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The Gray Dragon and the Archipelago: Five Scenarios for an Unconventional Conflict in the South China Sea

The strategic competition between the United States and the People’s Republic of China (PRC) is increasingly centered on the South China Sea, with the U.S.-Philippines alliance emerging as a critical focal point. While the prospect of conventional, high-intensity warfare often dominates strategic planning, the most probable form of conflict will be unconventional, waged across a spectrum of non-military domains. This report posits that an unconventional war between the U.S.-Philippines alliance and China will not be a singular, decisive event but a protracted, integrated campaign of coercion designed to test the alliance’s resilience, political will, and legal foundations. China’s strategy is calibrated to achieve strategic objectives below the threshold of what would traditionally constitute an “armed attack,” thereby complicating the invocation of the 1951 Mutual Defense Treaty (MDT) and placing the onus of escalation on Washington and Manila.

This analysis presents five plausible scenarios for such a conflict, each rooted in a different primary domain: maritime lawfare, cyber warfare, economic coercion, information warfare, and proxy conflict. These scenarios are not mutually exclusive; rather, they represent distinct but interconnected fronts in a single, cohesive strategy of integrated coercion. From a legally ambiguous “quarantine” of a Philippine outpost to a crippling cyberattack on critical infrastructure and an AI-driven disinformation blitz aimed at fracturing the alliance from within, these scenarios illustrate the multifaceted nature of the threat.

Key findings indicate a fundamental asymmetry in strategic philosophy. China pursues a patient, indirect strategy of accumulating advantages over time, akin to the game of Go, aimed at creating a new status quo. The U.S.-Philippines alliance, conversely, is postured to respond to discrete, escalatory events, a more reactive model. China deliberately exploits this doctrinal gap, employing gray-zone tactics to create strategic dilemmas that force the alliance into a perpetual state of reactive uncertainty, caught between the risks of overreaction and the erosion of credibility.

The report concludes with strategic recommendations for the alliance. These include bolstering integrated deterrence through multi-domain exercises, enhancing Philippine national resilience with a focus on cyber defense and societal immunity to disinformation, and, most critically, clarifying alliance commitments to address severe non-kinetic attacks. To prevail in this unconventional arena, the alliance must shift from a posture of event-based response to one of proactive, persistent, and integrated resistance across all domains of national power.

I. The Arena: Doctrines and Capabilities in the South China Sea

Understanding the nature of a potential unconventional conflict requires a foundational assessment of the competing doctrines, capabilities, and strategic philosophies of the primary actors. The South China Sea is not merely a geographic theater; it is an arena where fundamentally different approaches to statecraft and coercion collide. China’s actions are guided by a holistic doctrine of integrated coercion, while the U.S.-Philippines alliance is adapting a more traditional defense posture to confront these 21st-century challenges.

A. China’s Doctrine of Integrated Coercion

Beijing’s strategy is not predicated on winning a conventional military battle but on achieving its objectives—namely, the assertion of sovereignty over the South China Sea and the displacement of U.S. influence—without firing a shot. This is accomplished through a sophisticated, multi-layered approach that blurs the lines between war and peace.

The Gray Zone as the Primary Battlefield

The central feature of China’s strategy is its mastery of the “gray zone,” an operational space where actions are coercive and aggressive but deliberately calibrated to remain below the threshold of conventional armed conflict. This approach is designed to paralyze an adversary’s decision-making cycle. By using paramilitary and civilian assets, such as the China Coast Guard (CCG) and its vast maritime militia, Beijing creates a deliberate ambiguity that complicates a response under international law and the terms of existing defense treaties. Actions like ramming, the use of water cannons, and deploying military-grade lasers against Philippine vessels are designed to intimidate and assert control without constituting a clear “armed attack” that would automatically trigger a U.S. military response under the MDT. This strategy of “salami-slicing” allows China to gradually erode the sovereignty of other claimants and establish a new status quo, one incident at a time.

The “Three Warfares” in Practice

Underpinning China’s gray-zone operations is the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) doctrine of the “Three Warfares”: Public Opinion (Media) Warfare, Psychological Warfare, and Legal Warfare (“Lawfare”). This doctrine provides the intellectual framework for integrating non-kinetic efforts into a cohesive campaign.

  • Legal Warfare (Lawfare) involves using and manipulating domestic and international law to assert the legitimacy of China’s actions. Declaring vast swathes of the South China Sea as subject to Chinese domestic law and then using CCG vessels to “enforce” those laws against foreign vessels is a textbook example. This tactic seeks to reframe acts of coercion as legitimate law enforcement, putting the burden of challenge on other nations.
  • Public Opinion Warfare aims to shape domestic and international narratives to support China’s objectives. This involves a constant stream of state-sponsored media content that portrays China as a peaceful and constructive regional actor, while casting the United States as an external provocateur and the Philippines as an illegitimate claimant.
  • Psychological Warfare seeks to erode an adversary’s will to resist. This is achieved through demonstrations of overwhelming force, such as swarming disputed features with hundreds of militia vessels, or conducting provocative military exercises intended to signal inevitability and intimidate regional states into accommodation.

