destroy the “eyes” and “brain” of their entire strike system.
IV. Strategy 4: Asymmetric Overwhelm – The Use of Unmanned and Autonomous Swarms
The PLA Commander’s Approach: Manned-Unmanned Teaming and Saturation
The PLA is aggressively pursuing what it terms “intelligentized warfare,” a concept that centers on the integration of AI-enabled unmanned and autonomous systems to create asymmetric advantages and achieve decision dominance. A PLA commander will leverage these emerging capabilities to create tactical and operational dilemmas that are difficult to solve with traditional, platform-centric military forces. The PLA is already testing and fielding drone swarm technology for a wide range of missions, including ISR, ground surveillance, precision strike, and amphibious landing support.
In a land confrontation, a PLA commander will likely employ two primary tactics leveraging unmanned systems:
Saturation Attacks with Drone Swarms: The PLA understands the economic asymmetry of modern air defense. They will use swarms of small, low-cost, expendable drones, potentially numbering in the hundreds, to saturate and overwhelm our sophisticated air defense systems. A single high-value interceptor, such as a Patriot missile, cannot be economically or logistically sustained to defeat a large number of inexpensive drones on a one-for-one basis. This tactic is designed to exhaust our limited supply of advanced interceptors, open gaps in our defensive coverage, and allow their more valuable assets, like cruise missiles or manned aircraft, to penetrate our defenses.
Manned-Unmanned Teaming (MUM-T): The PLA is actively exercising with “human-machine collaborative combat teams,” integrating unmanned ground vehicles (UGVs), often referred to as “robot wolves,” and Unmanned Combat Aerial Vehicles (UCAVs) directly with their conventional combined arms brigades. In complex terrain, such as urban environments, these unmanned systems will be used to lead the advance. They will conduct reconnaissance into high-threat areas, breach obstacles under fire, provide direct fire support for dismounted infantry, and absorb the initial casualties of an engagement, thereby preserving the lives of their own soldiers while increasing the tempo and lethality of their assault. This approach also creates immense psychological pressure on defending forces, who must contend with a relentless, unfeeling mechanical advance.
This strategy of asymmetric overwhelm is designed to invert the traditional strengths of US forces. It targets our reliance on technologically advanced, high-cost platforms by presenting a threat that is too numerous and too cheap to defeat with conventional means, while simultaneously reducing the PLA’s own historical vulnerability to high casualty rates.
The US Commander’s Response: Layered, Integrated Counter-UAS Defense
There is no single “silver bullet” solution to the threat of unmanned and autonomous swarms. An effective response requires a layered, integrated, defense-in-depth that is made organic to all units, not just siloed within specialized air defense formations. Every unit on the battlefield must have the ability to defend itself against small uncrewed aerial systems (UAS).
Our counter-swarm strategy is built on a framework of layered effectors and AI-enabled command and control:
Layered and Diverse Effectors:
Kinetic Systems: For high-volume, short-range defense, we will employ gun-based systems (like the C-RAM) and low-cost, guided rocket interceptors. These systems provide an immediate and proven capability to engage individual drones or small groups.
Electronic Warfare: Our EW systems, organic to the MDEBs and other formations, will provide a non-kinetic option to defeat less sophisticated drones by jamming their command and control links or spoofing their GPS navigation.
Directed Energy (DE): High-energy laser systems offer a critical advantage: a deep magazine with a very low cost-per-shot. These systems are ideal for engaging large numbers of drones and can be mounted on tactical vehicles to provide mobile protection for maneuvering forces.
High-Power Microwave (HPM): HPM weapons are the most promising technology for defeating entire swarms simultaneously. Systems like the Tactical High-power Operational Responder (THOR) can emit a cone of energy that disables the electronics of multiple drones with a single pulse, providing a true area-defense capability against saturation attacks.
AI-Enabled Command and Control: Defeating a drone swarm, which can involve hundreds of targets moving in a coordinated fashion, is a problem that exceeds human cognitive capacity. The response must occur at machine speed. We will use AI-enabled C2 systems that can autonomously fuse data from multiple sensors (radar, electro-optical/infrared, RF detection), classify and prioritize threats, and then recommend or direct the optimal effector for each engagement. This AI-driven C2 is essential to shorten the kill chain and effectively manage a layered defense against a high-volume attack.
Offensive Action: We will not remain purely on the defensive. A key part of our counter-swarm strategy is to attack the system at its source. This involves using our own ISR and strike assets to target the drone operators, their ground control stations, their launch vehicles, and their C2 networks. Furthermore, the US is developing its own autonomous swarm capabilities, which can be employed offensively to counter PLA swarms or to conduct our own saturation attacks against their critical assets.
The PLA correctly assesses that small, expendable drones offer “key offensive and defensive asymmetric advantages”. The US military is rightly concerned about the unsustainable economics of wasting expensive precision munitions on low-cost drones. This dynamic fundamentally alters battlefield geometry and economics. Traditional warfare has often been a contest of exquisite, high-cost platforms against each other, where the side with the qualitatively and quantitatively superior platforms held the advantage. Drone swarms introduce a new paradigm: the triumph of mass over class. A swarm of hundreds of drones, each costing only a few thousand dollars, can potentially disable or destroy a multi-billion-dollar asset, such as an advanced IAMD radar or a theater-level command post. This inverts the traditional cost-imposition curve, making it economically impossible to rely on million-dollar interceptors for defense. This reality forces a strategic shift in our defensive thinking, moving from a focus on platform protection to a broader concept of area defense, and from a model of attrition to one of cost-effective engagement. We must therefore accelerate the development, procurement, and fielding of non-kinetic and low-cost kinetic C-UAS solutions across the entire force. The future of battlefield air defense against this threat will be dominated by directed energy and high-power microwave systems, and our resourcing and acquisition priorities must reflect this fundamental change in the character of war.
V. Strategy 5: Command Decapitation – Exploiting Centralization through Combined Arms Assault
The PLA Commander’s Approach: System Warfare at the Tactical Level
The PLA’s doctrine of system warfare extends down to the tactical level. Here, it translates into a focus on identifying and destroying the high-value battlefield systems that enable the enemy’s operational effectiveness, with a particular emphasis on command and communication nodes. A PLA commander will seek to physically decapitate US command and control on the battlefield, believing that this will induce systemic paralysis and create the conditions for a rapid victory.
Their Combined Arms Brigades (CA-BDEs) are the primary tool for this mission. These are not the infantry-heavy formations of the past; modern PLAA CA-BDEs are powerful, mobile, artillery-heavy formations designed for rapid and violent offensive action, with envelopment and penetration being their primary offensive tactics. PLA guidelines for offensive operations call for achieving overwhelming local superiority, suggesting a four-to-one advantage in maneuver forces and a five-to-one to seven-to-one advantage in artillery firepower at the point of attack.
The likely PLA approach to command decapitation will follow a clear sequence:
Find and Fix: The PLA will dedicate significant ISR assets, including unmanned aerial systems, electronic intelligence, and forward-deployed Special Operations Forces (SOF), to the task of locating and fixing the position of our operational and tactical command posts (CPs).
Isolate and Suppress: Once a CP is fixed, the PLA commander will leverage their overwhelming advantage in organic artillery firepower to suppress and isolate the target. Massed fires from 122mm/155mm self-propelled guns and 122mm rocket artillery will be used to disrupt the CP’s operations, sever its communication links, and prevent reinforcement or withdrawal.
Penetrate and Destroy: With the CP suppressed and isolated, a mechanized CA-BDE will execute a high-speed penetration or envelopment. Using its organic infantry fighting vehicles and assault guns, the brigade will bypass frontline defenses and drive directly to the CP’s location with the singular objective of physically destroying the node.
This tactic is designed to directly attack what the PLA perceives as our critical vulnerability—our reliance on a networked command structure. It is also perfectly suited to their own centralized, prescriptive command philosophy, which excels at executing well-defined, pre-planned operations against a fixed objective and requires less freedom of action and initiative from subordinate commanders.
The US Commander’s Response: Leveraging Mission Command for Asymmetric Advantage
The PLA’s greatest perceived strength—its ability to orchestrate highly centralized, controlled operations—is simultaneously its most profound weakness. Our response to their command decapitation strategy is to turn this strength against them by fully embracing our own unique and powerful command philosophy: Mission Command.
Our counter is not primarily technological, but philosophical and doctrinal, enabled by technology:
Command Post Survivability: We will refuse to present the PLA with a fixed target. Our command posts will not be static, high-signature headquarters. We will employ active survivability measures, including constant mobility and frequent displacement, and passive measures, including dispersal of CP functions across multiple smaller nodes and rigorous signature management (EMCON, thermal, acoustic). Agile, distributed, and low-signature command nodes are significantly harder to find, fix, and target, complicating the PLA’s entire operational sequence.
Decentralized Execution through Mission Command: Mission Command is the conduct of military operations through decentralized execution based upon mission-type orders. By providing subordinate leaders with a clear commander’s intent—the purpose, key tasks, and desired end state of the operation—we empower them to exercise disciplined initiative. They understand why they are fighting, not just what they are supposed to do. This means they are trained and trusted to adapt to the local situation and continue the fight to achieve the commander’s intent even if communications with higher headquarters are severed. The successful destruction of a single brigade or division command post, while a serious blow, will not paralyze our force. Subordinate units will continue to operate based on their understanding of the intent, preventing the systemic collapse the PLA seeks to achieve.
Turning the Tables on the Attacker: A PLA CA-BDE executing a deep, prescriptive penetration against a single objective is a powerful but predictable force. With its focus narrowed on a single goal dictated from a higher headquarters, its flanks, rear area, and logistical tail become exposed and vulnerable. Empowered by Mission Command, our subordinate units, who are not paralyzed by the attack on a single CP, can seize the initiative. They can transition from a defensive posture to launching decisive counter-attacks against the over-extended and exposed PLA force. By exploiting the predictability inherent in the PLA’s centralized system, we can disrupt their timetable, shatter their operational plan, and turn their decapitation strike into a decisive engagement fought on our terms.
The battlefield is a crucible that tests not only technology and tactics but also command philosophies. The PLA employs a strict, top-down command structure where deviation from centrally directed orders is not permitted, and the ever-present political commissar ensures absolute loyalty to the Party’s directives. The US system of Mission Command is built on the foundations of trust, mutual understanding, and the empowerment of subordinate leaders to act—and even to act contrary to the last received order if the situation demands it, as long as their actions remain within the commander’s intent. The PLA’s command system is optimized for planned, deliberate operations in a controlled environment; it is inherently brittle and struggles to adapt to the friction, chaos, and uncertainty of modern combat. The US Mission Command philosophy, in contrast, is designed for chaos and uncertainty. It assumes that plans will fail, communications will be lost, and opportunities will emerge unexpectedly. It empowers leaders at the lowest possible level to adapt, innovate, and win. The PLA’s attempt to decapitate our command structure is a direct attempt to force their preferred style of warfare upon us—to remove our flexible, distributed “brain” and make us as rigid and fragile as they are. Our response—resilient CPs and decentralized execution—is a direct counter that leverages our most powerful asymmetric advantage. We will refuse to fight on their terms. Our single most crucial advantage over the PLA is not a particular weapon system, but our philosophy of command. We must therefore relentlessly train and cultivate Mission Command in our leaders at every echelon. In a chaotic, contested environment where networks are degraded and units are isolated, the side whose junior leaders are best able to understand intent, seize the initiative, and make bold, decisive actions will win. The PLA’s political system makes it structurally incapable of replicating this advantage. Therefore, our leader development programs are as critical to future victory as our weapons modernization programs.
Conclusion: Prevailing in the Contest of Systems
The five core strategies a People’s Liberation Army commander will employ in a land confrontation—Information Paralysis, Political Disintegration, Stand-off Strike, Asymmetric Overwhelm, and Command Decapitation—are not disparate lines of effort. They are the integrated components of a singular, overarching warfighting philosophy: Systems Destruction Warfare. The PLA will not seek a linear, attrition-based fight. It will wage a holistic, multi-domain campaign aimed at finding and exploiting the critical vulnerabilities within the US operational system to induce paralysis and collapse.
To prevail in this contest of systems, US forces must counter with a system that is not only technologically superior but also doctrinally and philosophically more resilient. Our response must be equally integrated, leveraging the technological backbone of Joint All-Domain Command and Control (JADC2) and the profound doctrinal strength of Mission Command. JADC2 provides the means to build a resilient, adaptable, and lethal network that can withstand and fight through the PLA’s initial information onslaught. Mission Command provides the human element—the trained and trusted leader who can adapt, innovate, and seize the initiative in the chaos and uncertainty that JADC2 is designed to endure.
This combination creates a powerful asymmetry. The PLA’s system, for all its technological sophistication and impressive scale, is ultimately constrained by the political imperatives of the Chinese Communist Party. Its reliance on rigid, centralized control makes it powerful when executing a pre-ordained plan but brittle and slow to adapt when confronted with unexpected friction and complexity. The US system, in contrast, is designed for chaos. It embraces decentralized execution and empowers initiative at the edge, creating a more resilient, adaptable, and ultimately more lethal force in the fluid reality of modern combat.
By understanding the PLA’s system-centric approach and its inherent vulnerabilities, we can tailor our operational concepts, training, and capabilities to attack their system at its weakest points. We will win not by fighting their preferred battle of systems—a deliberate, centralized, and predictable contest—but by forcing them to fight ours: a fast-paced, decentralized, and chaotic engagement that their rigid command structure is fundamentally ill-equipped to handle. The key to victory lies in exploiting the philosophical gap between our two armies—a gap that no amount of technology can bridge.
Table 1: PLA Strategy vs. US Counter-Strategy Matrix
All units equipped with organic C-UAS capabilities
AI-enabled C2 / Directed Energy / High-Power Microwave (HPM)
5. Command Decapitation
System Warfare / Combined Arms Brigade (CA-BDE) Assault
Decentralized Execution / Command Post Survivability
All echelons trained in Mission Command
Agile/Mobile Command Posts / Resilient Comms
Works cited
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This report provides a strategic assessment of the five most probable operational strategies that a commander of the People’s Liberation Army Navy (PLAN) would employ in a high-intensity maritime confrontation with United States naval forces. For each Chinese strategy, a corresponding U.S. counter-strategy is detailed, grounded in an analysis of current military doctrines, technological capabilities, and the prevailing strategic balance in the Western Pacific.
The analysis reveals a fundamental dichotomy in operational philosophy. The PLAN’s strategies are overwhelmingly optimized for a decisive, system-dependent, and centrally controlled initial blow, designed to achieve a rapid fait accompli by shattering U.S. operational capability and political will. These strategies—ranging from a massive missile saturation strike to a multi-domain C5ISR blackout—rely on the seamless integration of a complex but potentially brittle system-of-systems. Conversely, U.S. counter-strategies, rooted in the doctrine of Distributed Maritime Operations (DMO), are designed for systemic resilience, allied integration, and victory in a chaotic, degraded, and protracted conflict. U.S. responses prioritize dis-integrating the adversary’s kill web before launch, leveraging a superior command-and-control philosophy based on decentralized execution, and exploiting China’s grand strategic vulnerabilities.
The five core strategic interactions analyzed are:
The Saturation Strike: A multi-domain, massed missile attack aimed at overwhelming the defenses of a U.S. Carrier Strike Group (CSG). The U.S. response focuses on proactively degrading the PLAN’s C5ISR “kill web” through non-kinetic means while employing a layered, networked defense (NIFC-CA) and operational dispersal (DMO) to survive and retaliate.
The Gray-Zone Squeeze: The use of paramilitary and non-military assets (Maritime Militia and Coast Guard) to assert control over disputed waters below the threshold of war. The U.S. counter involves “assertive transparency” to strip away plausible deniability, a “like-for-like” response using law enforcement assets, and bolstering allied maritime domain awareness and resilience.
The Undersea Ambush: The deployment of a large and quiet conventional submarine force to interdict sea lanes and hold U.S. surface assets at risk within the First Island Chain. The U.S. response leverages its technologically superior nuclear submarine force and a coordinated, multi-domain Anti-Submarine Warfare (ASW) network to seize and maintain undersea dominance, which is the decisive enabling campaign for all other naval operations.
The C5ISR Blackout: A synchronized attack across the space, cyber, and electromagnetic domains to paralyze U.S. command, control, communications, computers, intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance. The U.S. response is twofold: building technical resilience through hardened, redundant networks (Project Overmatch) and leveraging doctrinal resilience through a culture of mission command that empowers decentralized execution in a degraded environment.
The War of Attrition: A strategy to leverage China’s superior industrial capacity to absorb and replace combat losses at a rate the U.S. cannot sustain in a protracted conflict. The U.S. counter is to reject a war of attrition by targeting China’s grand strategic vulnerabilities—namely its dependence on seaborne trade—and integrating the formidable industrial and military power of its allies to offset the PLAN’s numerical advantage.
The overarching conclusion is that a naval conflict in the Western Pacific would be a contest between a Chinese force built for a perfect, centrally-scripted punch and a U.S. force designed to fight and win in the ensuing chaos. Victory for the U.S. commander will hinge on the successful implementation of DMO, enabled by resilient networking, and founded upon the U.S. Navy’s most durable asymmetric advantage: a command culture that trusts and empowers its people to take disciplined initiative in the face of uncertainty.
Introduction: The Contested Waters of the Western Pacific
The contemporary maritime environment, particularly in the Western Pacific, is defined by a direct and intensifying strategic competition between the United States and the People’s Republic of China (PRC). This is not merely a contest of naval platforms but a fundamental clash of national wills, technological trajectories, and operational doctrines. At the heart of this competition is the dramatic transformation of the People’s Liberation Army Navy (PLAN). Over the past three decades, the PLAN has evolved from a coastal “brown-water” navy, whose primary mission was to “resist invasions and defend the homeland” , into a formidable “blue-water” force with global ambitions. This shift, accelerated under Xi Jinping’s “China Dream” of national rejuvenation , represents a deliberate effort to project power, secure China’s maritime interests, and challenge the United States’ long-standing maritime supremacy. The PLAN’s growth is not just quantitative—it is now the world’s largest navy by number of ships—but also qualitative, with the introduction of advanced surface combatants, aircraft carriers, and a modernizing submarine force.
This naval build-up underpins a profound clash of operational philosophies, setting the stage for any potential confrontation. China’s military strategy is anchored in the concept of Anti-Access/Area Denial (A2/AD). This is a layered, defense-in-depth posture designed to deter, and if necessary, defeat U.S. military intervention within the First and Second Island Chains. By combining long-range precision-strike weapons, a dense network of sensors, and a growing fleet, China seeks to make military operations by foreign forces prohibitively costly and difficult in areas it considers vital to its national interests, such as the Taiwan Strait and the South China Sea. A2/AD is fundamentally the strategy of a continental power seeking to establish and enforce control over its maritime periphery, effectively turning its near seas into a strategic bastion.
In direct response to this challenge, the United States Navy has adopted Distributed Maritime Operations (DMO) as its foundational operating concept. DMO is designed explicitly to counter peer adversaries in a contested A2/AD environment. It seeks to turn the adversary’s strength—a reliance on finding and targeting concentrated U.S. forces—into a critical weakness. DMO achieves this by dispersing U.S. naval forces over vast geographic areas, complicating the adversary’s targeting problem, while concentrating lethal and non-lethal effects from multiple domains and vectors through resilient, long-range networking. It is a conceptual shift away from the carrier-centric battle group of the post-Cold War era toward a more adaptable, resilient, and distributed fleet architecture capable of seizing the initiative and prevailing in a high-end fight.