Key Actors and Their Tools

China employs a diverse set of state and parastatal actors to execute this strategy:

  • China Coast Guard (CCG) & Maritime Militia: These are the frontline forces in the gray zone. The CCG, now under the command of the Central Military Commission, is the world’s largest coast guard and acts as the primary enforcer of China’s maritime claims. It is supported by a state-subsidized maritime militia, comprised of fishing vessels trained and equipped by the military, which provides a deniable force for swarming, blockading, and harassing foreign ships. These forces operate from a well-established playbook of 18 core tactics, including bow-crossing, blocking, ramming, and using sonic and optical weapons.
  • PLA Strategic Support Force (SSF): Established in 2015, the SSF is the nerve center of China’s information-centric warfare. It integrates the PLA’s space, cyber, electronic, and psychological warfare capabilities into a single, unified command. The SSF is responsible for conducting sophisticated cyber operations against foreign military and civilian targets, as well as executing the disinformation campaigns that form the backbone of China’s Public Opinion Warfare.

Asymmetric Philosophy: “Warfare of Non-Matching Facets”

The Chinese approach is deeply rooted in an ancient strategic tradition that emphasizes asymmetry. Often translated as “warfare of non-matching facets,” this philosophy seeks to leverage a weaker party’s strengths against a stronger adversary’s vulnerabilities. Rather than attempting to match the U.S. military ship-for-ship or plane-for-plane, Chinese doctrine, influenced by strategists from Sun Tzu to Mao Zedong, focuses on “overcoming the superior with the inferior”. This explains the heavy investment in asymmetric capabilities like anti-ship ballistic missiles, cyber warfare, and gray-zone tactics. These tools are designed to counter America’s comprehensive power by targeting specific “pockets of excellence” and vulnerabilities, such as its reliance on digital networks and its legalistic, alliance-based approach to conflict.

B. The Alliance’s Evolving Defense Posture

In response to China’s integrated coercion, the U.S.-Philippines alliance is undergoing a significant modernization and recalibration, shifting its focus from decades of internal security operations to the pressing challenge of external territorial defense.

The MDT as Bedrock and Ambiguity

The 1951 Mutual Defense Treaty remains the “ironclad” foundation of the bilateral relationship, obligating both nations to defend each other against an external armed attack. For decades, the precise conditions for the treaty’s invocation remained ambiguous. However, facing escalating Chinese gray-zone aggression, both sides have worked to add clarity. The May 2023 Bilateral Defense Guidelines explicitly state that an armed attack in the Pacific, “including anywhere in the South China Sea,” on either nation’s armed forces, public vessels, or aircraft—including those of their Coast Guards—would invoke mutual defense commitments. This clarification was a crucial act of strategic signaling, intended to deter China from escalating its harassment of Philippine Coast Guard vessels, which are often on the front lines of encounters with the CCG.

Operationalizing the Alliance: EDCA and Joint Exercises

The alliance is being operationalized through tangible agreements and activities. The 2014 Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement (EDCA) grants U.S. forces rotational access to nine strategic locations within the Philippines. These sites are critical for prepositioning equipment for humanitarian assistance and disaster relief, and they also serve as vital forward staging points for U.S. forces, enhancing joint operational readiness and responsiveness in a crisis. This presence is complemented by increasingly complex and large-scale joint military exercises. Annual drills like Balikatan and KAMANDAG now involve thousands of U.S. and Philippine personnel, often joined by partners like Japan and Australia, training in amphibious operations, maritime security, and counterterrorism. These exercises are not merely for training; they are a powerful form of strategic messaging, demonstrating the alliance’s growing interoperability and collective resolve.

The AFP’s Strategic Pivot: From Internal to External Defense

For the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP), the current era represents the most significant strategic shift in its modern history. After decades of being primarily focused on internal counter-insurgency campaigns, the AFP is now reorienting toward external and territorial defense. This pivot is backed by the ambitious “Re-Horizon 3” modernization program, a decade-long, $35 billion initiative to acquire a credible deterrent capability. Key acquisitions include multi-role fighter jets like the FA-50, modern missile-capable frigates, offshore patrol vessels, and land-based anti-ship missile systems like the BrahMos. This effort aims to remedy decades of neglect and build a force capable of defending Philippine sovereignty in the maritime and air domains, moving beyond a reliance on decommissioned U.S. vessels for patrols.