This report will dissect this strategic competition by analyzing the five most likely operational strategies a PLAN commander will employ in a maritime confrontation. For each Chinese strategy, a corresponding U.S. counter-strategy will be presented, providing a comprehensive assessment for the U.S. commander tasked with maintaining maritime superiority and upholding the international rules-based order in the contested waters of the Western Pacific.
I. The Saturation Strike: Overwhelming the Shield
The kinetic culmination of decades of Chinese investment in A2/AD capabilities is the Saturation Strike. This strategy is not merely an attack but a highly synchronized, multi-domain, system-of-systems operation aimed at delivering a decisive and politically shattering blow against the centerpiece of U.S. naval power projection: the Carrier Strike Group (CSG).
The Chinese Commander’s Strategy
The PLAN commander’s primary strategic objective in executing a Saturation Strike is to achieve a mission-kill or hard-kill on a U.S. aircraft carrier and its principal escorts, such as its Aegis cruisers and destroyers. The intended effect is twofold: operationally, to eliminate the CSG’s ability to project air power, thereby establishing uncontested sea and air control within the A2/AD envelope; and strategically, to inflict a shocking loss that breaks U.S. political will to continue the conflict.
This strategy is not executed by simply launching missiles; it requires the activation of a complex and highly integrated C5ISR (Command, Control, Communications, Computers, Cyber, Intelligence, Surveillance, and Reconnaissance) architecture that Chinese doctrine conceptualizes as a “kill web”. This architecture is designed to execute every step of the targeting process—Find, Fix, Track, Target, Engage, and Assess (F2T2EA)—against mobile, high-value U.S. naval assets. The sensor layer of this kill web is a multi-domain, redundant grid. It comprises space-based assets, including ISR satellites for imagery and electronic intelligence and the Beidou satellite navigation system for precision timing and location ; land-based over-the-horizon (OTH) radars to detect naval formations at long ranges; airborne platforms like Airborne Warning and Control System (AWACS) aircraft and long-endurance Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (UAVs); and the organic sensors of the PLAN’s own surface ships and submarines. The purpose of this dense sensor network is to create a persistent, fused, and reliable picture of the battlespace, ensuring that a U.S. CSG can be continuously tracked once detected.
The kinetic effectors of this strategy are a diverse and numerous arsenal of missiles, designed to attack the CSG from multiple axes and at different altitudes simultaneously, thereby overwhelming its layered defenses through sheer volume and complexity. The primary threat to the aircraft carrier itself comes from Anti-Ship Ballistic Missiles (ASBMs). These are road-mobile systems that can be hidden inland and launched on short notice. The key systems are the DF-21D, known as the “carrier-killer” with a range of approximately 1,500 km, and the DF-26, an intermediate-range ballistic missile dubbed the “Guam-killer” with a range of approximately 4,000 km, capable of striking both land bases and naval targets. These missiles attack from a near-space apogee at hypersonic speeds (estimated at up to Mach 10 upon reentry), and are believed to be equipped with Maneuverable Reentry Vehicles (MaRVs) that can make terminal adjustments to their trajectory, significantly complicating interception by U.S. defensive systems.
A more recent and sophisticated threat is posed by Hypersonic Glide Vehicles (HGVs), such as the DF-ZF HGV launched by the DF-17 missile. Unlike a ballistic missile, an HGV is released from its booster rocket and then “skips” along the upper atmosphere on a relatively flat, non-ballistic trajectory. This flight profile, combined with its ability to maneuver at speeds exceeding Mach 5, makes it exceptionally difficult for traditional ballistic missile defense radars and interceptors to track and engage.
To saturate the CSG’s mid- and inner-tier defenses, the ASBM and HGV attack will be synchronized with a massive volley of Anti-Ship Cruise Missiles (ASCMs). These will include both sea-skimming subsonic and supersonic variants, like the YJ-18, launched from a wide array of platforms to create a multi-axis threat picture that overloads the Aegis Combat System’s fire control channels. The platforms tasked with launching these weapons are themselves diverse. The PLAN’s modern surface combatants, particularly the formidable Type 055 (Renhai-class) cruiser and the capable Type 052D destroyers, serve as primary launch platforms. The Type 055, with its 112 Vertical Launch System (VLS) cells and advanced dual-band AESA radars, is a critical node in both the sensor and shooter network. Concurrently, PLAN Air Force H-6 bombers, armed with long-range ASCMs, will conduct standoff attacks from the periphery of the CSG’s air defense bubble. Finally, PLAN submarines, both conventional and nuclear, will be pre-positioned along expected U.S. approach vectors to launch submerged attacks, adding another, often unseen, axis of attack.
A deeper analysis of this strategy reveals that its immense power is predicated on the seamless functioning of a highly complex, centrally controlled C5ISR architecture. It is designed as a perfectly synchronized, overwhelming blow, but this optimization for a “best-case” scenario, where its network operates unimpeded, creates an inherent brittleness. The entire kill chain, from satellite detection to missile impact, depends on a series of critical nodes—a specific satellite, a data fusion center on the mainland, a secure communication link. The failure of any one of these nodes, whether through technical malfunction or enemy action, could cause the entire targeting solution to collapse, rendering the missiles ineffective. Furthermore, the nature of the primary threat systems suggests the attack will be “pulsed” rather than continuous. The logistical and C5ISR effort required to coordinate mobile land-based launchers and generate a high-fidelity targeting solution for a moving CSG means the PLAN cannot maintain a constant stream of ASBM fire. Instead, they will seek to create a “targeting window” and launch a massive, all-at-once strike to maximize the probability of success. This operational tempo, however, creates windows of opportunity for U.S. forces to act and disrupt the cycle between these offensive pulses.
The U.S. Commander’s Response
The U.S. commander’s strategic objective is to defeat the PLAN’s Saturation Strike by actively dis-integrating the Chinese kill web before missiles are launched, defending against any weapons that do get through, and maintaining the combat effectiveness of the CSG to retaliate decisively. This multi-phased response is the practical application of Distributed Maritime Operations.
The primary effort, designated here as Phase 0, is focused on non-kinetic warfare to prevent the PLAN from generating a clean targeting solution in the first place. This is a proactive campaign to attack the adversary’s C5ISR system. Coordinated through U.S. Cyber Command and theater assets, U.S. forces will conduct offensive cyber and Electronic Warfare (EW) operations targeting the nodes of the PLAN’s kill web. This includes jamming and spoofing ISR and navigation satellites, disrupting data links between platforms, attacking ground-based OTH radars, and penetrating the command and data networks that connect sensors to shooters. The goal is to sow friction, doubt, and blindness within the Chinese commander’s decision-making cycle, degrading their situational awareness and confidence in their targeting data. Simultaneously, the CSG will employ a sophisticated suite of deception tactics, including advanced electronic decoys that mimic the signature of high-value ships and strict emissions control (EMCON) procedures to reduce the CSG’s own electronic signature, thereby confusing PLAN sensors and creating a multitude of false targets.
Should the PLAN manage to launch a strike, Phase 1—the kinetic shield—is activated. This is a layered, hard-kill defense system designed to engage and destroy incoming threats at successively closer ranges. The heart of this defense is the Aegis Combat System, deployed on Ticonderoga-class cruisers and Arleigh Burke-class destroyers. Aegis, with its powerful AN/SPY series radars, provides 360-degree, all-weather detection, tracking, and engagement capabilities against the full spectrum of aerial threats.
The critical enabler that extends this shield beyond the horizon is Naval Integrated Fire Control-Counter Air (NIFC-CA). This revolutionary network allows different platforms to share sensor data and engage targets cooperatively. In a typical NIFC-CA engagement, an E-2D Advanced Hawkeye aircraft, acting as an elevated sensor and communications node, detects an incoming wave of cruise missiles or a terminally descending ASBM far beyond the ship’s own radar horizon. It then transmits this targeting data via a high-capacity data link to an Aegis ship, which can launch an SM-6 missile to intercept the threat, with the E-2D providing mid-course guidance updates. This “launch-on-remote” or “engage-on-remote” capability dramatically expands the CSG’s defensive battlespace and is a crucial counter to saturation tactics.
The CSG’s interceptor arsenal is multi-tiered to handle the diverse threat axis. The outer tier, focused on Ballistic Missile Defense (BMD), employs the Standard Missile-3 (SM-3) for exo-atmospheric “hit-to-kill” interception of ballistic missiles during their mid-course phase of flight. The mid-tier is the domain of the highly versatile Standard Missile-6 (SM-6), the workhorse of NIFC-CA. The SM-6 is capable of engaging ballistic missiles in their terminal phase (endo-atmospheric) as well as advanced air-breathing threats like cruise missiles and aircraft at extended ranges. The inner tier consists of the Standard Missile-2 (SM-2) and the Evolved Sea Sparrow Missile (ESSM), providing high-volume defense against cruise missiles and aircraft at shorter ranges.
Crucially, the CSG will not operate in a tightly clustered, easily targetable formation that plays to the strengths of the PLAN’s A2/AD system. Instead, it will adopt a DMO posture. Assets will be geographically dispersed over hundreds of miles, forcing the PLAN to search a much larger area and expend significantly more ISR resources to find and identify high-value targets. The key technological enabler for this dispersal is Project Overmatch, the Navy’s contribution to the broader Department of Defense’s Combined Joint All-Domain Command and Control (CJADC2) effort. Project Overmatch is developing a suite of resilient networks, secure data architectures, and AI-powered decision aids designed to connect the dispersed fleet. This allows widely separated units to share sensor data and coordinate fires seamlessly, even in a heavily contested electromagnetic environment, creating a resilient and lethal U.S. “kill web” of its own.
This U.S. response is fundamentally proactive, not reactive. The primary effort is focused on the “left side of the kill chain”—degrading the enemy’s ability to target in the first place by attacking its vulnerable C2 and sensor networks. The kinetic shield of missiles is the final line of defense, not the first. DMO turns the tables on the A2/AD concept. The A2/AD strategy is predicated on holding a concentrated, high-value U.S. force at risk. By refusing to present a concentrated force, DMO breaks the fundamental logic of the PLAN’s targeting model. It disperses U.S. combat power across numerous manned and unmanned platforms, creating dozens of potential targets. This forces the Chinese commander into an untenable dilemma: either expend their limited inventory of high-end munitions, like ASBMs, on lower-value targets, or dedicate an enormous and unsustainable amount of ISR assets to correctly identify the high-value units within the distributed formation, making their sensor network even more vulnerable to U.S. non-kinetic attack.
Feature
USN Arleigh Burke-class (Flight III)
PLAN Type 055 (Renhai-class)
Type
Guided-Missile Destroyer
Guided-Missile Cruiser
Displacement
~9,700 tons
~13,000 tons
VLS Cells
96 Mk 41 VLS
112 GJB 5860-2006 VLS
Primary Radar
AN/SPY-6(V)1 AMDR
Type 346B (S- and X-band AESA)
Primary AAW Missile
SM-6, SM-2, ESSM
HHQ-9B
ASuW Missile
Maritime Strike Tomahawk, LRASM
YJ-18A, YJ-21 ASBM
Land Attack Missile
Tomahawk Land Attack Missile
CJ-10
Data compiled from sources.
II. The Gray-Zone Squeeze: Winning Without Fighting
Beyond high-end kinetic conflict, the PLAN commander will employ a sophisticated and persistent strategy of coercion in the “gray zone”—the contested space between peace and war. This strategy involves the calibrated use of non-military and paramilitary forces to achieve strategic objectives, such as asserting de facto sovereignty over disputed waters, without triggering a conventional military response from the United States or its allies.
The Chinese Commander’s Strategy
The strategic objective of the Gray-Zone Squeeze is to establish “facts on the water” that normalize Chinese administrative control and territorial claims, primarily in the South China Sea and East China Sea. This is achieved by harassing U.S. or allied vessels, intimidating regional claimants, and gradually eroding the international rules-based order, all while maintaining plausible deniability and carefully managing the escalation ladder to avoid open warfare.
The operational manifestation of this strategy is a layered, three-tiered force structure, often referred to as the “cabbage strategy,” where each layer provides a different level of coercion and deniability. The innermost layer, and the vanguard of any gray-zone operation, is the People’s Armed Forces Maritime Militia (PAFMM). This is a state-organized and controlled force composed of a large swarm of vessels, many of which are disguised as civilian fishing trawlers but are, in fact, purpose-built for paramilitary missions with reinforced hulls and powerful water cannons. The PAFMM is used for initial harassment, blockading strategic features like the Second Thomas Shoal, and employing “swarm” tactics to intimidate smaller vessels from nations like the Philippines or Vietnam. Their civilian appearance is the key to the strategy, as it makes a forceful, kinetic response from a professional navy politically risky and easy for Beijing to portray as an act of aggression against fishermen.
The middle layer consists of the China Coast Guard (CCG). The CCG operates larger, more capable, and often heavily armed cutters, many of which are former PLAN frigates. The CCG’s role is to escalate the pressure beyond what the militia can achieve. They employ dangerous but nominally non-lethal tactics, including ramming, shouldering, using high-pressure water cannons, and aiming military-grade lasers at the bridges of opposing ships to blind their crews. By operating under the guise of maritime law enforcement, the CCG further complicates the Rules of Engagement (ROE) for U.S. naval forces, creating a legal and diplomatic shield for their coercive actions.
The outermost layer is composed of the People’s Liberation Army Navy (PLAN) itself. In a typical gray-zone scenario, PLAN warships will remain “over the horizon,” visible on radar but not directly involved in the immediate confrontation. Their presence serves as a powerful and unambiguous military backstop. It sends a clear signal to the U.S. commander that any attempt to escalate and use lethal force against the CCG or PAFMM will cross the threshold into a conventional military conflict with the full might of the PLAN.
The core of this entire strategy is to present the U.S. commander with an operational dilemma, a “lose-lose” scenario. The first option is to do nothing, which results in ceding the contested area, allowing China to achieve its objective, and signaling to regional allies that U.S. security guarantees are hollow. The second option is to escalate and use lethal force against the PAFMM or CCG. This would play directly into China’s hands, allowing Beijing to win the information and legal war (“lawfare”) by painting the U.S. as the aggressor attacking “civilians” or “law enforcement” personnel in waters China claims as its own.
These gray-zone operations are not random acts of maritime bullying; they are a form of pre-conflict battlefield shaping. They are a systematic, long-term campaign to establish positional advantage, test U.S. resolve, and normalize Chinese presence and control in strategically vital waterways. The militarized artificial islands in the South China Sea, for example, serve as forward operating bases that enable and sustain these gray-zone actions, extending China’s A2/AD bubble and limiting U.S. operational freedom long before any shots are fired. The strategy’s center of gravity is not firepower but ambiguity and narrative control. Its effectiveness hinges on China’s ability to control the international perception of events and exploit the legal and political seams in the international order. If this ambiguity is stripped away and the state-directed nature of the coercion is laid bare, the strategy loses much of its power, as it can no longer be credibly separated from an act of military aggression.
The U.S. Commander’s Response
The U.S. commander’s strategic objective is to effectively counter Chinese gray-zone coercion without escalating to armed conflict. This requires a multi-faceted approach aimed at exposing the state-directed nature of the PAFMM and CCG, neutralizing China’s narrative advantage, and reassuring allies of unwavering U.S. commitment to a free and open Indo-Pacific.
The primary line of effort is “Assertive Transparency,” a strategy designed to win the information war by systematically stripping away the ambiguity upon which the Chinese strategy relies. This involves the use of a persistent and comprehensive ISR network—including satellites, long-endurance UAVs like the MQ-4C Triton and MQ-9 Reaper, and other intelligence platforms—to continuously monitor, document, and collect irrefutable evidence of PAFMM and CCG activities. This evidence, including imagery of unprofessional maneuvers, communications intercepts proving coordination with the PLAN, and data showing militia vessels disabling their automatic identification systems (AIS), must be rapidly declassified and publicly released. By publicizing Beijing’s malign behavior, the U.S. and its allies can impose significant reputational costs, forcing China to either accept international condemnation or disavow its own paramilitary forces.
The second line of effort is to employ a calibrated force posture that controls the escalation ladder. Instead of meeting paramilitary aggression with high-end naval combatants, the U.S. will pursue a “like-for-like” response. This involves deploying U.S. Coast Guard (USCG) cutters to the region to counter the CCG directly. This places the confrontation in a law-enforcement-versus-law-enforcement context, which neutralizes China’s narrative that it is being bullied by the U.S. Navy. It also leverages the USCG’s expertise in maritime law enforcement and professional conduct to highlight the unprofessional and dangerous behavior of the CCG. In this posture, U.S. Navy destroyers would be positioned in an overwatch role, similar to the PLAN’s own posture. This demonstrates military resolve and establishes clear red lines—for example, that lethal force used against a U.S. or allied vessel will be met with a decisive military response—without being the primary instrument of engagement in the gray-zone incident itself.
The third, and perhaps most critical, line of effort is building allied resilience. The primary targets of China’s gray-zone pressure are often U.S. allies and partners like the Philippines, Vietnam, and Malaysia. The most effective long-term counter is to empower these nations to resist coercion themselves. This involves significant investment in capacity building, such as enhancing their maritime domain awareness, C5ISR capabilities, and coast guard forces so they can better monitor and respond to gray-zone threats within their own exclusive economic zones (EEZs). Furthermore, conducting joint naval and coast guard patrols with allies in disputed areas serves to demonstrate collective resolve, reinforce international law like the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), and show that China’s claims are not accepted by the international community.
This counter-strategy deliberately targets the adversary’s decision-making process, not just their physical assets. A purely physical response, such as trying to block militia boats with a destroyer, is tactically difficult and strategically unwise, as it plays directly into China’s escalation trap. The key is to create unacceptable political and reputational costs for the Chinese Communist Party leadership. By shifting the conflict from the physical domain, where China can leverage its numerical advantage in small vessels, to the information and political domains, the U.S. and its allies can leverage the power of truth, international law, and collective action. It must be understood that gray-zone challenges cannot be “solved” in a single engagement. China’s strategy is one of persistence and incrementalism. Therefore, the U.S. response must also be persistent. Transitory operations like Freedom of Navigation Operations (FONOPs), while necessary, are insufficient on their own to deter this long-term campaign. The ultimate winner in the gray zone will be the side that can most effectively and efficiently sustain its presence and its political will over time.
Force
Command & Control
Typical Vessels
Typical Armament/Tactics
Plausible Deniability
People’s Liberation Army Navy (PLAN)
Military (Central Military Commission)
Destroyers, Frigates, Cruisers
Lethal (Missiles, Guns); Provides military overwatch
Zero
China Coast Guard (CCG)
Paramilitary (People’s Armed Police)
Large patrol cutters (often ex-PLAN)
Water cannons, acoustic devices, ramming, lasers, deck guns; Enforces domestic law in disputed waters
Low
People’s Armed Forces Maritime Militia (PAFMM)
Military Auxiliary (Local PAFDs, PLAN)
Converted trawlers, purpose-built vessels with reinforced hulls
Leveraging the inherent stealth of the submarine, the PLAN commander’s third major strategy is to wage war from beneath the waves. The Undersea Ambush is designed to challenge U.S. sea control at its foundation, targeting not only high-value military assets but also the vulnerable logistical lifeline that sustains any forward-deployed U.S. force. This is a battle for the undersea domain, where victory or defeat can enable or cripple all other operations.
The Chinese Commander’s Strategy
The strategic objectives of the Undersea Ambush are multifaceted: to interdict U.S. and allied sea lines of communication (SLOCs), disrupting the flow of reinforcements and supplies into the theater; to conduct covert intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance (ISR) deep within the U.S. defensive perimeter; to hold high-value surface assets like aircraft carriers and amphibious ships at risk; and to contest the undersea domain, denying U.S. submarines the sanctuary they have long enjoyed, particularly within the strategically critical waters of the first island chain.
To execute this strategy, the PLAN commander will employ a two-tiered submarine force, with different classes of submarines tailored for different operational environments and missions. The first tier, and arguably the most dangerous in a regional conflict, is the PLAN’s large and increasingly quiet fleet of conventional diesel-electric submarines (SSKs). This force includes Russian-built Kilo-class submarines and a growing number of indigenous Song- and Yuan-class boats. A significant and growing portion of the Yuan-class fleet is equipped with Air-Independent Propulsion (AIP), a technology that allows a non-nuclear submarine to operate without surfacing to snorkel for extended periods, potentially for weeks at a time. This capability makes AIP-equipped SSKs extremely difficult to detect in the noisy and acoustically complex littoral environments of the South and East China Seas, where they can lie in wait in ambush positions.
The second tier is the PLAN’s growing force of nuclear-powered attack submarines (SSNs), primarily the Shang-class (Type 093) and its improved variants, with the next-generation Type 095 expected to be a significant leap in capability. While generally still considered acoustically inferior (i.e., louder) than their U.S. counterparts, the newest Shang-class variants show significant improvements in quieting and are equipped with vertical launch systems (VLS) capable of firing land-attack and anti-ship cruise missiles. These SSNs provide the PLAN with a blue-water, long-endurance capability to threaten U.S. rear-area bases, strike targets on land, and hunt U.S. naval forces beyond the first island chain.
The key missions assigned to this submarine force will be diverse. The numerous SSKs will be deployed as “picket fences” across key maritime chokepoints, such as the Strait of Malacca, the Sunda Strait, and the Luzon Strait, with the primary mission of hunting for U.S. logistics shipping, amphibious vessels, and surface combatants transiting into the theater. Submarines are also the ideal platform for covertly deploying advanced sea mines near allied ports (e.g., in Japan or the Philippines) and along strategic waterways, creating no-go zones that can disrupt naval movements and bottle up surface fleets. Meanwhile, the quietest SSKs and the more capable SSNs will be tasked with the high-risk, high-reward mission of hunting High-Value Units (HVUs), specifically U.S. aircraft carriers, large-deck amphibious assault ships, and critical underway replenishment vessels.
The logic of this undersea strategy is fundamentally asymmetric and geographically focused. The PLAN leadership understands that it cannot currently compete with the U.S. Navy in a global, blue-water submarine-on-submarine conflict. Its strategy, therefore, is to leverage the numerical strength of its large SSK fleet in the defensive acoustic terrain of its near seas. The complex sound propagation, high shipping density, and variable water conditions of the East and South China Seas provide an ideal hiding ground for quiet conventional submarines. The most rational and dangerous approach for the PLAN commander is not to send their SSNs on duels in the open Pacific, but to use their SSK advantage to turn the first island chain into a lethal ambush zone.
However, this potent offensive strategy is undermined by a significant and acknowledged PLAN weakness: its own Anti-Submarine Warfare (ASW) capabilities. For decades, the PLAN underinvested in the complex art of ASW, lacking the advanced platforms, integrated sensor networks, and, most importantly, the deep institutional experience that the U.S. Navy has cultivated since the Cold War. While China is now rapidly fielding more capable ASW platforms, such as the KQ-200 maritime patrol aircraft and surface ships with advanced sonars, mastering ASW is not a “turnkey” capability; it requires years of training and cultural integration. This creates a critical strategic dilemma for the PLAN commander: while their submarines pose a grave threat to U.S. surface ships, the waters in which they operate are not a sanctuary for them. They are, in fact, highly vulnerable to the apex predators of the undersea domain—U.S. nuclear attack submarines. Every PLAN submarine deployed on an offensive mission is simultaneously a high-value target for U.S. SSNs, forcing the Chinese commander to risk their own most potent asymmetric assets in a domain where their adversary remains superior.
The U.S. Commander’s Response
The U.S. commander’s strategic objective is to seize and maintain dominance in the undersea domain, neutralizing the PLAN submarine threat and thereby ensuring freedom of maneuver for all U.S. and allied forces. The undersea battle is the decisive enabling campaign of any maritime conflict in the Pacific.
The cornerstone of the U.S. response is its own profound asymmetric advantage: a technologically superior, all-nuclear attack submarine (SSN) force, composed of the Virginia-class and the exceptionally quiet Seawolf-class submarines. These platforms are the most capable submarines in the world, and their primary wartime mission will be to conduct hunter-killer operations against PLAN submarines. Their superior acoustic quieting, advanced sonar suites, and the exceptional training and proficiency of their crews give them a decisive advantage in submarine-on-submarine engagements. Beyond their hunter-killer role, U.S. SSNs are premier ISR platforms, capable of penetrating deep within the A2/AD bubble to conduct covert surveillance, collect critical intelligence, provide targeting data for the joint force, and deploy special operations forces (SOF).
U.S. SSNs, however, do not operate in isolation. They are the leading edge of a coordinated, multi-layered, theater-wide ASW network. This network includes Maritime Patrol and Reconnaissance Aircraft (MPRA), primarily the P-8A Poseidon. The P-8A is the world’s premier aerial ASW platform, capable of rapidly searching vast areas of ocean, deploying extensive fields of advanced sonobuoys to detect and track submarine contacts, and prosecuting those contacts with lightweight torpedoes. Surface combatants, including Aegis destroyers and cruisers, are also critical nodes in the ASW network. They are equipped with powerful hull-mounted and towed-array sonars and embark MH-60R Seahawk helicopters, which are themselves potent ASW platforms equipped with dipping sonars and torpedoes.
This network of kinetic platforms is cued and supported by a web of undersea surveillance systems. This includes fixed acoustic arrays laid on the seabed in strategic locations, mobile surveillance platforms like the Surveillance Towed Array Sensor System (SURTASS) ships, and a growing fleet of unmanned underwater vehicles (UUVs). Together, these systems provide persistent, wide-area surveillance of key transit lanes and operating areas, detecting the faint acoustic signatures of PLAN submarines and passing that information to the hunter-killer platforms.
The U.S. response will also actively exploit the PLAN’s vulnerabilities. U.S. submarines are ideal platforms for offensive minelaying, capable of covertly deploying advanced mines in strategic locations, such as the approaches to PLAN naval bases, to bottle up the Chinese fleet and turn China’s geography into a liability. Furthermore, U.S. forces will employ tactics designed to impose uncertainty and disrupt the PLAN’s more rigid, top-down command and control structure. By creating unpredictable and complex tactical situations, U.S. forces can exploit the superior training and doctrinal empowerment of their own crews.
The undersea battle is arguably the decisive campaign in a potential conflict. If the U.S. can successfully neutralize the PLAN submarine threat, its surface fleet and critical logistics train can operate with much greater freedom of maneuver, making the entire DMO concept fully viable. Conversely, if PLAN submarines can successfully interdict U.S. forces and logistics, the U.S. will be unable to sustain a high-intensity fight in the Western Pacific. Therefore, the U.S. commander’s first and most critical priority must be to win the war for the deeps.
Beyond technology, the U.S. Navy’s most significant and durable advantage in the undersea domain is the human factor. U.S. submarine doctrine is built upon the philosophy of “mission command,” which grants unparalleled autonomy to commanding officers. They are expected to understand the commander’s intent and then exercise disciplined initiative to achieve it, even—and especially—when operating alone and out of communication. The PLAN, by contrast, is known for a more centralized, top-down C2 structure that can be rigid and slow to adapt in a dynamic environment. In the complex, uncertain, and communications-denied battlespace of undersea warfare, the ability of a U.S. submarine commander to make rapid, independent, and intent-driven decisions will be a decisive advantage over a PLAN counterpart who may be waiting for permission from a distant, and potentially unreachable, headquarters. This cultural and doctrinal difference is a true force multiplier.
IV. The C5ISR Blackout: The Multi-Domain Blitz
Preceding or concurrent with any major kinetic operation, the PLAN commander will almost certainly execute a multi-domain blitz aimed at achieving a “systemic paralysis” of U.S. forces. The C5ISR Blackout is a strategy that focuses on non-kinetic means to render U.S. forces deaf, dumb, and blind at the outset of a conflict, thereby severing the digital connective tissue that enables modern, networked warfare.
The Chinese Commander’s Strategy
The strategic objective of the C5ISR Blackout is to disrupt, degrade, and destroy U.S. command, control, communications, computers, cyber, intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance capabilities across the space, cyber, and electromagnetic domains. By attacking the nervous system of the U.S. military, the PLAN aims to prevent the U.S. from conducting effective, coordinated joint operations, thereby isolating individual units and making them vulnerable to follow-on kinetic attacks. This strategy is the direct embodiment of the PLA’s concept of “system destruction warfare,” which posits that victory in modern conflict is achieved not by destroying every enemy platform, but by causing a cascading collapse of the adversary’s operational system.
This mission falls primarily to the PLA’s specialized information warfare units, which were centralized under the Strategic Support Force (SSF) in 2015 and are now being reorganized into more focused entities like the Cyberspace Force and Aerospace Force. These forces are tasked with planning and executing a synchronized, multi-domain attack targeting the foundational pillars of U.S. networked operations.
The key attack vectors are threefold. The first is space warfare, which will target the critical U.S. satellite constellations that provide Position, Navigation, and Timing (PNT) via the Global Positioning System (GPS), global communications (SATCOM), and ISR. The PLA has developed a suite of anti-satellite (ASAT) capabilities to achieve this, ranging from direct-ascent kinetic kill vehicles to co-orbital robotic satellites that can jam, spoof, or physically disable U.S. assets in orbit. They can also employ ground-based directed energy weapons (lasers) to dazzle or damage satellite sensors and conduct cyberattacks against satellite ground control stations.
The second vector is cyber warfare. The PLA will launch large-scale cyberattacks aimed at both military and civilian targets. Military targets will include command and control networks, logistics and maintenance databases, and weapon system software. The goal is to corrupt data, deny access to critical systems, inject malware, and generally sow chaos and confusion within the U.S. command structure. Civilian targets will include critical infrastructure in the U.S. homeland and at forward operating bases, such as power grids, transportation networks, and financial systems, with the aim of disrupting U.S. mobilization and creating domestic political pressure.
The third vector is Electronic Warfare (EW). The PLA will conduct widespread and intensive jamming of the electromagnetic spectrum. This will target critical U.S. military communications links, such as Link-16, which connects aircraft, ships, and ground forces. It will also involve broad-area jamming of GPS signals to disrupt navigation and the guidance of precision munitions. Additionally, PLA EW assets will target U.S. radar systems on ships and aircraft to degrade their ability to detect and track incoming threats. The PLA views the integration of cyber and EW, what it calls “integrated network electronic warfare,” as a core component of its information-centric strategy.
China views the achievement of information dominance as an essential prerequisite for kinetic success. A PLAN commander is highly unlikely to launch a major operation like the Saturation Strike (Strategy I) without first attempting to degrade U.S. defenses through a C5ISR Blackout. The two strategies are inextricably linked. The effectiveness of key U.S. defensive systems like NIFC-CA and the entire DMO concept depends absolutely on robust, resilient networking. PLA doctrine explicitly identifies these networks as a primary target, aiming to “paralyze the enemy’s operational system-of-systems” in the initial stages of a conflict. Therefore, the C5ISR attack is not an ancillary operation; it is the opening move of the campaign, designed to “soften up” the battlespace and create the conditions for the kinetic strike to succeed. This strategy is enabled by China’s policy of “Military-Civil Fusion,” which legally mandates that civilian entities, including tech companies, universities, and individual hackers, support the state’s national security objectives. This “whole-of-society” approach provides the PLA with a massive pool of talent, resources, and attack vectors for its cyber operations.
The U.S. Commander’s Response
The U.S. commander’s strategic objective is not merely to survive a C5ISR Blackout, but to fight through it and win in a degraded and contested information environment. This is achieved by building both technical and doctrinal resilience and by leveraging a superior command and control philosophy that thrives in chaos.
The first line of effort is building architectural resilience into the U.S. C5ISR infrastructure. A core goal of Project Overmatch is to create a resilient, self-healing network that is “transport agnostic,” meaning it can dynamically route data through multiple pathways—satellite, line-of-sight radio, mobile mesh networks, laser communications—to bypass jammed or destroyed links. The U.S. is also actively developing and deploying redundant systems to reduce single points of failure. This includes proliferating large constellations of smaller, cheaper satellites in low-earth orbit (LEO), which are more difficult for an adversary to target and destroy wholesale than a few large, exquisite satellites in higher orbits. It also involves developing alternative PNT sources to reduce the force’s critical dependency on GPS. In the cyber domain, the response is proactive. U.S. Cyber Command conducts “hunt forward” operations, where cyber defense teams work with allies to identify and neutralize adversary malware and tools within foreign networks before they can be used against the U.S..
However, technology alone is an insufficient defense. The U.S. Navy’s greatest strength in a blackout scenario is its doctrinal resilience, rooted in its command and control philosophy. Unlike the PLA’s highly centralized, top-down C2 structure, the U.S. Navy operates on the principle of mission command. Commanders are given the “what” (the objective and the commander’s intent) but are not micromanaged on the “how.” Subordinate commanders at the tactical edge—a ship’s captain, a squadron leader—are trusted and empowered to take disciplined initiative to achieve that intent, even when they are cut off from higher headquarters. This is not an ad-hoc response; it is a deeply ingrained cultural trait. U.S. forces regularly and rigorously train in communications-denied environments to practice decentralized operations. This builds the trust, confidence, and procedural knowledge necessary for the force to continue to function effectively even when the network fails.
Finally, the U.S. will not simply absorb information warfare attacks passively. It will retaliate in kind, imposing costs by targeting the critical nodes of China’s own C5ISR architecture and its deeply intertwined military-civilian infrastructure.
This confrontation is ultimately a clash of cultures and philosophies. China is betting on technology to enable and enforce centralized control. The United States is betting on its people to enable decentralized execution. In a successful C5ISR Blackout scenario, where networks are severely degraded, the Chinese system, which requires constant, high-bandwidth connectivity to function as designed, would likely grind to a halt. Tactical units would be left waiting for orders they cannot receive. The U.S. system, while also degraded, is designed to continue functioning. Individual ship and squadron commanders, operating on their last received commander’s intent, would continue to fight and make decisions. In such an environment, the force that can continue to observe, orient, decide, and act—even while “blind”—will win. This threat environment also accelerates the imperative to develop a “hybrid fleet” of manned and unmanned systems. Unmanned platforms can serve as resilient, low-cost, and attritable sensor and communication nodes, extending the network in a contested environment and conducting high-risk missions like EW or deception, thereby preserving more valuable manned platforms. Initiatives like Project Overmatch are explicitly designed to provide the robust command and control necessary for this future hybrid fleet. The response to the blackout threat is therefore not just to protect the current force, but to evolve into a more resilient, distributed, and ultimately more lethal force structure.
V. The War of Attrition: The Industrial Gambit
Should the initial, high-intensity phases of a conflict fail to produce a decisive outcome, the PLAN commander may pivot to a strategy designed to leverage China’s most profound and asymmetric advantage: its immense industrial capacity. The War of Attrition is a strategy that looks beyond the first battle to win a protracted conflict by replacing combat losses of ships, munitions, and personnel at a rate that the United States and its allies cannot match, ultimately grinding down the U.S. Navy’s material capacity and political will to continue the fight.
The Chinese Commander’s Strategy
The strategic objective of the War of Attrition is to win a long war by transforming the conflict from a contest of tactical and operational skill into a contest of industrial output and national resolve. The foundation of this strategy is China’s unparalleled dominance in global manufacturing and, specifically, shipbuilding. China possesses the world’s largest shipbuilding industry, with a capacity that is estimated to be over 230 times greater than that of the United States. In a protracted conflict, China’s numerous and massive shipyards could be fully mobilized for military purposes, allowing it to repair damaged warships and construct new ones at a pace that the strained U.S. industrial base simply cannot equal.
This industrial might underpins the PLAN’s numerical superiority. The PLAN is already the world’s largest navy by ship count and is rapidly closing the gap in high-end combatants and VLS cells. This larger force structure allows the PLAN to absorb combat losses that would be crippling for the smaller U.S. fleet. As one wargaming analysis concluded, even after suffering catastrophic losses, the PLAN could still have more surface warships remaining than the U.S. Navy and would be able to continue the naval battle.
The operational concept flowing from this reality is one of accepting, and even planning for, a high rate of attrition. The Chinese commander, backed by the political will of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), may have a much higher tolerance for combat losses than their U.S. counterpart. They may view their ships and sailors as expendable assets in service of the ultimate strategic goal of victory. Operationally, this could manifest as a willingness to “trade” assets—for example, sacrificing a Type 052D destroyer to create an opportunity to score a hit on a U.S. high-value asset like a carrier or a logistics ship, confident in their ability to replace their loss more easily. The overarching goal is to force a high rate of attrition on the smaller, more technologically complex, more expensive, and slower-to-replace U.S. fleet, particularly its limited number of forward-based assets and its vulnerable logistics and support ships.
This strategy effectively turns time into China’s greatest ally. In a short, decisive conflict, U.S. advantages in technology, training, and doctrine might carry the day. However, in a long, grinding war of industrial attrition, China’s manufacturing might becomes the decisive factor. The longer the conflict lasts, the more the material balance of power will shift in China’s favor. Therefore, the Chinese commander’s strategic imperative is to survive the initial U.S. blows and drag the conflict into a protracted struggle where their industrial advantage can be brought to bear.
However, there is a significant and untested variable in this calculus: China’s actual societal risk tolerance. While the authoritarian state can theoretically absorb massive losses, the modern PLA, largely composed of soldiers from single-child families, has no experience with the brutal realities of high-intensity combat. The CCP’s domestic legitimacy rests heavily on its projection of strength, competence, and national success. Unlike the U.S. military, which has been engaged in continuous combat operations for over two decades, the PLA has not fought a major war in over forty years. A series of humiliating naval defeats, with catastrophic casualties broadcast in the modern information age, could pose a significant threat to the CCP’s domestic stability. This could mean that Beijing’s actual tolerance for attrition is far lower than its industrial capacity might suggest.
The U.S. Commander’s Response
The U.S. commander’s response to the threat of a war of attrition must be to reject its premise entirely. The United States cannot win a war of industrial attrition against China; therefore, it must not fight one. The U.S. strategy must be designed to achieve decisive effects early in the conflict, targeting critical Chinese vulnerabilities and leveraging the full weight of allied power to prevent the conflict from devolving into a grinding slugging match.
The primary line of effort is to fight a decisive campaign that avoids a simple ship-for-ship exchange rate. This involves targeting China’s critical strategic vulnerabilities. Instead of trying to sink every PLAN warship, U.S. forces, particularly its stealthy submarine fleet, will be tasked with attacking China’s strategic Achilles’ heel: its profound dependence on seaborne imports of energy (oil and natural gas), food, and industrial raw materials. The U.S. Navy’s global reach and undersea dominance are perfectly suited to imposing a distant blockade on key maritime chokepoints far from China’s shores, such as the Strait of Malacca, the Lombok Strait, the Strait of Hormuz, and the Bab el-Mandeb. Such a campaign could cripple the Chinese economy and its ability to sustain a war effort without having to fight through the heart of the heavily defended A2/AD bubble. This shifts the battlefield from the tactical and operational levels, where China has numerical advantages, to the grand strategic level, where the U.S. holds a decisive advantage.