U.S. Unconventional Warfare (UW) Doctrine

The U.S. military’s role in an unconventional conflict would be guided by its doctrine of Unconventional Warfare (UW). This doctrine is not about direct U.S. combat but focuses on enabling a partner force to “coerce, disrupt or overthrow an occupying power or government”. In the context of a conflict with China, U.S. Special Operations Forces (SOF) would apply this doctrine by advising, assisting, training, and equipping their AFP counterparts to counter Chinese gray-zone tactics, resist cyber intrusions, and combat disinformation. The U.S. role would be that of a force multiplier, supplementing and substituting for conventional forces in politically sensitive or denied areas, and working “through, with, and by” the AFP to build its capacity to resist Chinese coercion independently.

This doctrinal landscape reveals a fundamental mismatch. China’s strategy is holistic, patient, and indirect, seeking to win by accumulating small, non-military advantages over time to change the strategic environment—a philosophy comparable to the board game Go. The alliance, with its focus on the MDT, EDCA sites, and conventional modernization, is structured to deter and respond to discrete, escalatory events—a more direct, force-on-force approach reminiscent of Chess. China’s entire gray-zone playbook is designed to operate within this doctrinal gap, to probe and coerce in ways that fall just short of the “armed attack” that would trigger the alliance’s primary response mechanism. This creates a dangerous “MDT Trap”: if the U.S. responds to a non-military provocation (like a CCG water cannon) with a military asset (a U.S. Navy destroyer), it risks falling into China’s narrative of U.S. militarization and escalating the conflict on Beijing’s terms. If it fails to respond, it risks undermining the credibility of its “ironclad” security guarantee. The central challenge for the alliance is to adapt its event-response model to counter China’s process-oriented strategy of coercion.

II. Five Scenarios of Unconventional War

The following scenarios illustrate how an unconventional conflict between the U.S.-Philippines alliance and China could unfold. These narratives are designed to be plausible, grounded in current doctrines and capabilities, and representative of the multi-domain nature of modern coercion. They explore how conflict could be initiated and contested across the maritime, cyber, economic, information, and proxy domains.

Table 1: Scenario Summary Matrix

Scenario TitlePrimary Domain of ConflictTrigger EventKey Chinese ActorsKey Alliance RespondersPrimary Escalation Risk
1. The Quarantine of Second Thomas ShoalMaritime / LegalAFP completes major reinforcement of the BRP Sierra Madre, signaling permanence.China Coast Guard (CCG), Maritime Militia, Ministry of Foreign AffairsPhilippine Coast Guard (PCG), AFP, U.S. INDOPACOM, Dept. of State, Allied Navies (Japan, Australia)Miscalculation during enforcement leads to a kinetic clash between coast guard vessels.
2. The Cyber Pearl HarborCyberHeightened regional tension (e.g., major U.S. arms sale to Taiwan, start of Balikatan exercises).PLA Strategic Support Force (SSF), Ministry of State Security (MSS), APT groups (e.g., Volt Typhoon)DICT/CICC, AFP Cyber Group, U.S. Cyber Command, CISA, NSACascading failure of critical infrastructure leading to civil unrest; debate over MDT invocation.
3. The Economic Strangulation GambitEconomicPhilippines wins a new international tribunal ruling against China (e.g., on fishing rights).Ministry of Commerce, General Administration of Customs, CCG, Maritime MilitiaDept. of Trade and Industry, Dept. of Agriculture, Dept. of Foreign Affairs, U.S. Trade Representative, USAIDSevere economic pain creates domestic political instability in the Philippines, pressuring a policy change.
4. The Disinformation BlitzInformation / CognitiveLead-up to a Philippine national election with a pro-alliance candidate favored to win.PLA SSF, MSS, United Front Work Dept., State-controlled media, “Spamouflage” networksDICT/CICC, Presidential Comms Office, U.S. State Dept. (GEC), U.S. Intelligence CommunityErosion of public trust in democratic institutions and the U.S. alliance, regardless of the election outcome.
5. The Proxy IgnitionAsymmetric / ProxyA new EDCA site in a strategic northern province becomes fully operational.Ministry of State Security (MSS), PLA intelligence assetsArmed Forces of the Philippines (AFP), Philippine National Police (PNP), U.S. Special Operations ForcesAFP resources are diverted from external to internal defense, achieving a key Chinese objective without direct confrontation.

Scenario 1: The Quarantine of Second Thomas Shoal

Trigger: After months of escalating harassment during resupply missions, the Philippines, with covert U.S. Navy Seabee technical assistance and materials delivered in small, successive batches, successfully completes a major reinforcement of the BRP Sierra Madre. The operation reinforces the ship’s hull and living quarters, signaling to Beijing that Manila intends to maintain a permanent physical outpost on the shoal indefinitely.

China’s Move (Lawfare & Maritime Coercion): In response to what it calls an “illegal and provocative” alteration of the status quo, Beijing initiates a novel coercive measure. It avoids a military blockade, which is an unambiguous act of war under international law. Instead, it announces the establishment of a “temporary maritime traffic control and customs supervision zone” around Second Thomas Shoal, citing its domestic laws on maritime safety and customs enforcement. This is a carefully constructed “quarantine,” a law enforcement-led operation designed to control traffic rather than seal off the area completely, thereby creating legal and operational ambiguity.

Within hours, a flotilla of over a dozen CCG cutters and three dozen maritime militia vessels establish a persistent presence, forming a tight cordon around the shoal. They do not fire upon approaching vessels. Instead, they use their physical mass to block access, hailing all ships—including Philippine Coast Guard (PCG) patrols—on marine radio channels, informing them they have entered a “Chinese law enforcement zone” and must submit to “on-site safety and customs inspections” before proceeding. Any Philippine vessel that refuses to comply is subjected to escalating non-lethal harassment: aggressive bow-crossing, shadowing, and sustained high-pressure water cannon attacks.

Alliance Counter-Move (Diplomacy & Assertive Presence): The alliance, anticipating this move, refrains from sending a U.S. Navy warship to directly breach the quarantine line, thereby avoiding the “MDT Trap” of a military-on-civilian confrontation. Instead, the response is multi-layered and multilateral. The Philippines immediately launches a campaign of “assertive transparency,” embedding journalists from international news agencies onto its PCG vessels and live-streaming the CCG’s coercive actions to a global audience.

Diplomatically, the U.S. and the Philippines convene an emergency session of the UN Security Council and issue a joint statement with G7 partners condemning China’s actions as a violation of UNCLOS and a threat to freedom of navigation. Operationally, the U.S. organizes a multinational “maritime security patrol” consisting of a Philippine Coast Guard cutter, an Australian frigate, and a Japanese destroyer. The U.S. contribution is a Coast Guard cutter, emphasizing the law enforcement nature of the mission, while a U.S. Navy Arleigh Burke-class destroyer provides over-the-horizon intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance (ISR) support but remains outside the immediate area. This multinational flotilla escorts a Philippine supply ship toward the shoal, publicly declaring its mission is to ensure the “safe passage of humanitarian supplies consistent with international law.”

Strategic Implications: This scenario transforms the standoff from a simple maritime dispute into a high-stakes test of political will and legal narratives. China’s objective is to demonstrate it can control access to disputed features at will, using civilian means that make a military response from the U.S. appear disproportionate and aggressive. The alliance’s counter-move aims to internationalize the crisis, framing it as a defense of the global maritime order rather than a bilateral U.S.-China confrontation. The outcome hinges on the critical moment when the multinational escort flotilla approaches the Chinese quarantine line. If the CCG backs down, its lawfare gambit fails. If it uses force against the ships of multiple nations, it risks a significant diplomatic and potentially military escalation that it may not be prepared for.

Scenario 2: The Cyber Pearl Harbor

Trigger: Tensions in the region are at a peak following the announcement of a landmark U.S. arms sale to Taiwan. In the South China Sea, the annual U.S.-Philippines Balikatan exercises are underway, featuring live-fire drills and simulated retaking of islands, which Beijing publicly denounces as a “provocation.”

China’s Move (Cyber Warfare): The PLA’s Strategic Support Force, operating through a known advanced persistent threat (APT) group like Volt Typhoon, activates malware that has been covertly pre-positioned for months, or even years, within Philippine critical infrastructure networks. The attack is not a single event but a coordinated, cascading series of disruptions designed to induce panic and paralyze the country’s ability to respond to an external crisis.

The multi-vectored assault unfolds over 48 hours:

  • Maritime Logistics: The terminal operating systems at the Port of Manila and the strategic port of Subic Bay are targeted. Malware disrupts the software that manages container movements, causing cranes to freeze and creating massive backlogs that halt both commercial shipping and the logistical support for the ongoing Balikatan exercises.
  • Financial System: Several of the Philippines’ largest banks are hit with what appears to be a massive ransomware attack. Online banking portals go down, and ATMs cease to function. The attackers, using criminal fronts to maintain deniability, demand exorbitant ransoms, but their true goal is to shatter public confidence in the financial system and create widespread economic anxiety.
  • Military Command and Control (C2): Simultaneously, a massive distributed denial-of-service (DDoS) attack is launched against the AFP’s primary command-and-control networks and the Department of National Defense. Communications between military headquarters in Manila and naval and air units participating in the exercises become severely degraded, hampering operational coordination. The attack exploits known vulnerabilities in the Philippines’ underdeveloped and fragmented cybersecurity infrastructure.