The second critical component of the U.S. response is the full integration of its allies, who serve as a powerful force multiplier that negates China’s numerical advantage. The United States does not fight alone. The naval power of key allies like the Japan Maritime Self-Defense Force (JMSDF), the Royal Australian Navy (RAN), and the Republic of Korea Navy is substantial. When integrated into a combined operational plan, this allied force helps to offset the PLAN’s numbers and presents the Chinese commander with a multi-front, multi-national threat that vastly complicates their strategic calculus. Furthermore, allies like Japan and the Philippines provide indispensable geographic access, allowing U.S. and allied forces to operate from dispersed land bases within the first island chain. This enables a more effective counter-A2/AD posture, including the use of land-based anti-ship missiles to contest key waterways.
Finally, the U.S. is beginning to counter China’s industrial mass with a different kind of mass: attritable, autonomous systems. The Department of Defense’s Replicator Initiative is a direct response to the attrition problem. This initiative aims to field thousands of low-cost, autonomous, and “attritable” systems—unmanned ships, submarines, and aircraft—that can be produced quickly and in large numbers. These systems can be used to absorb enemy fire, saturate defenses, conduct high-risk surveillance missions, and deliver ordnance, all while preserving the more valuable, and difficult to replace, high-end manned fleet.
The U.S. response, therefore, is profoundly asymmetric. It trades China’s tactical and operational strength (ship numbers and industrial capacity) for its grand strategic weakness (dependence on maritime trade). It recognizes that while the U.S. industrial base may be outmatched by China’s alone, the combined industrial and military power of the United States and its global network of allies is not. In a long war, the ability to draw on the shipbuilding, maintenance facilities, and combat power of allies like Japan and South Korea is a massive force multiplier that China, with few powerful military allies of its own, cannot match. The U.S. commander’s most critical task in preparing for a potential protracted conflict is not just managing U.S. forces, but effectively leading and integrating a multinational coalition. This alliance network is the United States’ true strategic center of gravity and the ultimate counter to China’s industrial gambit.
Conclusion: The Commander’s Imperatives for Maintaining Maritime Superiority
The analysis of these five strategic pairings reveals a clear and consistent pattern. The naval confrontation in the Western Pacific is fundamentally a contest between two opposing paradigms of warfare: a highly integrated, centrally controlled, but potentially brittle Chinese system designed to deliver a decisive first blow, and a U.S. operational model predicated on decentralized execution, systemic resilience, and allied integration, designed to absorb that initial blow and prevail in the ensuing chaos. The PLAN’s strategies rely on achieving information dominance and executing a perfectly synchronized plan. The U.S. Navy’s DMO concept assumes that information will be contested, networks will be degraded, and plans will be disrupted. The side that can more effectively operate and adapt within that chaotic reality will hold the decisive advantage.
Victory for the U.S. commander in such a conflict is not preordained. It will depend on achieving and maintaining superiority in three key, interrelated areas that form a triad of victory for modern naval warfare.
First is Superior Technology. This does not simply mean having better individual platforms, but rather fielding a superior network that enables the entire force. The full realization of a resilient, multi-pathway, and secure network, as envisioned by Project Overmatch, is the essential technical foundation for Distributed Maritime Operations. It is the digital backbone that will allow a dispersed force to concentrate its effects, share targeting data in a contested environment, and execute complex, multi-domain operations at a tempo the adversary cannot match.
Second is Superior Doctrine. Technology is only as effective as the concepts that govern its use. The complete operationalization of DMO across the fleet is paramount. This requires moving beyond theory and wargames to make decentralized, multi-domain operations the default mode of thinking and operating for every strike group, every ship, and every squadron. It demands a mastery of fighting as a networked but dispersed force, comfortable with ambiguity and empowered to act on mission intent.
Third, and most important, is Superior People. In the final analysis, the U.S. Navy’s most significant and durable asymmetric advantage is its command culture. The principle of mission command—of empowering sailors and junior officers, of trusting subordinate commanders to take disciplined initiative, and of fostering a culture of creative problem-solving at the tactical edge—is the ultimate counter to a rigid, top-down, and centrally controlled adversary. In a conflict characterized by C5ISR blackouts and the fog of war, the side that trusts its people will out-think, out-maneuver, and out-fight the side that does not.
From this analysis, three high-level imperatives emerge for the U.S. commander and the naval service as a whole:
Accelerate DMO Enablers: The highest priority for investment and fielding must be the technologies that make DMO a reality. This includes the rapid, fleet-wide deployment of Project Overmatch networking capabilities, the procurement and stockpiling of long-range precision munitions (such as the Maritime Strike Tomahawk and LRASM), and the large-scale integration of unmanned and autonomous systems to provide attritable mass and extend the reach of the manned fleet.
Deepen Allied Integration: U.S. alliances are its greatest strategic asset and the definitive counter to China’s numerical and industrial advantages. The U.S. Navy must move beyond simple interoperability—the ability for systems to exchange data—to true integration of command and control, operational planning, logistics, and targeting with key allies, particularly the Japan Maritime Self-Defense Force. This means training, planning, and operating as a single, combined fleet.
Double Down on Mission Command: The cultural advantage of decentralized command must be relentlessly reinforced. This requires investing in realistic, stressful, and large-scale training scenarios that force commanders to operate in communications-denied environments. The Navy must continue to select, train, and promote leaders who demonstrate the character, competence, and judgment to act decisively in the face of uncertainty. The side that can better harness the cognitive power of its people at every level of command will prevail.
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The Unsinkable Aircraft Carrier: An American Response to the Chinese Anti-Access/Area Denial (A2/AD) Challenge – DTIC, accessed October 3, 2025, https://apps.dtic.mil/sti/tr/pdf/AD1023223.pdf
A potential high-intensity conflict in the Western Pacific would represent the most significant military challenge for the United States in generations. It would not be a simple contest of platforms—ship versus ship or aircraft versus aircraft—but a fundamental confrontation between two opposing military philosophies, doctrines, and operational systems. The People’s Liberation Army (PLA) has spent three decades developing a comprehensive warfighting approach designed specifically to counter U.S. power projection. This approach is rooted in the concept of “Systems Confrontation” , a doctrine aimed at paralyzing an adversary’s entire operational architecture rather than attriting its forces piece by piece. This doctrine is operationalized through a formidable Anti-Access/Area Denial (A2/AD) fortress, a multi-layered network of sensors and long-range precision weapons intended to make the seas and skies within the First and Second Island Chains prohibitively dangerous for U.S. forces.
The U.S. response to this challenge is not to match the PLA system for system, but to counter with a doctrine based on resilience, agility, and networked lethality. The core tenets of this counter-strategy are Distributed Maritime Operations (DMO) and Joint All-Domain Command and Control (JADC2). DMO seeks to enhance survivability and combat power by dispersing naval forces over wide areas while concentrating their effects through networking. JADC2 is the technological and doctrinal framework intended to create a resilient, self-healing, “any sensor, any shooter” network that connects the entire joint force across all domains—sea, air, land, space, and cyberspace.
From a commander’s perspective, the central problem is how to maintain combat effectiveness and project power when faced with a PLA strategy explicitly designed to sever command and control (C2) linkages, hold high-value assets like aircraft carriers at extreme risk, and overwhelm conventional defenses with massed fires. In this environment, victory will not be determined by material superiority alone. It will be decided by which side can achieve and maintain “decision advantage”—the ability to sense, make sense, decide, and act faster and more effectively than the adversary across the entire battlespace. This assessment identifies the five most probable and impactful strategies a PLA commander will employ and outlines the corresponding U.S. operational responses required to seize the initiative and prevail.
Warfighting Function
U.S. Doctrine/Concept
PLA Doctrine/Concept
Command & Control
Joint All-Domain Command & Control (JADC2)
Systems Destruction Warfare / Informatized Warfare
Force Employment
Distributed Maritime Operations (DMO)
Anti-Access/Area Denial (A2/AD)
Strategic Goal
Escalation Dominance / Deterrence
Dissipative Warfare / Winning Without Fighting
Technological Edge
Human-Machine Teaming / AI Augmentation
Intelligentized Warfare / AI-Driven C2
Operational Method
Integrated, All-Domain Maneuver
Concentrated Kinetic Pulse / Annihilation by Mass
I. PLA Strategy 1: The System-Centric Opening Salvo – Paralyze Before You Annihilate
The Chinese Commander’s Approach: Systems Destruction Warfare in Practice
The PLA’s “basic operational method” for modern warfare is “Systems Confrontation,” a concept that views military forces not as collections of individual units but as integrated “systems of systems”. The PLA’s theory of victory, therefore, is “Systems Destruction Warfare,” which prioritizes fragmenting the adversary’s operational system into isolated, ineffective components, thereby achieving a state where the whole is less than the sum of its parts—making “1+1<2”. This doctrine, developed from meticulous observation of U.S. network-centric military victories in the 1990s, is designed to turn a core American strength—our reliance on information networks—into a critical vulnerability. The objective of the opening salvo is not annihilation but paralysis: to degrade the U.S. OODA (Observe, Orient, Decide, Act) loop, sow confusion, and achieve decision paralysis before the main kinetic battle is joined.
This initial assault will be a simultaneous, multi-domain attack targeting the central nervous system of U.S. forces in the theater. The PLA’s organizational reforms, particularly the 2015 creation of the Strategic Support Force (SSF) to unify space, cyber, and electronic warfare capabilities, provide concrete evidence that this is not an abstract theory but a core, operationalized warfighting concept. The attack vectors will include:
Cyber Domain: In line with its doctrine of “informatized warfare,” the PLA will execute a sophisticated campaign of offensive cyber operations. The primary targets will be the command and control networks that enable joint operations, as well as logistics databases and information systems architectures. The goal is to corrupt data, disrupt communications, and inject malware that degrades the reliability of the information upon which commanders depend, creating widespread confusion and mistrust in our own systems.
Space Domain: The PLA recognizes U.S. dependency on space-based assets for C4ISR, precision navigation, and timing. The opening moves of a conflict will almost certainly include attacks on this architecture. These attacks will be both kinetic, using anti-satellite (ASAT) missiles to physically destroy key nodes, and non-kinetic, employing jamming and cyberattacks to temporarily disable or deceive our satellites. The objective is to blind our long-range sensors and sever the satellite communication (SATCOM) links that are the backbone of our networked force, effectively isolating combatant formations from each other and from strategic command.
Electromagnetic Spectrum: A pervasive electronic warfare (EW) campaign will seek to establish dominance in the electromagnetic spectrum. Specialized aircraft, such as the J-16D, will be deployed to jam U.S. radars, datalinks like Link-16, and GPS signals. This creates a “complex electromagnetic environment” designed to degrade situational awareness, disrupt weapon guidance systems, and sever the tactical data links between platforms, preventing them from operating as a cohesive force.
Targeting Key Physical Nodes: This non-kinetic assault will be complemented by precision strikes against the physical infrastructure of our command and control system. Using their arsenal of conventional ballistic and cruise missiles, the PLA will target fixed, high-value C2 nodes such as regional Air Operations Centers, major headquarters, and critical communications hubs located on U.S. and allied bases throughout the theater.
U.S. Commander’s Response: JADC2 and Doctrinal Resilience
The U.S. counter to a system-centric attack is not to build an impenetrable shield, but to field a system that is inherently resilient, adaptable, and capable of operating effectively even when degraded. This is the core purpose of the Joint All-Domain Command and Control (JADC2) concept. JADC2 is not a single piece of hardware but an overarching approach to creating a secure, cloud-like environment for the joint force, enabling any sensor to connect to any shooter. The immediate operational priority is to fight through the initial salvo by assuming that some networks will fail and that communications will be contested.
Activating the Resilient Network: The JADC2 framework must be designed for failure. It cannot be a brittle, centralized system. It must incorporate redundant communication pathways, including line-of-sight datalinks, laser communications, and dispersed satellite constellations, to ensure that multiple routes exist for critical data. The principle is to create a “self-healing” network that can automatically re-route traffic around damaged or jammed nodes.
Decentralization and Edge Processing: A key enabler of resilience is the principle of decentralization, a core tenet of Distributed Maritime Operations. Commanders at the tactical edge must be trained and equipped to operate with mission-type orders, empowered to make decisions based on the commander’s intent even when cut off from higher headquarters. This requires “edge computing” capabilities, where data is processed and analyzed locally on ships and aircraft, allowing them to generate targeting solutions and continue the fight without constant connectivity to a central command node.
Leveraging Survivable Nodes: Stealth platforms are critical to this resilient architecture. An F-35, for example, is far more than a strike fighter; it is a flying sensor-fusion engine and a survivable, forward-deployed node in the JADC2 network. Operating within contested airspace, F-35s can use their passive sensors to collect vast amounts of intelligence on enemy dispositions, process that data onboard, and securely share it with other assets—both airborne and surface—to create a localized, ad-hoc battle network that can bypass jammed satellite links or compromised command centers.
Proactive Defense (“Defend Forward”): U.S. cyber forces will not be in a passive, defensive posture. In accordance with the “defend forward” doctrine, U.S. Cyber Command will be continuously engaged within adversary networks, seeking to understand their intentions, disrupt their C2 processes, and counter their offensive operations at or before the point of origin. This is a critical element of imposing friction and cost on the PLA’s system as they attempt to do the same to ours, turning the initial phase of the conflict into a contested cyber and electronic battle for information dominance.
II. PLA Strategy 2: The A2/AD Fortress – Forcing a Standoff
The Chinese Commander’s Approach: Operationalizing the “Keep-Out Zone”
The operational centerpiece of the PLA’s strategy is its Anti-Access/Area Denial (A2/AD) system. This is not a simple wall of defenses but a sophisticated, layered defense-in-depth designed to make military operations within the First and Second Island Chains prohibitively costly, thereby deterring U.S. intervention or defeating it if it occurs. The effectiveness of the A2/AD bubble does not rely on any single weapon but on the integrated “system of systems” that connects long-range sensors to long-range shooters. The entire kill chain—from detection and tracking to targeting and engagement—is the true center of gravity of this strategy. The PLA’s militarization of artificial islands in the South China Sea serves as a crucial geographic enabler, creating unsinkable forward bases that extend the reach of their sensor networks and missile coverage, creating overlapping fields of fire that are difficult to circumvent.
The A2/AD fortress is composed of distinct but overlapping layers of kinetic threats:
Long-Range Fires (Anti-Access): The outer layer is designed to prevent U.S. forces, particularly Carrier Strike Groups and air assets, from entering the theater of operations. This mission is primarily assigned to the PLA Rocket Force (PLARF). Its key systems include the DF-21D anti-ship ballistic missile (ASBM), with a range of approximately 1,500 km, and the DF-26 intermediate-range ballistic missile, dubbed the “Guam Killer,” with a range of at least 3,000 km. These weapons are designed to strike large, moving targets like aircraft carriers. This layer is increasingly augmented by hypersonic weapons, such as the DF-17, which carries a hypersonic glide vehicle (HGV). The extreme speed (Mach 5-10) and unpredictable, maneuvering trajectory of the HGV are designed to defeat existing U.S. missile defense systems like Aegis and THAAD.
Theater-Range Fires (Area Denial): The inner layers of the A2/AD bubble are designed to limit the freedom of action of any U.S. forces that manage to penetrate the outer screen. This involves a dense and redundant network of advanced anti-ship cruise missiles (ASCMs), such as the supersonic YJ-12 and the subsonic, sea-skimming YJ-18. These missiles can be launched from a wide variety of platforms, creating a multi-axis threat: from mobile land-based launchers, from H-6K bombers, from surface combatants like the Type 055 destroyer, and from submarines, including the Type 093 nuclear attack submarine.
The Protective IADS Umbrella: The PLA’s offensive missile forces are protected by one of the world’s most robust and modern Integrated Air Defense Systems (IADS). This system combines advanced Russian-made S-400 and S-300 long-range surface-to-air missile (SAM) systems with domestically produced systems like the HQ-9, HQ-22, and the newer, exo-atmospheric HQ-29 interceptor. This network of SAMs is linked by an extensive array of ground-based radars and airborne early warning and control (AEW&C) aircraft, such as the KJ-500A and KJ-600, giving it the capability to detect, track, and engage a wide spectrum of aerial threats, from cruise missiles to 5th-generation stealth aircraft.
System Designation
Type
Estimated Range (km)
Launch Platforms
Primary Role/Target
DF-26
Intermediate-Range Ballistic Missile (IRBM)
3,000+
Transporter Erector Launcher (TEL)
U.S. Carrier Strike Groups, U.S. Bases (Guam)
DF-21D
Anti-Ship Ballistic Missile (ASBM)
1,500-1,700
TEL
U.S. Carrier Strike Groups
DF-17
Medium-Range Ballistic Missile w/ HGV
1,800-2,500
TEL
High-Value U.S. Assets (Carriers, Bases, C2 Nodes)
YJ-18
Anti-Ship Cruise Missile (ASCM)
~540
Type 055/052D Destroyers, Submarines
U.S. Surface Combatants
YJ-12
Supersonic ASCM
~400
H-6K Bombers, J-16 Fighters, Destroyers
U.S. Surface Combatants
S-400 Triumf
Long-Range Surface-to-Air Missile (SAM)
40-400 (missile dependent)
TEL
U.S. 4th/5th Gen Aircraft, Bombers, Support Aircraft
HQ-9C
Long-Range SAM
300+
TEL
U.S. 4th/5th Gen Aircraft, Cruise Missiles
U.S. Commander’s Response: Multi-Domain Disintegration of the A2/AD Network
A direct, frontal assault on a mature A2/AD system would be prohibitively costly. The U.S. response must therefore be an indirect, multi-domain campaign designed to systematically dis-integrate the A2/AD network by attacking its critical nodes and severing the links of its kill chain. The goal is not to destroy the entire system at once, but to create temporary and localized corridors of air and sea control, allowing our forces to project power for specific objectives. This campaign will unfold in phases.
Phase 1: Blinding the Enemy. The initial focus will be on dismantling the A2/AD C3ISR architecture, rendering the PLA’s long-range shooters ineffective.
Subsurface Operations: Our nuclear-powered attack and guided missile submarines (SSNs and SSGNs) are our most survivable and potent assets for this phase. Operating undetected deep inside the A2/AD bubble, they will conduct covert intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance (ISR) to map the enemy’s network. They will then use their significant payload of Tomahawk Land Attack Missiles to execute precision strikes against critical C3ISR nodes, such as coastal over-the-horizon radar sites, satellite ground stations, and hardened command bunkers.
Penetrating Air Operations: Stealth aircraft are essential for creating the initial breaches in the formidable IADS. Long-range B-2 and B-21 bombers, escorted by F-22 Raptors providing air superiority, will prosecute the most heavily defended, high-value targets, such as S-400 batteries and key command centers. F-35s will leverage their advanced sensor suites to passively locate and map enemy air defense emitters, feeding this real-time data back into the JADC2 network to enable dynamic re-tasking and follow-on strikes by other assets.
Phase 2: Rolling Back the Threat. Once the IADS umbrella has been degraded in specific corridors, we can begin to attrit the PLA’s offensive missile launchers with a lower degree of risk.
Standoff Strikes: Carrier Strike Groups and land-based bombers, operating from safer standoff distances outside the densest threat rings, will launch large volleys of long-range, stealthy weapons like the Long Range Anti-Ship Missile (LRASM) and the Joint Air-to-Surface Standoff Missile (JASSM). These weapons will be used to destroy the now-exposed and less-defended mobile launchers for the DF-21D, DF-26, and ASCMs.
Non-Kinetic Suppression: Throughout these operations, EA-18G Growler electronic attack aircraft will provide crucial support. They will jam enemy early warning and fire control radars, disrupt communications between command posts and launch units, and protect our strike packages from residual air defense threats, further contributing to the dis-integration of the A2/AD network.
By executing this phased campaign, we can systematically dismantle the A2/AD fortress, creating breaches that allow for the projection of decisive combat power.
III. PLA Strategy 3: The Overwhelming Kinetic Pulse – Annihilation by Mass
The Chinese Commander’s Approach: The Decisive Attack
While the PLA has embraced sophisticated, system-centric warfare, this has not replaced its foundational belief in the importance of mass and annihilation. A core PLA tactical principle, influenced by both Soviet and historical Chinese military thought, is to concentrate overwhelming power at a decisive point and time to annihilate the enemy force—to “use ten against one”. The “Systems Destruction” opening is the shaping operation designed to isolate and weaken a U.S. force element, such as a Carrier Strike Group. The overwhelming kinetic pulse is the decisive operation intended to destroy that isolated element. By degrading the CSG’s long-range sensors and disrupting its datalinks, the PLA hopes to force it into a reactive, close-in fight where numerical superiority can be brought to bear with devastating effect.
A PLA commander will leverage the sheer size of the PLA Navy—the world’s largest by number of ships—and the PLA Air Force to execute a massive, coordinated, multi-axis saturation attack designed to overwhelm the defensive capacity of a CSG. This attack will be characterized by:
Massed Missile Strikes: The assault will involve synchronized volleys of missiles from every domain to complicate our defensive problem. This will include waves of H-6K bombers launching long-range ASCMs from the air ; Surface Action Groups led by Type 055 and Type 052D destroyers firing their own large complements of YJ-18 ASCMs ; and covert strikes from submarines, such as the Type 093 SSN, firing submerged-launched cruise missiles.
Contesting Air Superiority: The PLA’s J-20 stealth fighters will be tasked with a critical enabling mission: hunting and destroying U.S. high-value air assets. Their primary targets will not be our fighters, but our force multipliers: the E-2D Hawkeye AEW&C aircraft that act as the eyes and ears of the fleet, and the KC-135/KC-46 tankers that are the lifeline for our combat aircraft in the vast Pacific theater. The J-20, with its combination of stealth, speed, and long-range air-to-air missiles, is purpose-built for this “airborne sniper” role. In a less-contested environment, where stealth is not the primary concern, J-20s may be flown in “beast mode,” carrying additional missiles on external pylons to function as highly capable missile trucks.
Leveraging a Robust Industrial Base: The PLA commander will operate with the knowledge that China’s defense industrial base has a significantly greater capacity to replace losses in ships, aircraft, and munitions than the United States. This allows the PLA to plan for and accept a higher rate of attrition, potentially trading less-advanced platforms to exhaust our limited stocks of high-end defensive munitions.
U.S. Commander’s Response: The Integrated Defense of the Distributed Fleet
The U.S. counter to a strategy of annihilation by mass cannot be to simply absorb the blow. It must be to deny the PLA the opportunity to concentrate its forces against a single, high-value target. This is the central defensive logic of Distributed Maritime Operations.
DMO as a Counter to Saturation: By dispersing the fleet’s combat power across numerous manned and unmanned platforms over a wide geographic area, we fundamentally alter the PLA’s targeting problem. Instead of one lucrative target—the aircraft carrier—they are faced with dozens of smaller, more mobile, and harder-to-find targets. This forces them to divide their reconnaissance and strike assets, diluting the mass of their attack and preventing them from achieving overwhelming local superiority.
Layered, Coordinated Defense: The Carrier Strike Group, while operating as part of a distributed fleet, will still execute its well-honed “defense-in-depth” doctrine to defeat any incoming threats that leak through. This is a multi-layered, integrated system:
Outer Layer: The E-2D Hawkeye will detect incoming threats at long range and vector F/A-18 and F-35 combat air patrols to engage enemy bombers and fighters before they can launch their weapons.
Middle Layer: The Aegis Combat System on the CSG’s cruiser and destroyer escorts will track and engage incoming cruise missiles with long-range Standard Missiles (SM-6 and SM-2).
Inner Layer: For any missiles that penetrate the outer layers, terminal defense is provided by shorter-range missiles like the Evolved Sea Sparrow Missile (ESSM) and the Phalanx Close-In Weapon System (CIWS).
Concentrating Fires from Dispersed Platforms: DMO is not merely about scattering for survival; it is about networking these dispersed assets to concentrate lethal effects. Under the JADC2 framework, an Aegis destroyer operating 100 nautical miles from the carrier can receive targeting data from the carrier’s E-2D and launch its own SM-6 missiles to defend the carrier. Unmanned Surface Vessels (LUSVs), acting as remote, floating missile magazines, can be positioned to contribute to the defensive screen, increasing the fleet’s overall defensive capacity without putting more sailors at risk. This allows the fleet to absorb a larger attack by distributing the defensive burden across a wider array of platforms.
Protecting the Enablers: Recognizing the PLA’s strategy of targeting our high-value air assets, a dedicated contingent of our premier air superiority fighters, the F-22 Raptors, must be assigned to the counter-air mission of protecting our tankers and AEW&C aircraft. Their combination of stealth, supercruise, and advanced sensors makes them the ideal platform to establish a protective screen, actively hunting the PLA’s J-20s and other interceptors that threaten our operational backbone.
IV. PLA Strategy 4: The Dissipative Campaign – Attacking Will and Sustainment
The Chinese Commander’s Approach: Winning Without a Decisive Battle
Should a rapid, decisive victory prove elusive, the PLA is prepared to engage in a protracted conflict designed to erode U.S. operational endurance and political will. This approach is conceptualized in emerging PLA writings as “Dissipative Warfare”. Designed for the “AI era” and conducted under the shadow of nuclear deterrence, this strategy shifts the focus from physical attrition to systemic disruption. The goal is to continuously increase the “entropy,” or disorder, of the adversary’s entire warfighting system—military, political, economic, and social—while maintaining order and cohesion within one’s own. This form of warfare reduces the level of overt bloodshed but intensifies political isolation, economic blockades, and diplomatic strangulation. It is a strategy of patience and asymmetry, leveraging China’s centralized, authoritarian system against our decentralized, democratic one. The PLA is betting that it can win a war of endurance by making the cost of conflict politically unacceptable for the United States long before a decisive military outcome is reached.
The primary tools for this dissipative campaign are the PLA’s long-standing “Three Warfares” doctrine, which will be integrated with persistent, lower-intensity military operations :
Public Opinion Warfare: This involves a global information campaign to shape the narrative of the conflict. The PLA will seek to portray U.S. actions as aggressive, imperialistic, and illegitimate, while casting China as the defender of its sovereignty. The goal is to erode support for the war among the American public, create rifts between the U.S. and its allies, and garner sympathy from neutral nations.
Psychological Warfare: This campaign will directly target the morale and will to fight of U.S. forces, political leaders, and the public. It will employ sophisticated disinformation, amplify messages of defeatism and war-weariness, issue threats of devastating economic or military consequences, and use advanced technologies to manipulate perceptions and decision-making.
Legal Warfare (“Lawfare”): The PLA will use international and domestic legal systems to constrain U.S. military options and legitimize its own actions. This can include challenging the legality of U.S. operations in international forums, promoting interpretations of maritime law that favor China’s claims, and encouraging legal challenges within the U.S. system to slow or halt military deployments.
“Social A2/AD”: This broader concept describes how China’s non-military actions—such as creating economic dependencies, fostering political divisions, and conducting massive cyber espionage—are designed to fracture American society and compromise our national resolve. In a conflict, these pre-existing vulnerabilities would be exploited to degrade our capacity to mobilize and respond effectively, creating a form of A2/AD that targets our political will rather than our military platforms.
U.S. Commander’s Response: Contested Logistics and Counter-Coercion
To defeat a strategy of exhaustion, the United States must demonstrate the capacity and the will to endure. This requires a two-pronged response: first, ensuring the sustainment of our own distributed forces in a contested environment, and second, turning the dissipative strategy back against the PLA by targeting its own critical systemic vulnerabilities.
Sustaining the Distributed Force: A distributed fleet can only be effective if it can be sustained. A protracted conflict will place immense strain on our logistics train. We must therefore prioritize the development of a robust and resilient logistics network capable of rearming, refueling, and repairing a widely dispersed fleet under constant threat. This involves not only protecting our large, vulnerable supply ships but also fielding new, more survivable logistics platforms, such as the Medium Landing Ship (LSM) and smaller, more numerous oilers (TAOLs), which can service a distributed force without creating large, concentrated targets. Forward-basing of munitions and supplies at secure, dispersed allied locations will also be critical.
Turning the Tables: Exploiting China’s SLOC Vulnerability: The most effective way to counter a dissipative strategy is to impose unbearable costs and create systemic disorder within the adversary’s own system. China’s greatest strategic vulnerability is its profound dependence on maritime Sea Lines of Communication (SLOCs) for the importation of energy (oil and natural gas), raw materials, and food, as well as for its export-driven economy. Unlike the United States, which is largely self-sufficient, China’s economy and social stability are critically dependent on the free flow of maritime commerce. Furthermore, China’s economic centers of gravity are heavily concentrated along its vulnerable coastline.
A Campaign of Interdiction: The primary instrument for this counter-dissipative campaign will be the U.S. submarine force. Operating covertly and with near-impunity on the high seas, far from the PLA’s A2/AD bubble, our SSNs will conduct a sustained campaign of commerce raiding against Chinese-flagged merchant shipping. This campaign would not need to sink every ship; the mere presence of a credible threat would drive insurance rates to prohibitive levels, forcing ships to remain in port and effectively implementing a distant blockade. This would impose direct, crippling economic costs on the Chinese state, creating internal pressure, disrupting industrial production, and generating the very systemic entropy that their dissipative strategy seeks to inflict upon us.
Information Dominance: Concurrently, we must wage our own information campaign. This involves aggressively countering the “Three Warfares” by systematically exposing PLA disinformation, clearly articulating the legal basis for our actions under international law, and maintaining a strong, consistent narrative of defending a free and open international order. This is essential for solidifying allied cohesion and maintaining the domestic political will necessary to see the conflict through to a successful conclusion.
V. PLA Strategy 5: The Intelligentized Gambit – Seizing the Initiative Through Asymmetry
The Chinese Commander’s Approach: Seeking a Paradigm Shift
The PLA is not content to simply master the current paradigm of “informatized” warfare; its leadership is aggressively pursuing what they see as the next military revolution: “intelligentized warfare”. This concept is centered on the integration of artificial intelligence (AI), big data, and autonomous systems into every aspect of military operations. The ultimate goal is to achieve a decisive advantage in the speed and quality of decision-making, creating an AI-driven command and control system that can operate inside an adversary’s human-centric OODA loop, rendering their command structures obsolete. A PLA commander, confident in these emerging capabilities, might employ them to create an asymmetric shock, seeking to achieve a rapid victory or create unforeseen tactical dilemmas that shatter our operational plans.
While many of these capabilities are still developmental, a PLA commander could employ several “intelligentized” gambits:
Autonomous Swarms: The deployment of large, coordinated swarms of low-cost, attritable unmanned air and sea vehicles. Directed by a central AI, these swarms could be used to saturate the defenses of a high-value asset like a destroyer, conduct complex, distributed ISR missions, or act as decoys to draw out our limited defensive munitions.
AI-Driven Command and Control: The PLA is working towards an AI-powered battle management system that can fuse data from thousands of sensors in real-time, identify and prioritize targets, and automatically recommend the optimal engagement solution to commanders. A mature version of this system could shrink the PLA’s decision cycle from minutes to seconds, allowing them to execute complex, multi-domain attacks at a speed that human staffs cannot possibly match.
“Battleverse” and Synthetic Warfare: The PLA is exploring the concept of a “military metaverse” or “battleverse”. This virtual environment would be used to train AI algorithms on millions of simulated combat scenarios, allowing them to learn, adapt, and develop novel tactics that are non-intuitive and unpredictable to human opponents. This could lead to the employment of battlefield strategies that we have never seen or prepared for.
Advanced Human-Machine Teaming: PLA research includes concepts like “simulacrums”—humanoid or bionic robots controlled in real-time by human operators using brain-computer interfaces or other advanced controls. These could be used for dangerous tasks like special operations, damage control on stricken ships, or operating in chemically or radiologically contaminated environments, creating a new type of combat unit with unique capabilities and risk profiles.
The greatest danger posed by “intelligentized warfare” is not any single piece of hardware, but the potential for an AI-driven C2 system to achieve a speed of decision and action that makes our own command processes a critical liability. The conflict could transform into a battle of algorithms, where the side with the faster, more adaptive AI gains an insurmountable advantage. However, this also introduces the risk of “brittle” AI. A system trained on simulated data may perform brilliantly within its parameters but could fail catastrophically or act in bizarre, unpredictable ways when faced with the chaos and friction of real combat. A PLA commander, overly confident in their AI, might initiate an action based on a flawed algorithmic calculation that leads to rapid, unintended escalation that neither side can easily control.
U.S. Commander’s Response: Adaptive Force Employment and Escalation Dominance
The U.S. response to the “intelligentized” threat must be to embrace our own technological advantages while mitigating the unique risks posed by AI-driven warfare. It requires a combination of technological counter-measures, doctrinal flexibility, and a firm grasp of escalation management.
Human-Machine Teaming: The U.S. approach to AI in warfare must be to augment, not replace, the human commander. We will employ AI and machine learning as powerful tools to filter the massive volumes of data on the modern battlefield, identify patterns and threats, and present prioritized options to human decision-makers. This will accelerate our own OODA loop, allowing us to keep pace with an AI-driven adversary without sacrificing the crucial elements of human judgment, intuition, and ethical oversight.
Counter-AI Operations: We must develop and field capabilities designed specifically to defeat intelligentized systems. This includes advanced EW capabilities to jam the datalinks that coordinate drone swarms, rendering them ineffective. It also requires sophisticated cyber operations designed to attack the AI systems themselves—either by corrupting the training data they rely on (“poisoning the well”) or by exploiting algorithmic biases to manipulate their decision-making in our favor.
Empowering Subordinate Initiative (Mission Command): A rigid, centralized command structure is a death sentence in a high-speed, AI-driven battle. The U.S. must fully embrace the doctrine of mission command, empowering junior officers at the tactical edge to exercise disciplined initiative. Commanders must be trained to understand the overall intent of the operation and be given the freedom to adapt their actions to rapidly changing, unforeseen circumstances created by enemy AI, without waiting for permission from a higher headquarters. This doctrinal flexibility is a key asymmetric advantage against a more rigid, top-down command culture.
Maintaining Escalation Dominance: The ultimate backstop against a destabilizing, asymmetric “intelligentized” gambit is our ability to control the ladder of escalation. We must maintain and clearly signal a credible capability to respond to any level of attack with a response that imposes unacceptable costs on the PLA and the Chinese state. This ensures that the PLA commander always understands that the risks of deploying their most novel, unpredictable, and potentially destabilizing weapons far outweigh any potential tactical or operational reward, thereby deterring their use in the first place.
Conclusion: The Commander’s Synthesis – Achieving Decision Advantage
The strategic challenge posed by the PLA in the Western Pacific is formidable, built on a foundation of doctrinally coherent, technologically advanced, and multi-layered warfighting concepts. The PLA’s strategies—from the opening system-centric salvo to the potential for an “intelligentized” gambit—are designed to counter traditional U.S. military strengths and exploit perceived vulnerabilities in our networked way of war.
However, these strategies are not insurmountable. Victory in this modern, high-intensity conflict will not be achieved by winning a simple war of attrition or a platform-for-platform exchange. It will be achieved by winning the information and decision contest. The full and integrated implementation of Distributed Maritime Operations and Joint All-Domain Command and Control is the key to building a joint force that is more resilient, agile, lethal, and adaptable than the adversary. By achieving and maintaining “decision advantage,” the U.S. can seize the initiative, dictate the tempo of operations, and ultimately prevail.
For the U.S. commander tasked with this mission, five imperatives are paramount:
Assume Day One is Degraded: We must train, equip, and plan for a conflict in which our space and cyber assets are under immediate and sustained attack. Our ability to fight effectively in a degraded C2 environment is a prerequisite for survival and success.
Dismantle, Don’t Destroy: The focus of our initial campaign must be on the dis-integration of the enemy’s A2/AD system by targeting its C3ISR kill chain, rather than attempting to attrite every missile and launcher.
Deny the Decisive Battle: We must use the principles of distribution and dispersal inherent in DMO to deny the PLA the force concentration it requires to execute its preferred strategy of a decisive battle of annihilation.
Wage a Counter-Campaign: In a protracted conflict, we must actively target the adversary’s own systemic vulnerabilities. A sustained campaign to interdict China’s critical maritime SLOCs is our most potent tool for imposing unacceptable costs and winning a war of endurance.
Out-Adapt, Don’t Just Out-Fight: We must embrace our own AI-enabled capabilities within a framework of human-machine teaming and foster a culture of mission command that empowers our forces to adapt faster than an adversary who may become overly reliant on rigid, AI-driven systems. By doing so, we can counter their gambits and maintain the initiative.
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The doctrinal foundation of the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) is undergoing a profound transformation, shifting from a focus on “informatized warfare” to the more advanced concept of “intelligentized warfare”. This evolution signals that any future land confrontation will not be a traditional attrition-based conflict but a dynamic contest between two opposing “system-of-systems”. The PLA’s overarching operational goal, encapsulated in the concept of “systems destruction warfare,” is not the piecemeal destruction of U.S. forces but the induction of catastrophic failure within the U.S. joint force’s operational architecture. This paradigm is predicated on the seamless integration of artificial intelligence (AI), big data analytics, and autonomous systems into every facet of military operations.
Under this new doctrine, “human-machine collaborative decision making” is expected to become the operational norm, with AI-enabled systems augmenting and accelerating the command and control process. Unmanned platforms are envisioned to take a central role in combat, with human operators receding from the front lines to supervisory and command positions. Victory in this intelligentized environment is defined not by territorial gain alone, but by achieving and maintaining decision superiority through faster information processing, superior situational awareness, and a compressed decision-making cycle. The battlespace itself is expanding beyond the traditional physical domains of land, sea, and air to encompass the virtual and cognitive realms, creating what PLA theorists term a “brain battlefield,” where the will to fight and the cognitive capacity of commanders are primary targets. A U.S. military commander must therefore anticipate a multi-domain conflict where the PLA will leverage asymmetric strategies designed to paralyze U.S. command and control, saturate defenses, sever logistical lifelines, and fracture political resolve before the main battle is ever joined.
PLA Asymmetric Strategy
PLA Commander’s Intent
Key PLA Capabilities
U.S. Counter-Strategy
Key U.S. Enablers
Systems Destruction Warfare
Achieve decision dominance by paralyzing the U.S. C5ISR network.