Alliance Counter-Move (Cyber Defense & Attribution): The Philippine government activates its National Cybersecurity Plan 2023-2028 and its National Computer Emergency Response Team (NCERT). However, the scale and sophistication of the coordinated attack quickly overwhelm the nascent capabilities of these institutions.

Manila formally requests emergency cybersecurity assistance from the United States under the 2023 Bilateral Defense Guidelines, which specifically mandate cooperation to “secure critical infrastructure and build protection against attacks emanating from state and non-state actors”. In response, U.S. Cyber Command, in coordination with the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency (CISA), deploys “hunt forward” teams. These elite cyber defense experts work alongside their Philippine counterparts inside compromised networks to identify the malware, eject the intruders, and restore services.

Crucially, the U.S. intelligence community rapidly analyzes the malware’s code, tactics, and infrastructure, attributing the attack with high confidence to the Chinese state. The White House, in a coordinated action with the Philippines and other “Five Eyes” partners, publicly exposes China’s role, releasing detailed technical indicators of compromise and imposing a new round of economic and diplomatic sanctions against entities linked to the PLA’s SSF.

Strategic Implications: The “Cyber Pearl Harbor” exposes the extreme vulnerability of a key U.S. ally to modern, multi-domain warfare. It demonstrates that an adversary can inflict strategic-level damage and chaos comparable to a military strike without firing a single missile. The attack forces a critical and difficult debate within the alliance: does a state-sponsored cyberattack that cripples a nation’s economy and critical infrastructure constitute an “armed attack” under the MDT? The U.S. response—providing defensive assistance and leading a campaign of public attribution and sanctions—tests whether non-military countermeasures can effectively deter future cyber aggression.

Scenario 3: The Economic Strangulation Gambit

Trigger: The Philippines, building on its 2016 legal victory, wins another significant ruling at the Permanent Court of Arbitration. The new ruling holds China financially liable for causing massive environmental damage through its island-building activities and for systematically violating the traditional fishing rights of Filipinos around Scarborough Shoal. Manila announces its intention to enforce the ruling through all available diplomatic and legal channels.

China’s Move (Economic & Gray-Zone Coercion): Beijing, which rejects the tribunal’s authority, retaliates with a campaign of calibrated economic coercion designed to inflict maximum pain on key sectors of the Philippine economy and foment domestic opposition to the government’s foreign policy. The Ministry of Commerce announces an immediate and indefinite ban on all imports of Philippine bananas, mangoes, and other agricultural products, citing fabricated “phytosanitary concerns” and a sudden outbreak of “pests”. This move targets a politically sensitive industry and a major source of export revenue.

Simultaneously, the CCG and maritime militia escalate their gray-zone operations across the South China Sea. They shift from harassment to interdiction, systematically detaining Filipino fishing vessels in disputed waters. Boats are impounded, catches are confiscated, and crews are held for weeks at Chinese-controlled outposts in the Spratly Islands before being released. This campaign effectively paralyzes the Philippine fishing industry in the region, threatening the livelihoods of tens of thousands.

This economic pressure is amplified by a coordinated information campaign. Chinese state-controlled media and affiliated social media accounts run stories highlighting the plight of struggling Filipino farmers and fishermen, blaming their suffering directly on the Marcos administration’s “provocative” and “pro-American” policies. The narrative suggests that prosperity can only return if Manila abandons its legal challenges and adopts a more “cooperative” stance with Beijing.

Alliance Counter-Move (Economic Resilience & Diplomatic Pressure): The Philippine government immediately seeks emergency economic support. The Department of Trade and Industry works with diplomats from the U.S., Japan, South Korea, and the European Union to secure temporary alternative markets for its agricultural exports. The government also rolls out a program of direct subsidies to the thousands of farmers and fishermen affected by the Chinese actions, using emergency funds supported by U.S. development aid.

The United States leads a diplomatic counter-offensive. The U.S. Trade Representative, in concert with the G7, formally condemns China’s actions at the World Trade Organization as a blatant act of economic coercion and a violation of international trade norms. Washington provides the Philippines with a substantial economic support package, including grants and loan guarantees, explicitly designed to bolster its economic resilience against foreign pressure. To counter the maritime pressure, the U.S. Navy and Coast Guard significantly increase ISR patrols throughout the South China Sea. They use drones and patrol aircraft to meticulously document every instance of a Filipino fishing vessel being illegally detained, sharing the imagery and tracking data with international media to expose and publicize China’s actions, providing a steady stream of evidence for future legal challenges.