Joint All-Domain Command and Control (JADC2), Proliferated LEO Satellite Constellations, Mesh Networks, Tactical Cyber Teams, AI-Enabled Decision Support
Multi-Domain A2/AD Saturation
Create an impenetrable fortress to deter or defeat U.S. intervention.
Anti-Ship Ballistic Missiles (ASBMs), Hypersonic Weapons, Integrated Air Defense Systems (IADS), Submarines, Mobile Missile Launchers
Fracture U.S. domestic and international resolve to win without fighting or on favorable terms.
“Three Warfares” Doctrine: Public Opinion (Media), Psychological, and Legal Warfare (Lawfare), Disinformation Campaigns
Narrative Competition and Psychological Resilience
Proactive Strategic Communications, Rapid Intelligence Declassification, Integrated Information Operations, Alliance Synchronization, Troop and Family Readiness Programs
I. PLA Strategy 1: Systems Destruction Warfare – Paralyzing the C5ISR Network
PLA Commander’s Intent
The primary objective of a PLA commander employing Systems Destruction Warfare is to achieve decisive operational advantage by blinding, deafening, and isolating U.S. forces at the outset of a conflict. The strategy is designed to induce systemic paralysis by targeting the Command, Control, Computers, Communications, Cyber, Intelligence, Surveillance, and Reconnaissance (C5ISR) network—the central nervous system of the U.S. joint force. This approach is the practical application of the PLA’s core operational concept of “Multi-Domain Precision Warfare” (MDPW), which is explicitly intended to “identify key vulnerabilities in an adversary’s operational system and then to launch precision strikes against those vulnerabilities”. The ultimate goal is not merely to degrade U.S. capabilities but to trigger a cascading failure that causes the entire operational system to “collapse”. By severing the links between sensors, decision-makers, and shooters, the PLA aims to shatter the U.S. military’s ability to coordinate a coherent response, thereby seizing the initiative and dictating the terms of the engagement.
Key Capabilities and Tactics
The execution of Systems Destruction Warfare relies on the tightly synchronized application of non-kinetic and kinetic effects across all domains. The conflict would likely commence with what can be termed an “invisible battle,” where decisive effects are achieved before the first missile impacts its target.
The initial salvo will be a non-kinetic onslaught. This will involve strategic and tactical cyber operations designed to penetrate and disrupt U.S. networks, corrupt critical data, and disable command systems. These cyber effects are not improvisational; they require extensive intelligence preparation of the battlespace and the pre-positioning of malicious code and access points, potentially years in advance of hostilities. Concurrently, the PLA Strategic Support Force (PLASSF) and other theater-level assets will unleash a barrage of electronic warfare (EW) attacks. These attacks will employ a range of ground-based, air, and potentially space-based platforms to jam satellite communications, deny access to the Global Positioning System (GPS), and disrupt the radar and communication systems upon which U.S. forces depend. The non-kinetic assault will extend into space, with counter-space operations targeting U.S. satellite constellations. These operations may range from reversible, non-kinetic effects like laser dazzling of optical sensors and jamming of uplinks and downlinks to kinetic attacks designed to permanently disable or destroy critical ISR, communication, and Position, Navigation, and Timing (PNT) satellites.
This multi-pronged non-kinetic attack will be seamlessly integrated with kinetic precision strikes. Using intelligence gathered over years, the PLA will employ its arsenal of long-range conventional ballistic and cruise missiles to physically destroy the key nodes of the U.S. C5ISR architecture. High-priority targets will include large, static, and difficult-to-disperse assets such as theater-level command headquarters, satellite ground stations, air operations centers, and critical undersea cable landing sites. The orchestration of this complex, multi-domain attack will be managed by the PLA’s own developing “intelligentized” command and control system. This system leverages AI and big data analytics to fuse intelligence from disparate sources, identify vulnerabilities in real-time, and coordinate cross-domain fires at a tempo designed to overwhelm U.S. defensive measures and decision-making processes. This is the essence of their doctrinal shift towards “intelligentized warfare,” where the speed and quality of decision-making, enabled by machine intelligence, becomes the decisive factor.
U.S. Counter-Strategy: Resilient, Distributed C2 via JADC2
The U.S. response to the threat of Systems Destruction Warfare is predicated on a fundamental architectural shift: moving from a highly efficient but brittle centralized C2 structure to a distributed, resilient, and agile model. This new approach is embodied by the Joint All-Domain Command and Control (JADC2) concept. JADC2 is not a single piece of hardware or software but rather a comprehensive approach to “sense, make sense, and act at all levels and phases of war, across all domains, and with partners, to deliver information advantage at the speed of relevance”. It represents the direct American doctrinal and technological counter to the PLA’s MDPW, acknowledging that the future of warfare lies in network-centric, data-driven operations.
The successful implementation of JADC2 relies on several key technological and tactical enablers. A primary line of effort is the move toward proliferated architectures, particularly in space. This involves transitioning from a reliance on a few large, expensive, and high-value satellites to deploying large constellations of smaller, cheaper, and more resilient Low Earth Orbit (LEO) satellites. The Space Development Agency’s National Defense Space Architecture is a prime example of this shift, aiming to create a layered network for communications and missile tracking that is far more difficult for an adversary to degrade. The strategic logic is to create a web of assets so numerous and redundant that attacking it becomes a “wasted and escalatory effort” for the adversary.
This proliferated hardware is supported by the development of resilient mesh networks. These networks are designed to be self-healing, capable of automatically rerouting data traffic when individual nodes or links are destroyed or jammed. This ensures that even in a degraded electromagnetic environment, essential command and targeting data can still reach the tactical edge. A key component of this is the development of gateways that can connect disparate legacy systems with modern networks, ensuring interoperability across the joint force. To manage the immense volume of data generated by this network, JADC2 heavily leverages AI and machine learning. These tools are not intended to replace human commanders but to serve as powerful decision-support aids, capable of rapidly sifting “through mountains of data” to identify emerging threats, correlate intelligence, and recommend optimal courses of action, thereby dramatically accelerating the commander’s decision-making cycle. Finally, this entire architecture is designed to empower commanders at the tactical edge. By pushing data processing and decision-making authority down to the lowest possible level, consistent with the philosophy of Mission Command, the joint force reduces its reliance on vulnerable, centralized headquarters and can continue to operate effectively even when communications with higher echelons are severed.
The fundamental contest in this domain is not merely a competition of technologies but a clash of decision-making cycles. The PLA’s concepts of “intelligentized warfare” and “systems destruction” are explicitly designed to attack and shatter the U.S. military’s OODA loop (Observe, Orient, Decide, Act). They seek to create so much chaos and uncertainty in the information environment that U.S. commanders are paralyzed, unable to form a coherent picture of the battlefield or direct their forces effectively. JADC2 represents the U.S. effort to construct a faster, more robust, and more resilient OODA loop that can function and adapt under the extreme duress of a multi-domain assault. The initial phase of any conflict will therefore be a high-stakes race. The PLA will attempt to achieve systemic paralysis of the U.S. C5ISR network faster than the U.S. can reconfigure its distributed network and adapt its decision-making processes. The victor in this “decision race” will seize an advantage that may prove decisive for the remainder of the conflict, demonstrating the true meaning of the PLA’s concept of the “brain battlefield”.
II. PLA Strategy 2: Multi-Domain A2/AD Saturation – Creating an Impenetrable Fortress
PLA Commander’s Intent
The PLA commander’s intent behind the Anti-Access/Area Denial (A2/AD) strategy is twofold: first, to deter U.S. intervention in a regional crisis, and second, failing deterrence, to make such an intervention prohibitively costly in terms of assets and personnel. The strategy is designed to create a layered, multi-domain fortress around China’s periphery. The “anti-access” (A2) component employs long-range capabilities to prevent U.S. forces from entering the operational area, primarily targeting carrier strike groups and forward air bases. The “area denial” (AD) component uses shorter-range systems to severely restrict the freedom of action of any U.S. forces that manage to penetrate the outer layers. This strategy is a direct and deliberate challenge to the foundational tenets of U.S. power projection, which has historically relied on the ability to establish and maintain air and maritime supremacy through the deployment of aircraft carriers and the use of large, forward-deployed bases.
Key Capabilities and Tactics
The PLA’s A2/AD strategy is built upon a massive and increasingly sophisticated arsenal of conventional missile systems, designed to saturate U.S. and allied defenses through sheer volume and technological complexity. The cornerstone of the anti-access layer is a formidable family of Anti-Ship Ballistic Missiles (ASBMs). This includes the DF-21D, famously dubbed the “carrier killer,” and the longer-range DF-26, which has the reach to threaten key U.S. facilities in Guam, earning it the moniker “Guam killer”. These weapons are designed to hold high-value naval assets at risk from distances exceeding 1,500 kilometers. This threat is compounded by the introduction of hypersonic weapons, such as the DF-17 hypersonic glide vehicle and the rumored YJ-21 air-launched ballistic missile. The extreme speed and unpredictable flight paths of these systems present a severe challenge to current U.S. missile defense capabilities, drastically shortening reaction times and complicating intercept solutions.
This long-range ballistic missile threat is complemented by a vast and diverse inventory of Anti-Ship Cruise Missiles (ASCMs). Systems like the supersonic YJ-12 and the subsonic YJ-18 can be launched from a wide array of platforms, creating a multi-axis, high-volume threat that is difficult to defend against. These platforms include mobile land-based launchers that employ “hit and run” tactics—firing a salvo before retreating to hardened underground facilities to reload—as well as modern naval surface combatants like the Type 055 destroyer, a large fleet of conventional and nuclear submarines, and long-range bombers such as the H-6K.
To control the air domain, the PLA has constructed a dense and overlapping Integrated Air Defense System (IADS). This system layers long-range Russian-made S-400 and domestically produced HQ-9 surface-to-air missiles (SAMs) with medium- and short-range systems, all networked with an array of early warning radars. This ground-based network is integrated with the PLA Air Force’s growing fleet of advanced fighter aircraft, including the J-20 stealth fighter, to create a formidable no-fly zone. The entire A2/AD architecture is further supported by a growing naval presence, including a large surface fleet and an expanding network of militarized artificial islands in the South China Sea, which serve as persistent sensor outposts, airfields, and missile bases, extending the reach and resilience of the A2/AD network.
U.S. Counter-Strategy: Disintegrate the A2/AD System from Within
The U.S. strategic response to the PLA’s A2/AD challenge has evolved beyond the concept of a costly frontal assault to “punch through” the defensive bubble. The current approach is more nuanced, seeking to “invert” the A2/AD concept itself. This involves proactively deploying a distributed, resilient, and lethal network of U.S. sensors and shooters inside the contested zone. The objective is not to breach the wall, but to methodically dismantle it from within by targeting the critical nodes and dependencies of the PLA’s kill chain. This strategy aims to turn the PLA’s highly networked system into a liability by severing the connections between its sensors and its shooters.
This counter-strategy is enabled by several key operational concepts and technologies. The concept of “Stand-In Forces” envisions the forward deployment of small, mobile, low-signature, and relatively low-cost Marine Corps and Army units within the first island chain. These forces, equipped with their own sensors and long-range precision fires, can survive within the enemy’s weapons engagement zone. From these forward positions, they can provide critical targeting data for long-range strikes launched from outside the theater, conduct their own anti-ship and anti-air attacks, and generally complicate the PLA’s targeting problem, forcing the adversary to expend significant resources to find and eliminate them.
These Stand-In Forces will be a key component of a broader joint fires network that includes new ground-launched systems like the Army’s Precision Strike Missile (PrSM) and the Long-Range Hypersonic Weapon (LRHW). By deploying these systems on allied territory, the U.S. can hold key PLA A2/AD assets—such as airfields, ports, command centers, and sensor sites—at risk from dispersed and survivable land-based positions. The deep-strike mission will also rely heavily on undersea and air dominance. U.S. nuclear-powered submarines and advanced stealth aircraft, such as the F-35 and the future B-21 bomber, are critical penetrating ISR and strike platforms capable of operating within the most heavily defended areas to hunt down and destroy mobile missile launchers, air defense systems, and naval vessels.
To ensure the survivability of U.S. airpower, the Air Force is implementing the concept of Agile Combat Employment (ACE). ACE involves dispersing air assets away from large, vulnerable main operating bases to a network of smaller, more austere airfields across the theater. By moving and operating unpredictably, ACE complicates the PLA’s targeting calculus and increases the resilience of U.S. combat airpower, allowing it to continue generating sorties even after initial attacks.
The PLA’s A2/AD capability should not be viewed as a monolithic, impenetrable barrier, but rather as a highly complex, networked “system-of-systems.” Its greatest strength—the tight integration of sensors, command nodes, and weapons platforms—is simultaneously its greatest vulnerability. A successful U.S. counter-strategy, therefore, is contingent on the ability to execute “kill-chain decomposition.” The effectiveness of a weapon like the DF-21D is entirely dependent on a robust and uninterrupted C3ISR architecture to find, fix, track, target, and engage a moving U.S. aircraft carrier. This kill chain is a sequence of dependencies: satellites, over-the-horizon radars, maritime patrol aircraft, and other sensors must detect the target; data must be relayed to a command center for processing; and targeting information must be transmitted to the missile launcher. Instead of attempting the difficult and costly task of intercepting hundreds of incoming missiles, a more effective approach is to attack the “eyes” and “nerves” of the system. By employing a combination of stealth platforms, cyber attacks, electronic warfare, and distributed precision fires to blind the PLA’s radars, jam its data links, and destroy its command nodes, the U.S. can sever the critical connections between sensors and shooters. This approach renders the PLA’s vast and expensive missile arsenal effectively blind and incapable of striking mobile, high-value targets. The contest, therefore, is not a simple matter of missile versus missile defense; it is a comprehensive, multi-domain campaign to systematically disintegrate the PLA’s kill web.
III. PLA Strategy 3: Unmanned Swarm Offensive – Overwhelming with Asymmetric Mass
PLA Commander’s Intent
A PLA commander will employ unmanned swarm offensives with the intent to saturate and overwhelm the technologically superior, but often numerically inferior, defensive systems of U.S. forces. The PLA is aggressively pursuing the development of a “true swarm” capability, leveraging large quantities of low-cost, attritable, and increasingly autonomous unmanned systems (UxS). The core strategic logic is to invert the traditional cost-imposition ratio. By forcing the U.S. to expend expensive, high-end interceptors (such as a Standard Missile-6, costing several million dollars) to destroy cheap, mass-produced drones (costing only thousands of dollars), the PLA can deplete U.S. magazines and achieve battlefield effects at a fraction of the cost. This strategy reflects a significant doctrinal shift within the PLA, moving from “a human-centric fighting force with unmanned systems in support, to a force centered on unmanned systems with humans in support”.
Key Capabilities and Tactics
The PLA’s swarm capabilities are rapidly advancing from theoretical concepts to tested operational systems. State-owned defense contractors have demonstrated systems capable of deploying swarms of up to 200 fixed-wing drones at a time from a single ground-based launch vehicle. Furthermore, the PLA is developing aerial deployment methods, including the concept of a “drone mothership” like the Jiu Tian SS-UAV, a large unmanned aircraft designed to carry and release a hundred or more smaller loitering munitions or ISR drones from within the battlespace.
These swarms will be integrated with manned platforms through Manned-Unmanned Teaming (MUM-T) concepts. For example, the two-seat variant of the J-20 stealth fighter, the J-20S, is believed to be optimized for mission management and the control of “loyal wingman” drones, which would fly alongside the manned aircraft to extend sensor range, carry additional munitions, or act as decoys. The application of these swarms is envisioned to be multi-domain. The PLA is actively exercising with drone swarms in scenarios relevant to a Taiwan conflict, including amphibious landings, island-blocking operations, and complex urban warfare. These exercises involve not only unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) but also unmanned surface vessels (USVs) and unmanned ground vehicles (UGVs), referred to as “robot wolves” in PLA media.
The effectiveness of these swarms will be magnified by increasing levels of AI-enabled autonomy. While the precise degree of autonomy currently achieved remains a subject of analysis, the PLA’s research and development efforts are clearly focused on this area. The PLA is exploring the use of reinforcement learning and other AI techniques to enable swarms to coordinate their actions, dynamically re-task themselves in response to battlefield events, and exhibit emergent behaviors without requiring constant, direct human control. These intelligent swarms will be employed for a variety of missions, including persistent ISR, electronic attack, acting as decoys to confuse air defense systems, and conducting coordinated kinetic strikes against land and sea targets.
U.S. Counter-Strategy: Scalable, Layered Counter-UAS Defense and Offensive Swarming
The United States cannot win a conflict against drone swarms by engaging in a one-for-one kinetic exchange; such an approach is economically unsustainable. The U.S. counter-strategy must therefore be based on a scalable, layered defense-in-depth that prioritizes low-cost-per-shot effectors, while simultaneously embracing the logic of asymmetric mass through initiatives like Replicator to turn the swarm dilemma back on the adversary.
A robust counter-swarm defense requires a layered approach around high-value assets, integrating multiple kill mechanisms to create a resilient defensive screen. The outer layer of this defense will consist of electronic warfare systems designed to jam the command-and-control links and GPS signals that less-autonomous swarms rely upon for navigation and coordination. The next layer will increasingly be composed of directed energy weapons. High-energy lasers and high-power microwave systems offer the promise of deep magazines and a near-zero cost-per-shot, making them ideal for engaging large numbers of incoming drones. For swarm elements that penetrate these initial layers, the defense will rely on a mix of kinetic interceptors, ranging from traditional air defense systems to more novel, low-cost interceptors (such as the Coyote system), all guided by AI-driven fire control systems capable of tracking and prioritizing hundreds of targets simultaneously.
However, a purely defensive posture is insufficient. The U.S. must also develop its own offensive swarm capabilities. The Department of Defense’s Replicator initiative is a direct response to this imperative. It is a signature effort to field “thousands of cheap autonomous drones across all domains”—including loitering munitions, ISR quadcopters, and unmanned surface and undersea vehicles—within an accelerated 18-to-24-month timeframe. The strategic goal of Replicator is not just to defend against PLA swarms but to impose the same targeting and cost-imposition dilemmas on them. By developing our own “attritable autonomous systems,” the U.S. can saturate PLA defenses, conduct distributed ISR, and execute precision strikes at scale, thereby neutralizing the PLA’s asymmetric advantage.
Underpinning both defensive and offensive swarm operations is the critical role of artificial intelligence. Defensively, AI algorithms are essential for analyzing sensor data from multiple sources to distinguish between potentially thousands of individual swarm elements, differentiate high-value targets (like a command-and-control drone) from simple sensors, prioritize threats, and automate engagement sequences at machine speed. Offensively, AI is the key to enabling U.S. swarms to operate with the level of coordinated autonomy needed to be effective in a complex and contested environment.
The emergence of drone swarm warfare signals a fundamental change in the character of modern conflict. It marks a shift away from a decades-long focus on exquisite, high-cost, and survivable platforms toward a new paradigm where mass, autonomy, and attritability become decisive attributes. This presents not just a tactical or technological challenge, but a profound industrial and economic one. The PLA is explicitly developing drone swarms to leverage an “asymmetric advantage” rooted in economics: a $10,000 drone can potentially disable a multi-billion-dollar warship or force the expenditure of a multi-million-dollar interceptor missile, a cost-exchange ratio that is unsustainable for the U.S. in a protracted conflict. The Replicator initiative is a direct acknowledgment of this economic reality. It represents a strategic admission that the U.S. cannot win this competition simply by building better and more expensive defenses; it must also compete and win in the game of “mass.” This requires a significant transformation of the U.S. defense industrial base, which has long been optimized for producing small numbers of highly complex and expensive systems. The future security environment will demand the ability to design, build, and deploy thousands of cheap, “good enough,” and autonomous systems at industrial scale and speed. In the long run, the nation that develops the more agile and scalable manufacturing and software development ecosystem will likely hold the decisive advantage in the era of swarm warfare.
IV. PLA Strategy 4: Logistics Interdiction and Strangulation – Severing the Lifelines
PLA Commander’s Intent
A PLA commander will seek to exploit what is arguably the U.S. military’s most significant strategic vulnerability in a potential Indo-Pacific conflict: the “tyranny of distance”. The PLA’s strategy for logistics interdiction is designed to attack and sever the long, fragile trans-Pacific supply chains and target the large, centralized logistical hubs upon which U.S. forces depend. The commander’s intent is to prevent the initial deployment and subsequent sustainment of U.S. forces in a protracted conflict, thereby causing a logistical collapse that renders forward-deployed units unable to fight effectively. By strangling the flow of fuel, munitions, spare parts, and personnel, the PLA aims to win a war of exhaustion, making it impossible for the U.S. to maintain a credible combat presence in the theater.
Key Capabilities and Tactics
The PLA will employ a multi-domain approach to interdict U.S. logistics. Kinetic strikes will form a major component of this strategy. The same long-range conventional missile arsenal developed for the A2/AD mission, particularly systems like the DF-26, will be used to target critical logistical nodes that represent concentrated points of failure. High-priority targets will include major ports such as those in Guam and Yokosuka, Japan, key airfields like Kadena Air Base in Okinawa, and large-scale fuel and munitions storage facilities. These strikes are designed to destroy infrastructure, disrupt operations, and create bottlenecks that paralyze the entire sustainment network.
Beyond fixed infrastructure, the PLA will actively target the sea and air lines of communication (SLOCs and ALOCs) that connect the U.S. mainland to the theater of operations. The PLA Navy’s large and growing fleet of conventional and nuclear-powered submarines will be tasked with hunting and sinking vulnerable military sealift and airlift vessels transiting the vast Pacific Ocean. This threat will be augmented by the potential use of naval mines to close off strategic chokepoints and harbor entrances, as well as long-range anti-ship missiles launched from aircraft and surface ships to hold transport vessels at risk from extreme distances.
The kinetic campaign will be complemented by non-kinetic attacks. The PLA will conduct sophisticated cyber attacks targeting the complex web of software and databases that manage the global U.S. logistics enterprise. By targeting Enterprise Resource Planning (ERP) systems, order management software, and transportation databases, the PLA can sow chaos, corrupt data, and introduce crippling delays, effectively disrupting the highly efficient “just-in-time” delivery model upon which the U.S. military has come to rely. In addition, the potential use of PLA special operations forces (SOF) for reconnaissance, sabotage, and subversion against logistical infrastructure and supply chains within allied and partner nations cannot be discounted.
U.S. Counter-Strategy: Contested Logistics and Distributed Sustainment
The U.S. military is responding to this threat by acknowledging a new reality: logistics is no longer a benign, rear-area function but a deeply contested warfighting domain. The counter-strategy involves a fundamental paradigm shift away from the hub-and-spoke logistical model, which was optimized for efficiency in a permissive environment, to a new model of distributed sustainment that is optimized for resilience and effectiveness under persistent, multi-domain attack.
The core tenet of this new approach is distributed logistics. This involves breaking up massive, consolidated depots of fuel, munitions, and other supplies—such as the now-decommissioning Red Hill Bulk Fuel Storage Facility—and dispersing these stocks across a wide network of smaller, hardened, and geographically separated locations throughout the Indo-Pacific theater. This dispersal greatly complicates the PLA’s targeting problem, as there is no longer a single point of failure whose destruction could cripple U.S. operations. This strategy is coupled with an increased emphasis on pre-positioning critical supplies forward within the theater. By staging larger quantities of fuel, munitions, spare parts, and medical supplies in-theater before a conflict begins, the U.S. can reduce its immediate reliance on vulnerable trans-oceanic sealift during the initial, most intense phase of hostilities.
The concept of Agile Combat Employment (ACE) is as much a logistical strategy as it is an airpower one. ACE necessitates the pre-positioning of fuel, munitions, and support equipment at a network of austere airfields. It also drives the development of multi-capable Airmen who are trained to perform multiple functions—such as refueling, re-arming, and basic maintenance—allowing aircraft to operate from dispersed locations with a minimal logistical footprint and breaking the dependence on large, vulnerable main operating bases. To connect these dispersed nodes, the U.S. is investing in its intra-theater lift capabilities. This includes increasing the number and operational readiness of Army watercraft and other joint sealift assets that can move critical supplies between islands and coastal areas within the theater, providing a more resilient and redundant transportation network that is less susceptible to single-point interdiction.
Crucially, this entire strategy of distributed sustainment is dependent on deep integration with allies and partners. The U.S. is actively working to develop the necessary legal and logistical agreements with key allies like Japan, Australia, and the Philippines to leverage their ports, airfields, and industrial capacity for sustainment operations. This creates a more robust, multi-faceted, and resilient logistics network that is far more difficult for the PLA to disrupt.
The PLA’s strategic focus on logistics interdiction forces the U.S. military to re-learn the central lesson of the Pacific Campaign in World War II: logistics, not tactics, is the ultimate pacing factor in a conflict across the vast distances of the Indo-Pacific. This reality necessitates a “whole-of-government” approach to national security. For decades, the U.S. military has operated with the luxury of secure supply lines and uncontested logistical hubs, which fostered a culture of efficiency-based, “just-in-time” logistics. The PLA’s A2/AD and long-range strike capabilities directly threaten this entire model. The U.S. response—encapsulated in the concept of Contested Logistics—is a deliberate shift toward a resilience-based, “just-in-case” model. However, this model cannot be implemented unilaterally. Dispersing supplies requires physical locations to place them, which elevates the role of diplomacy to a critical warfighting enabler. The operational success of distributed logistics is therefore entirely contingent on securing the necessary basing, access, and overflight agreements with partners throughout the Indo-Pacific. In this new strategic environment, the strength of the U.S. logistical posture is inextricably linked to the strength of its alliances. A failure in diplomacy could precipitate a catastrophic failure in logistics, rendering the U.S. military unable to sustain a high-intensity fight.
V. PLA Strategy 5: Political Warfare and Cognitive Dominance – Winning Before the Fight
PLA Commander’s Intent
The PLA commander’s application of political warfare is guided by the ultimate strategic objective of shaping the operational environment to achieve victory before a major kinetic battle is fought, or, failing that, to ensure that any such battle is contested on terms that are overwhelmingly favorable to China. This approach is the modern operationalization of Sun Tzu’s timeless maxim of “subduing the enemy without fighting”. The intent is to attack the sources of U.S. strength that lie outside the purely military domain: its domestic political will, the cohesion of its international alliances, and the morale and psychological resilience of its service members. By targeting these cognitive and political centers of gravity, the PLA aims to paralyze U.S. decision-making, deter intervention, and undermine the U.S. will to sustain a conflict.
Key Capabilities and Tactics
The PLA’s primary tool for this strategy is its “Three Warfares” doctrine, which mandates the integrated application of public opinion warfare, psychological warfare, and legal warfare. These are not separate or ad hoc efforts but a coordinated, centrally directed campaign to dominate the information and cognitive environments.
Public Opinion (Media) Warfare is aimed at seizing control of the dominant narrative. The PLA will leverage its global, state-controlled media apparatus, sophisticated social media operations involving bots and paid influencers, and co-opted voices in international media and academia to shape perceptions of a crisis. In a conflict scenario, this will involve flooding the information space with disinformation designed to portray the U.S. as the aggressor, justify China’s actions, and amplify any U.S. setbacks or casualties to erode public and political support for the war effort at home and abroad.
Psychological Warfare directly targets the morale and cognitive state of U.S. military personnel, their families, and the civilian populations of the U.S. and its allies. Tactics will include tailored propaganda disseminated through social media, showcasing the PLA’s advanced military capabilities (e.g., videos of hypersonic missile tests) to create a sense of technological overmatch and futility, and exploiting existing societal, political, and racial divisions within the U.S. to sow discord, incite unrest, and distract national leadership. The objective is to fracture American confidence in their government, their military, and each other.
Legal Warfare (Lawfare) involves the manipulation of international and domestic legal frameworks to legitimize PLA actions while constraining U.S. operational freedom. For example, in a Taiwan scenario, China might declare a “quarantine” or a customs enforcement zone rather than a military blockade, using its coast guard and maritime militia to enforce it. This is designed to create ambiguity, frame any U.S. military response as an illegal act of aggression against “civilian” law enforcement, and generate legal and political debates within the international community that slow or prevent a decisive U.S. intervention. By operating in this “gray zone” below the clear threshold of armed conflict, the PLA uses lawfare to seize the initiative and dare the U.S. to be the one to escalate to overt kinetic action.
U.S. Counter-Strategy: Narrative Competition and Psychological Resilience
The U.S. must recognize that the information domain is not a supporting effort but a central and decisive battlefield. The counter-strategy must be proactive, seeking to seize the initiative in the narrative space, inoculate friendly populations and forces against manipulation, and maintain the cohesion of its alliances and the resolve of its people.
A core component of this counter-strategy is Proactive Strategic Communications. The U.S. and its allies must develop and disseminate a clear, consistent, and fact-based narrative about the nature of the PLA threat and U.S. intentions before a crisis erupts. This effort must be sustained and synchronized across all elements of national power. A key tactic to support this is a “declassify and disclose” approach to intelligence. By rapidly and publicly releasing intelligence that exposes PLA preparations for aggression, false flag operations, disinformation campaigns, or violations of international law, the U.S. can preemptively strip PLA narratives of their credibility and seize the initiative in the information environment.
To operationalize this, the U.S. military must field integrated Information Operations Task Forces. These task forces should bring together capabilities from cyber operations, psychological operations (PSYOP), and public affairs to actively contest the information space on a 24/7 basis. Their mission would be to identify and counter PLA propaganda and disinformation in near real-time and to amplify truthful narratives through all available channels, targeting audiences both at home and abroad. This effort cannot be successful if conducted unilaterally. Close synchronization with allies and partners is essential to present a united international front, jointly attribute and condemn PLA malign activities, and reinforce a shared narrative based on the principles of international law and a free and open global order.
Finally, the U.S. must invest heavily in the psychological resilience of its forces and their families. This requires robust training programs that educate service members on how to identify and counter enemy propaganda and influence operations. It also demands the strengthening of support networks for military families, who will be a primary target of PLA psychological operations designed to create anxiety and pressure on their deployed loved ones.
The “Three Warfares” doctrine is not a separate line of effort for the PLA; it is the strategic connective tissue that binds together all of its other military strategies. It prepares the political and psychological battlespace for kinetic action and is used to exploit the effects of that action. For instance, in a Taiwan contingency, lawfare is used to frame a blockade as a “quarantine,” creating legal ambiguity. Simultaneously, media warfare floods global channels with narratives of Taiwanese provocations and U.S. interference, while psychological warfare targets U.S. and allied populations with messages emphasizing the high human and economic costs of intervention. This coordinated campaign is designed to create hesitation, doubt, and division among U.S. policymakers and international partners, thereby delaying a coherent and timely response. This delay is the critical window of opportunity the PLA needs to achieve its kinetic objectives before the U.S. can effectively project power into the theater. Therefore, countering the “Three Warfares” is not an abstract intellectual exercise; it is an operational imperative. A failure to compete and win in this cognitive domain could lead to a strategic defeat, regardless of the tactical outcomes on the physical battlefield. It is a fight to preserve the political and psychological freedom of action necessary to execute all other military counter-strategies. Failure here could mean U.S. forces arrive too late, or not at all.
Conclusion: The Imperative of Adaptation and Decision Superiority
The analysis of the PLA’s top five asymmetric strategies reveals a coherent and holistic approach to modern conflict designed to exploit perceived U.S. vulnerabilities. The PLA’s warfighting philosophy is not focused on a linear, attrition-based campaign but on a multi-domain, system-level assault targeting the entire U.S. operational architecture—from its space-based assets and C5ISR networks to its trans-oceanic supply lines and, ultimately, its national political will. This comprehensive threat demands an equally comprehensive and adaptive response from the United States and its allies.
A common thread runs through all the necessary U.S. counter-strategies. Concepts such as Joint All-Domain Command and Control (JADC2), Distributed Logistics, Agile Combat Employment (ACE), and the Replicator initiative all represent a fundamental shift away from the centralized, optimized, and often brittle force posture of the post-Cold War era. The new imperative is to build a force that is more distributed, resilient, agile, and capable of sustained operations under persistent attack. This transformation is not merely technological; it is doctrinal, organizational, and cultural. It requires empowering commanders at the tactical edge, fostering deeper interoperability with allies, and re-engineering the defense industrial base to produce not only exquisite platforms but also attritable mass.
In the emerging era of “intelligentized warfare,” where human-machine collaboration and AI-enabled decision-making will be central, the ultimate asymmetric advantage will not reside in the superior performance of any single platform or weapon system. Instead, victory will belong to the side that can most effectively sense, understand, decide, and act within the adversary’s decision-making cycle. The contest with the PLA is, at its core, a contest for decision superiority. The imperative for the U.S. joint force is clear: it must continue to adapt with urgency, embracing a new paradigm of distributed operations and resilient networking to ensure it can out-think, out-decide, and out-pace any adversary under the immense pressures of a multi-domain, cognitively-contested conflict.
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The Unsinkable Aircraft Carrier: An American Response to the Chinese Anti-Access/Area Denial (A2/AD) Challenge – DTIC, accessed October 3, 2025, https://apps.dtic.mil/sti/tr/pdf/AD1023223.pdf
This report assesses China’s “Battlefield Brain Program,” concluding it is not an isolated research project but a comprehensive, state-directed national strategy to weaponize brain science and achieve “cognitive dominance” (制脑权, zhinǎo quán). This strategy is an integral and necessary component of the People’s Liberation Army’s (PLA) doctrinal shift toward “intelligentized warfare” (智能化战争), a new paradigm of conflict in which victory is determined by superiority in artificial intelligence, data, and cognitive control. The program aims to achieve strategic victory by subduing an enemy’s will to fight, disrupting its decision-making processes, and paralyzing its societal and military functions, potentially without resorting to widespread kinetic conflict.
The program is built upon three core pillars. The first is a novel warfighting doctrine, Cognitive Warfare (认知作战), which evolves beyond traditional information and psychological operations to directly target the cognitive functions of an adversary by weaponizing neuroscience. The second is a rapidly advancing technological arsenal, enabled by the fusion of AI, biotechnology, and Brain-Computer Interfaces (BCIs), which China is developing for both enhancing its own soldiers and attacking the neurological and cognitive processes of its adversaries. The third pillar is a unique organizational ecosystem, driven by the national Military-Civil Fusion (军民融合) strategy and a newly reorganized PLA force structure. This ecosystem eliminates barriers between civilian academia, private industry, and the military, ensuring that breakthroughs in brain science are rapidly weaponized. The April 2024 restructuring of the PLA, which created the specialized Information Support Force (ISF) and Cyberspace Force (CSF), marks a transition from integrated research and development to a more streamlined structure optimized for operational execution of cognitive warfare.
This multi-faceted strategy poses a profound and asymmetric risk to the United States and its allies. It threatens to erode alliance cohesion, destabilize democratic institutions, degrade military command and control in a crisis, and achieve Chinese strategic objectives, such as the annexation of Taiwan, by “winning without fighting.” This report provides a detailed analysis of the program’s evolution, capabilities, and future trajectory, concluding with actionable recommendations for a comprehensive U.S. counter-strategy focused on doctrinal development, defensive technology, whole-of-society resilience, and the establishment of international norms.
I. Strategic Context: The Dawn of “Intelligentized Warfare”
China’s pursuit of military brain science is not an opportunistic exploitation of new technologies but a direct and necessary consequence of a fundamental, top-down doctrinal shift within the People’s Liberation Army. The PLA’s evolving concepts of future warfare, which predict battlefields saturated with artificial intelligence and autonomous systems operating at machine speed, create an existential challenge for the human decision-maker. The “Battlefield Brain Program” is China’s answer to this challenge—a required line of effort to make its entire concept of future warfare viable by enhancing, defending, and attacking the human cognitive element.
The PLA’s Doctrinal Evolution
The PLA’s strategic posture has undergone a significant transformation since the 1980s. Under Deng Xiaoping, the focus was on modernizing to dominate “local wars” on China’s periphery.1 Today, under Xi Jinping, the ambition is to forge a “world-class” military capable of safeguarding China’s expanding global interests, including national sovereignty, territorial integrity, and maritime rights.1 This modernization is driven by Xi’s assessment that China must “adapt to the trend of a new global military revolution” to contend with a world of intensifying global issues and regional conflicts.1
From Informatization to Intelligentization
This revolution is defined by the PLA’s strategic transition from “informatization” (信息化) to “intelligentization” (智能化).2 Informatization, the focus of the past two decades, centered on developing network-centric warfare capabilities and sophisticated Command, Control, Communications, Computers, Intelligence, Surveillance, and Reconnaissance (C4ISR) systems.2 The goal was to achieve victory by disrupting an adversary’s information systems, thereby paralyzing its material capabilities.3
Intelligentization represents the next stage, mandating the deep and comprehensive integration of artificial intelligence, autonomous platforms, and human-machine fusion into all PLA operations.1 This doctrine, formally adopted in PLA strategic documents, anticipates that future conflicts will be defined by “intelligentized operations” (智能化作战) involving intelligent autonomy and multi-domain integration.2 The PLA has set clear timelines for this transition, aiming to “accelerate the integrated development of mechanisation, informatisation, and intelligentisation” by 2027 and complete the modernization of the military by 2035.1 This doctrinal shift is predicated on the belief that “algorithmic advantage” will become a dominant determinant of operational outcomes.2
The Cognitive Domain as a New Battlespace
A central tenet of intelligentized warfare is the expansion of the battlefield into a new, non-physical domain: the human mind. PLA theorists, including senior figures at the Academy of Military Science (AMS), explicitly state that the “sphere of operations will be expanded from the physical domain and the information domain to the domain of consciousness (意识域); the human brain will become a new combat space”.2 This view is echoed in the PLA’s official newspaper,
PLA Daily, which identifies the cognitive space as the “key operational space” in intelligentized warfare, where cognitive advantage is a “strategic advantage”.6 This conceptualization transforms the human brain from a mere recipient of information into a contested battlespace to be seized and controlled. The speed and data saturation of intelligentized warfare create a fundamental problem: the human operator becomes the slowest and most vulnerable link in the decision-making chain. The PLA Daily acknowledges that in the face of massive, complex data flows, human perception is “dull and slow” (愚钝迟缓).6 PLA thinkers express deep concern about the “intense cognitive challenges” that future commanders will face.2 To prevent the human from becoming a critical system vulnerability, the PLA has concluded it must “upgrade human cognitive performance to keep pace with the complexity of warfare”.2
The Imperative for “Dominance”
This new doctrine necessitates the pursuit of dominance in previously conceptualized domains. PLA strategists now openly call for achieving not only information and air superiority but also “biological dominance” (制生权), “mental/cognitive dominance” (制脑权, zhinǎo quán), and “intelligence dominance” (制智权).2 This marks a critical conceptual leap from merely controlling the flow of information to directly controlling the cognitive processes of friendly and enemy personnel. This imperative is the fundamental driver of China’s comprehensive investment in military brain science.