Strategic Implications: This scenario shifts the primary battlefield from the sea to the economy, testing the domestic political resilience of the Philippines. China’s objective is to create a pincer movement of economic pain and information pressure to generate a powerful domestic lobby within the Philippines that advocates for accommodation with Beijing. The goal is to demonstrate to the Philippines—and all other regional states—that closer alignment with the United States comes at an unacceptably high economic price. The success of the alliance’s response depends entirely on its speed and effectiveness in mitigating the economic damage and sustaining Manila’s political will to resist the coercion.

Scenario 4: The Disinformation Blitz and Leadership Crisis

Trigger: The Philippines is in the final, heated weeks of a presidential election campaign. The leading candidate is a staunch advocate for the U.S. alliance and has pledged to accelerate the AFP’s modernization and expand U.S. access to EDCA sites. Polling indicates a likely victory, which would solidify the pro-U.S. strategic alignment for another six years.

China’s Move (Information Warfare & Cognitive Manipulation): Beijing launches its most sophisticated and daring information operation to date, aiming to directly interfere in the democratic process and fracture the alliance from within. The operation is a multi-pronged “disinformation blitz” that leverages cutting-edge technology and a deep understanding of Philippine societal fissures.

The centerpiece is a series of hyper-realistic deepfake audio and video clips, generated using advanced AI. The first is an audio clip, “leaked” online, that appears to be a wiretapped phone call in which the pro-alliance candidate is heard promising a lucrative construction contract for a new EDCA facility to a family member. A week later, a deepfake video is released showing a high-ranking U.S. military official meeting with the candidate’s brother at a hotel bar, seemingly exchanging documents. The content is meticulously crafted to exploit long-standing Filipino sensitivities regarding corruption and national sovereignty vis-à-vis the U.S. military presence.

These deepfakes are not simply posted online; they are strategically disseminated. The initial release is on obscure forums to avoid immediate detection, then laundered through a vast network of thousands of automated and human-managed fake social media accounts—part of the “Spamouflage” network—that have been dormant for months. These accounts amplify the content, which is then picked up and promoted by pro-Beijing political influencers and alternative news websites in the Philippines. The narrative quickly spreads: the leading candidate is corrupt, selling out Philippine sovereignty to the Americans for personal gain.

Alliance Counter-Move (Rapid Debunking & Pre-bunking): The alliance, having war-gamed this exact scenario, executes a pre-planned counter-disinformation strategy. The Philippine Department of Information and Communications Technology (DICT) and its Cybercrime Investigation and Coordinating Center (CICC) immediately activate their rapid-response channel with Google, Meta, and X (formerly Twitter), flagging the deepfake content for immediate takedown based on violations of platform policies against manipulated media.

Simultaneously, the U.S. government provides critical support. The National Security Agency and FBI’s forensic analysis units work around the clock to analyze the digital artifacts of the video and audio files, producing a technical report within 24 hours that proves they are AI-generated fakes. This unclassified report is shared with the Philippine government and released to major international news organizations.

Both governments launch a joint public information campaign. The Philippine government holds a high-profile press conference, with the U.S. ambassador present, to present the forensic evidence and denounce the operation as foreign election interference. This is supported by a “pre-bunking” campaign, using social media and public service announcements to educate the public on how to spot deepfakes and reminding them of China’s documented history of using such tactics against Taiwan and other democracies.

Strategic Implications: This scenario represents a direct assault on the cognitive domain and the integrity of a democratic process. It is a test of a society’s resilience to sophisticated information manipulation. The primary challenge is the “liar’s dividend”—even after the content is definitively debunked, a significant portion of the population may continue to believe the fake narrative or become so cynical that they distrust all information. China’s goal is not necessarily to swing the election, but to sow chaos, erode public trust in democratic institutions, and poison the perception of the U.S. alliance for years to come, regardless of who wins. The success of the counter-operation is measured not just in how quickly the fakes are removed, but in how effectively the public can be inoculated against the lingering effects of the disinformation.

Scenario 5: The Proxy Ignition

Trigger: A new EDCA site in Cagayan, a province in the northern Philippines, becomes fully operational. Its strategic location, just 400 kilometers from Taiwan, allows the U.S. to position long-range precision missile batteries and an advanced air and missile defense radar system, giving the alliance a commanding view of the critical Bashi Channel, the waterway between the Philippines and Taiwan. Beijing views this as a direct threat and a key node in a U.S. strategy to intervene in a future Taiwan contingency.