II. The Conceptual Framework: Military Brain Science and Cognitive Warfare
To operationalize its doctrine of cognitive dominance, China is developing a comprehensive scientific framework and a new theory of warfare that goes far beyond traditional influence operations. This framework, termed Military Brain Science, provides the scientific foundation for a new form of conflict: Cognitive Warfare.
Defining Cognitive Warfare (认知作战)
Cognitive warfare, as conceptualized by the PLA, is a distinct and more advanced form of conflict than its predecessors. Whereas traditional information warfare manipulates what people think by controlling the flow of information, cognitive warfare aims to disrupt how people think by targeting the process of rationality itself.8 It is an insidious form of conflict designed to influence thought and action, thereby destabilizing democratic institutions and national security.8 Taiwanese researchers, who are on the front line of this conflict, highlight the key distinction: “only cognitive warfare weaponizes neuroscience and targets brain control”.9 PLA theorists define the “cognitive space” (认知空间) as the area where “feelings, perception, understanding, beliefs, and values exist, and is the field of decision-making through reasoning”.9 This is the battlespace they seek to dominate.
From “Three Warfares” to Cognitive Dominance
Cognitive warfare represents a significant evolution of the PLA’s long-standing “Three Warfares” doctrine, which integrates public opinion warfare, psychological warfare, and legal warfare.11 While it incorporates elements of all three, its ambition is far greater. It extends beyond shaping narratives and perceptions to the direct manipulation and degradation of cognitive processes, aiming for what PLA thinkers term “mind superiority” (制脑权) or “cognitive control”.7 The ultimate strategic objective is to achieve victory by disintegrating an adversary’s societal and military will to fight, thereby realizing the Sun Tzu ideal of “winning without fighting”.7
The Military Brain Science (MBS) Framework
The scientific underpinning for this new form of warfare is a comprehensive framework proposed by Chinese military medical researchers called Military Brain Science (MBS).14 MBS is a cutting-edge, interdisciplinary science guided by potential military applications. It systematically organizes research into nine distinct but interrelated fields, creating a roadmap for transforming neuroscience into military capability 14:
Understanding the Brain: Foundational research into neural principles.
Protecting the Brain: Developing defensive countermeasures to protect PLA personnel from cognitive attacks.
Monitoring the Brain: Using technologies like smart sensor bracelets to assess the real-time cognitive and emotional states of soldiers to determine their combat status.15
Injuring the Brain: Researching non-kinetic and kinetic methods to cause targeted neurological damage.
Interfering with the Brain: Developing capabilities to disrupt enemy cognitive processes, sow confusion, and degrade decision-making.
Repairing the Brain: Advancing neuro-medical treatments for PLA personnel.
Enhancing the Brain: Augmenting the cognitive capabilities of PLA soldiers through neurotechnology, pharmacology, and other means.
Simulating the Brain: Leveraging insights from neuroscience to advance brain-inspired computing and artificial intelligence.
Arming the Brain: Creating direct neural control of weapons systems through technologies like Brain-Computer Interfaces (BCIs) to establish a command system where “perception is decision making, decision making is attack”.14
The “One Body, Two Wings” Principle
This military framework mirrors the structure of China’s national-level civilian “China Brain Project.” That project is organized on the principle of “One body, two wings” (一体两翼), where the “body” is the fundamental study of neural cognition, and the “two wings” are the dual applications of treating brain disease and developing new brain-inspired AI and computing technologies.14 The MBS framework functions similarly, leveraging fundamental research for direct, dual-use military applications, ensuring a rapid transition from laboratory to battlefield.
To clarify the distinct nature of cognitive warfare, the following table compares it with the PLA’s other information operations concepts. A failure by policymakers to grasp these distinctions can lead to a critical underestimation of the threat, as cognitive warfare represents a qualitative leap in capability and intent.
Table 2.1: A Comparative Analysis of PLA Information Operations Concepts
Concept
Primary Target
Core Methods
Enabling Technologies
Strategic Goal
Public Opinion Warfare (舆论战)
Domestic and international audiences; public sentiment
Propaganda; narrative shaping; media guidance
Mass media; social media networks
Build support; shape perceptions; seize moral high ground 7
Psychological Warfare (心理战)
Enemy military personnel and leaders; adversary psychology
Control thought processes; paralyze decision-making; “win without fighting” 8
III. The Technological Arsenal: Weaponizing Neuroscience, AI, and Biotechnology
China is aggressively developing and integrating a suite of emerging technologies to provide the tangible capabilities required by its cognitive warfare doctrine. This effort is focused on two parallel tracks: enhancing the capabilities of its own forces through human-machine fusion and developing novel weapons to attack the cognitive functions of its adversaries.
A. Brain-Computer Interfaces (BCI): The Cornerstone of Human-Machine Fusion
BCIs are the central enabling technology for the PLA’s vision of “hybrid intelligence.” China’s progress in this field is rapid, state-directed, and explicitly dual-use.
Rapid, State-Supported Progress
China’s BCI development is a national priority, driven by the “China Brain Project” (2016-2030) and substantial state funding.2 This has resulted in China becoming second only to the United States in BCI-related patents and, critically, the second country in the world to advance invasive BCI technology to the clinical trial phase.19
Technical Achievements
Chinese institutions have achieved world-class breakthroughs. In a landmark trial, researchers from the Chinese Academy of Sciences (CAS) and Fudan University’s Huashan Hospital successfully implanted an invasive BCI in a tetraplegic patient, enabling him to control electronic devices with his thoughts.20 The research team, led by Zhao Zhengtuo, has also developed ultra-flexible neural electrodes that are the smallest in the world, with a cross-sectional area one-fifth that of Neuralink’s electrodes and over 100 times greater flexibility, significantly reducing damage to brain tissue.20 In the non-invasive domain, research at institutions like Tianjin University has produced high-speed BCI systems with the world’s largest command sets, designed for applications from astronaut support to industrial control.21
Dual-Use Pathway from Medical to Military
China’s public emphasis on the therapeutic benefits of BCI research is a deliberate strategic choice. This focus allows China to participate in and benefit from the open global scientific community, acquire Western technology under a benign pretext, and accelerate its fundamental research. However, under the state’s military-civil fusion framework, these same breakthroughs are immediately funneled to military laboratories for weaponization. This creates a parallel, classified development track that leverages the progress of the unclassified one, masking true intentions and co-opting global research for military ends.2
While public reports highlight medical applications for treating conditions like ALS and paralysis 23, PLA strategists and military-affiliated research institutions are simultaneously pursuing direct military applications.2 These applications fall into three main categories:
Soldier Enhancement: This includes using BCI and wearable sensors to monitor soldiers’ health, psychological states, and cognitive load in real-time.15 Other research focuses on enhancing alertness with devices like “anti-sleep glasses” 13 and exploring futuristic concepts like directly “downloading” skills and combat experience into a soldier’s brain.16
Human-Machine Teaming: The PLA envisions using BCIs to enable direct “thought control” of unmanned systems like drones and robotic vehicles.2 This would dramatically shorten the OODA loop, creating a direct link from perception to action and bypassing verbal or physical commands.14
Hybrid Intelligence: The ultimate goal is to create a new form of “hybrid intelligence” (混合智能) by deeply fusing human and machine cognition. A director at the Central Military Commission’s Science and Technology Commission stated that “human-machine hybrid intelligence will be the highest form of future intelligence”.2
B. Cognitive Attack and Manipulation Technologies
Alongside enhancement, the PLA is developing a portfolio of technologies designed to degrade, disrupt, and damage the cognitive capabilities of its adversaries.
Non-Kinetic Attack: “NeuroStrike”
Chinese military-affiliated reports discuss the concept of “NeuroStrike,” a new class of non-kinetic weapon.13 It is defined as the covert use of combined technologies—including radio frequency, low-megahertz acoustics, nanotechnology, and electromagnetics—to inflict direct and potentially permanent neurological damage or cognitive degradation on targeted individuals from a distance.13 This represents a dangerous escalation from influence operations to direct, non-lethal (but permanently damaging) physical attacks on the brain.
AI-Driven Disinformation and Psychological Manipulation
China is harnessing the convergence of AI, big data, and social media to conduct cognitive warfare at an unprecedented scale and granularity.26 The PLA is developing systems that use Generative AI to create hyper-targeted, culturally resonant disinformation at machine speed.27 These campaigns are designed not merely to spread a message but to achieve specific cognitive effects: polarizing societies, fracturing cohesion within alliances, sowing doubt, and eroding trust in democratic institutions.8
Biotechnology and Pharmacological Enhancement
The PLA’s pursuit of “biological dominance” extends to biotechnology and pharmacology.2 Research is reportedly underway on “genetic drugs” designed to modify the cognitive, emotional, and behavioral traits of targeted populations.13 Concurrently, the PLA is exploring the use of performance-enhancing pharmaceuticals, such as Modafinil, to improve the cognition, alertness, and endurance of its own soldiers.13
IV. Command and Control: The Military-Civil Fusion Ecosystem and PLA Force Structure
China’s Battlefield Brain Program is not an ad-hoc collection of research projects but a coherent national endeavor enabled by a unique organizational architecture. This architecture combines a top-down national strategy, Military-Civil Fusion, with a bottom-up, reorganized military force structure designed for operational execution.
A. The Engine: Military-Civil Fusion (军民融合)
Military-Civil Fusion (MCF) is the primary engine driving the weaponization of brain science in China. It is a national strategy, personally overseen by Xi Jinping, with the explicit goal of developing the PLA into a “world-class military” by eliminating all barriers between China’s civilian research, commercial, and military sectors.22
Application to Brain Science
In the context of brain science, MCF ensures that any innovation, regardless of where it originates, is available for military application. It formalizes the process of leveraging breakthroughs from top civilian institutions and private companies for military purposes.2 This creates a vast, interconnected ecosystem where civilian progress directly fuels military capability. The Central Military Commission (CMC) Science & Technology Commission (S&TC) is a key coordinating body, directing funds and establishing programs specifically focused on military brain science, human enhancement, and human-machine fusion intelligence.2 The table below maps the key players in this ecosystem, illustrating the tangible mechanics of the MCF strategy.
Table 4.1: Key PLA and Civilian Organizations in Brain Science and Cognitive Warfare R&D
Organization
Category
Primary Role/Contribution
Key References
CMC Science & Technology Commission
Military
Strategic direction; funding; promotion of MCF in brain science and human enhancement.
2
Academy of Military Science (AMS)
Military
Doctrinal development; defines cognitive domain as a battlespace; leads military scientific enterprise.
2
National University of Defense Technology (NUDT)
Military
Long-term BCI research; development of brain-controlled drones and robots.
2
Chinese Academy of Sciences (CAS)
State-Owned Academia
Fundamental research; key breakthroughs in invasive BCI technology and flexible electrodes.
14
Tianjin University
University/Academia
Leading research in non-invasive BCI; development of the “Braintalker” chip.
21
Fudan University / Huashan Hospital
University/Academia
Conducted China’s first clinical trials for invasive BCIs in collaboration with CAS.
20
Beijing Institute for Brain Research
State-Owned Academia
Achieved first clinical application of a wireless implanted Chinese language BCI system.
23
B. The Operators: PLA Force Structure Reorganization (April 2024)
The April 2024 reorganization of the PLA represents a critical step in the evolution of its cognitive warfare capabilities, marking a shift from integrated research and development to specialized operationalization.
Dissolution of the Strategic Support Force (SSF)
This landmark reform disbanded the Strategic Support Force (SSF), which was created in 2015 as a central hub for the PLA’s space, cyber, electronic, and psychological warfare capabilities.1 The SSF served as a crucial incubator, forcing the integration of previously disparate units and fostering the development of new, cross-domain concepts like cognitive warfare.32 Its dissolution after nine years suggests that this initial phase of conceptual integration was successful and that its component parts had matured sufficiently to become independent, mission-focused forces.30
Creation of New Forces
The SSF was replaced by three new arms that report directly to the Central Military Commission: the Aerospace Force (ASF), the Cyberspace Force (CSF), and the Information Support Force (ISF).1 This new structure is designed for more efficient command and control in a multi-domain conflict.
Roles in Cognitive Warfare
The reorganization created a clearer division of labor for waging cognitive warfare, separating the role of the network “provider” from the operational “user.”
Information Support Force (ISF): The ISF has a foundational support role. It is responsible for building, operating, and defending the PLA’s “network information systems”.1 This force provides the secure, resilient, and high-capacity communications and data architecture that is the essential backbone for delivering cognitive effects across the battlespace. Its mission is to ensure information dominance at the infrastructure level.
Cyberspace Force (CSF): The CSF inherits and consolidates the SSF’s offensive mission set for the information domain. It is explicitly responsible for conducting cyber attacks, electronic warfare, and psychological warfare.12 The CSF is the PLA’s primary warfighting command for executing cognitive warfare campaigns. Its doctrine combines cyber operations with psychological manipulation to achieve specific cognitive effects against an adversary.12
This separation allows each force to specialize: the ISF focuses on building a robust network, while the CSF focuses on developing and executing sophisticated cognitive attacks that leverage that network. This is a move from an all-encompassing R&D organization to a more streamlined, mission-focused structure designed for warfighting at scale.
V. Strategic Implications for the United States and Allied Nations
China’s systematic development of a cognitive warfare capability, underpinned by a robust scientific and technological base, presents a series of profound and asymmetric challenges to the security of the United States and its allies. The implications extend beyond the traditional military balance, threatening the very foundations of democratic governance and collective defense.
The Threat of “Victory Without Fighting”
The primary strategic danger posed by China’s program is its potential to achieve major geopolitical objectives, such as the forcible annexation of Taiwan, by circumventing a direct military confrontation. The ultimate goal of cognitive warfare is not persuasion, but strategic paralysis. By creating a “competition of truths” 9, flooding information channels, and eroding trust in all institutions, the aim is to make coherent, collective decision-making impossible for an adversary. This could paralyze an adversary’s political and military leadership and collapse its societal will to resist, achieving a state of functional, cognitive disarmament before the first shot is fired.7
Erosion of Alliance Cohesion
AI-driven, micro-targeted cognitive warfare campaigns are potent tools for undermining alliances. These operations can be tailored to exploit pre-existing social, political, and cultural fissures within and between allied nations, amplifying dissent and sowing doubt about the reliability of security commitments.8 By fracturing the internal cohesion of key allies and fostering distrust in institutions like NATO, China could effectively weaken collective defense arrangements and isolate the United States in a crisis.
Destabilization of Democratic Institutions
Cognitive warfare poses a particularly acute threat to open, democratic societies. The principles of free expression and open access to information that are core strengths of democracies also create vulnerabilities that can be exploited by state-sponsored disinformation and manipulation.8 The PLA’s doctrine explicitly targets the process of rationality itself, seeking to destabilize the very bedrock of democratic governance by eroding public trust, exacerbating polarization, and undermining faith in electoral processes and government institutions.8
Degradation of Military Decision-Making
In a direct conflict scenario, cognitive warfare capabilities could be used to degrade U.S. and allied military effectiveness. Attacks could target the cognitive functions of commanders and personnel to induce confusion, slow reaction times, create “mental disarray,” and reduce trust in equipment and intelligence.36 The development of “NeuroStrike” capabilities, even if nascent, introduces the alarming possibility of using directed energy or other means to incapacitate key military and political decision-makers at critical moments, disrupting command and control when it is needed most.13
The New Frontier of Arms Control
The weaponization of neuroscience and AI creates a new and deeply challenging domain for international security norms and arms control. The lines between permissible public diplomacy, covert influence, and an overt cognitive “attack” are dangerously blurred. Attribution for such attacks is technically and politically difficult, which complicates traditional models of deterrence and retaliation. Without established international standards, this domain risks a rapid and destabilizing arms race with few rules of engagement.8
VI. Recommendations for a Proactive National Security Posture
Countering China’s comprehensive strategy for cognitive dominance requires an equally comprehensive and proactive response from the United States and its allies. This response cannot be limited to the military domain but must encompass a whole-of-society effort to build resilience and defend the cognitive security of democratic nations. The U.S. should not—and cannot—mirror China’s authoritarian approach. A successful counter-strategy must be asymmetric, focusing on strengthening the inherent advantages of open societies: critical thinking, institutional trust, and individual cognitive liberty. The goal is to “inoculate” the population and decision-makers against manipulation, rather than engaging in a symmetric race to control minds.
1. Develop a U.S. Cognitive Security Doctrine: The Department of Defense, in coordination with the Intelligence Community and other government agencies, must move beyond ambiguous terms like “information warfare” and develop a formal, structured doctrine for cognitive security. This requires creating a “cognitive-warfare ontology” that maps the domain, defines threats, and establishes clear lines of authority.8 This effort must integrate expertise from not only military and intelligence fields but also from psychology, neuroscience, data science, and ethics to fully grasp the nature of the threat.8
2. Accelerate Defensive Neurotechnology and Cognitive Security R&D: The U.S. must increase investment in research and development aimed at protecting the cognitive functions of its military personnel and decision-makers. This includes expanding the scope and funding for programs like DARPA’s Intrinsic Cognitive Security (ICS), which is developing methods to protect users of mixed-reality systems from cognitive attack.38 Priority should be given to developing neuro-adaptive human-machine interfaces that can monitor cognitive load and augment a warfighter’s cognitive functions under the extreme stress of an intelligentized battlefield.40
3. Establish a “Whole-of-Society” Resilience Strategy: Defending against cognitive warfare is a national security imperative that cannot be shouldered by the military alone. The White House should lead a national effort to:
Promote Cognitive Readiness: Develop national-level programs for “cognitive readiness education and training” through the Department of Education and civil society partners. These programs should focus on improving critical thinking skills and media literacy to help citizens of all ages identify and resist disinformation and manipulation.40
Secure Critical Infrastructure: The Department of Homeland Security must work with public and private sector partners to identify and fortify critical infrastructure against attacks that blend cyber, physical, and cognitive elements.8
Address Algorithmic Amplification: Engage with technology companies and legislators to develop regulations and best practices that mitigate the risk of algorithm-driven social media platforms being exploited to amplify cognitive attacks and societal polarization.8
4. Lead the Development of International Norms: The State Department, in concert with allies, should proactively lead efforts to establish international legal and ethical boundaries for the military application of neurotechnology and cognitive warfare. This includes working through international bodies to define what constitutes a prohibited cognitive attack, developing frameworks for responsible innovation in neuroscience, and creating mechanisms for deterrence and response that do not rely solely on symmetric capabilities.8
5. Enhance Intelligence and Threat Assessment: The Intelligence Community must dedicate increased resources to systematically monitoring, analyzing, and exposing China’s efforts in this domain. This requires a multi-disciplinary approach to track scientific publications in brain science, monitor PLA procurement of dual-use technologies, and map the specific pathways through which the Military-Civil Fusion strategy funnels civilian research into military programs.40 Publicly releasing declassified findings can help build domestic and international awareness of the threat.
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How China’s Cognitive Warfare Works: A Frontline Perspective of Taiwan’s Anti-Disinformation Wars | Journal of Global Security Studies | Oxford Academic, accessed October 4, 2025, https://academic.oup.com/jogss/article/7/4/ogac016/6647447