China’s Move (Covert & Asymmetric Warfare): Recognizing that its past support for communist insurgencies in the Philippines is a defunct and counterproductive strategy from a bygone era , China adopts a modern, deniable proxy approach. Agents from the Ministry of State Security (MSS) make covert contact not with ideological rebels, but with a local, non-ideological grievance group—a radical environmental movement protesting the destruction of ancestral lands for the base construction, combined with a local political clan that lost influence due to the base’s establishment.

The support provided is carefully non-attributable. The MSS does not provide weapons or direct training. Instead, it supplies the group with advanced encrypted communication devices, funding laundered through a series of offshore shell corporations and charitable foundations, and critical intelligence, such as AFP patrol schedules and schematics of the local power grid, obtained via cyber espionage.

Empowered by this support, the proxy group launches an escalating campaign of sabotage and disruption. It begins with large-scale protests that block access roads to the EDCA site. This escalates to the sabotage of key infrastructure—blowing up a crucial bridge, toppling power transmission towers that supply the base, and contaminating a local water source used by AFP personnel. The campaign is designed to create a severe and persistent internal security crisis, making the EDCA site a logistical and political nightmare for both Manila and Washington.

Alliance Counter-Move (Partner-led Counter-Insurgency): The alliance response is deliberately calibrated to avoid validating the proxy group’s anti-American narrative. The AFP, leveraging its decades of hard-won counter-insurgency experience, takes the public lead in all security operations. The focus is on classic counter-insurgency tactics: winning the support of the local population to isolate the radical elements, conducting patient intelligence-gathering to uncover the network of external support, and using police action rather than overt military force where possible.

The U.S. role is strictly in the background, guided by its UW doctrine of enabling a partner force. Small, specialized U.S. Special Operations Forces teams are co-located with their AFP counterparts far from the crisis zone. They provide crucial, non-combat support: advanced training in intelligence analysis, signals intelligence (SIGINT) capabilities to help trace the encrypted communications back to their source, and ISR support from unmanned aerial vehicles to monitor the remote, mountainous terrain used by the saboteurs. No U.S. soldier engages in direct action.

Strategic Implications: This scenario achieves a key Chinese strategic objective without a single PLA soldier crossing a border. It forces the AFP to divert significant resources, attention, and political capital away from its primary mission of external territorial defense and back toward internal security, effectively bogging down a key U.S. ally. It creates a major political headache for the Marcos administration and tests the maturity of the alliance, requiring the United States to demonstrate strategic patience, trust its partner to lead the direct fight, and resist the temptation to intervene overtly. The ultimate goal for China is to make the strategic cost of hosting U.S. forces so high that future Philippine governments will reconsider the value of the alliance.

III. Cross-Domain Escalation and Alliance Red Lines

The five scenarios demonstrate that an unconventional conflict will not be confined to a single domain. China’s doctrine of integrated coercion ensures that actions in one sphere are designed to create effects in others. A successful cyberattack (Scenario 2) could degrade the AFP’s command and control, emboldening the CCG to be more aggressive at sea (Scenario 1). A U.S. diplomatic response to economic coercion (Scenario 3) could be met with a targeted disinformation campaign (Scenario 4) to undermine the U.S. position. This interconnectedness creates complex escalation pathways and forces the alliance to confront the fundamental, and dangerously ambiguous, question of what constitutes an “armed attack” in the 21st century.

A. The Escalation Ladder: From Gray Zone to Open Conflict

The primary risk in this environment is unintended escalation born from miscalculation. Each move and counter-move carries the potential to climb the escalation ladder. A confrontation between a PCG cutter and a CCG vessel over a “quarantine” could result in a collision and loss of life, pushing both sides toward a kinetic response. A RAND Corporation analysis on the nature of a potential U.S.-China conflict highlights that such wars could become protracted, with the opening unconventional phase setting the conditions for a much longer and more costly struggle than traditional force planning envisions.

The normalization of high-intensity military signaling, such as large-scale exercises and freedom of navigation operations, also contributes to escalation risk. While intended to deter, these actions can inflate both sides’ tolerance for risk over time, requiring ever-stronger signals to achieve the same effect and narrowing the space for de-escalation once a crisis begins. China’s strategy is to control this ladder, using non-military actions to force a military response from the alliance, thereby framing the U.S. as the escalator.

B. Defining an “Armed Attack” in the 21st Century

The central challenge for the U.S.-Philippines alliance is that the MDT was written for a different era of warfare. China’s unconventional tactics are deliberately designed to exploit the treaty’s 20th-century definition of an “armed attack.” The scenarios presented raise critical questions that the alliance must answer to maintain credible deterrence:

  • Maritime Coercion: Does a CCG-enforced “quarantine” that denies the Philippines access to its own territory and causes severe economic harm, but results in no casualties, meet the threshold for an armed attack? The 2023 Bilateral Defense Guidelines’ inclusion of the Coast Guard was a significant step, but the line between harassment and an “armed attack” remains dangerously blurry.
  • Cyber Warfare: Can a massive, state-sponsored cyber operation that cripples a nation’s financial system, disrupts its power grid, and paralyzes its transportation networks be considered an armed attack? Such an event could cause more damage, death, and chaos than a limited kinetic strike. The alliance guidelines call for cooperation on cyber defense, but do not specify where the red line for a collective defense response lies.
  • Information Warfare: At what point does a foreign-directed disinformation campaign that incites widespread civil unrest, paralyzes government function, and fundamentally subverts a democratic election constitute an attack on the sovereignty and political independence of the state?

Without clear, privately agreed-upon, and publicly signaled red lines for these non-kinetic actions, the deterrent power of the MDT is weakened. China is incentivized to continue pushing the boundaries, confident that its actions will not trigger a decisive response.

C. The Role of Third Parties and Off-Ramps

De-escalation in any of these scenarios will depend heavily on the actions of third parties. China’s diplomatic strategy consistently seeks to frame disputes as bilateral issues to be resolved between it and the other claimant, resisting external “interference”. This approach allows Beijing to leverage its immense comprehensive power against a smaller neighbor.

Conversely, the U.S. and Philippine strategy is to multilateralize the conflict, framing China’s actions as a threat to the entire rules-based international order. The active participation of allies like Japan, Australia, and partners in the EU and ASEAN is critical. By forming multinational maritime patrols, issuing joint diplomatic condemnations, and providing coordinated economic support, the alliance can amplify the costs of Chinese aggression and build a broader coalition to defend international law. The success of any de-escalation effort will hinge on which side more effectively shapes the international environment and isolates its adversary diplomatically.

IV. Strategic Recommendations for a Resilient Alliance

The challenges posed by China’s unconventional warfare strategy require the U.S.-Philippines alliance to move beyond traditional defense planning. Deterrence and defense in the 21st century demand a resilient, integrated, and proactive posture that spans all domains of statecraft. The following recommendations are designed to address the specific vulnerabilities identified in the preceding scenarios.

A. Bolstering Integrated Deterrence

The alliance’s current approach, while strengthening, often addresses threats in domain-specific silos. To counter a strategy of integrated coercion, the alliance must adopt a posture of integrated deterrence.

  • Recommendation 1: Conduct Integrated Alliance Exercises. The alliance should move beyond conventional, domain-specific exercises. It must design and regularly conduct complex, integrated exercises that simulate a multi-domain crisis. A future Balikatan or KAMANDAG should feature a scenario that combines a maritime standoff (Scenario 1) with a simultaneous cyberattack on critical infrastructure (Scenario 2) and a coordinated disinformation campaign (Scenario 4). This would force a whole-of-government response, training personnel from the AFP, PCG, DICT, Department of Foreign Affairs, and their U.S. counterparts to work together under pressure.
  • Recommendation 2: Establish a Joint Alliance Fusion Center. To break down intelligence and operational stovepipes, the U.S. and the Philippines should establish a joint “Alliance Fusion Center for Gray-Zone Threats.” This center would co-locate personnel from the AFP, PCG, DICT, U.S. INDOPACOM, NSA, and CISA to share and analyze real-time intelligence on maritime movements, cyber intrusions, and information operations. This would enable a common operating picture and facilitate a rapid, coordinated response to ambiguous threats before they escalate into a full-blown crisis.

B. Enhancing Philippine National Resilience

The primary target of China’s unconventional strategy is often not the AFP, but the stability and resilience of the Philippine state itself. Therefore, strengthening Philippine national resilience is a core component of collective defense.

  • Recommendation 1: Prioritize Cyber and C4ISR Modernization. While conventional platforms like jets and frigates are important, the scenarios reveal that the Philippines’ most immediate vulnerabilities lie in the cyber and command, control, communications, computers, intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance (C4ISR) domains. The U.S. should prioritize Foreign Military Financing, Foreign Military Sales, and technical assistance toward hardening the Philippines’ critical infrastructure, securing military and government networks, and building a robust national cyber defense capability. This is the most likely “first front” in any future conflict.
  • Recommendation 2: Co-Invest in Societal Resilience to Disinformation. The alliance should jointly fund and support a nationwide media literacy and critical thinking program in the Philippines. Modeled on successful initiatives in states that have long faced information warfare, such as Taiwan and the Baltic nations, this program should be integrated into the national education curriculum and public information campaigns. Building societal “cognitive immunity” is the most effective long-term defense against information warfare and is essential for preserving democratic integrity and the political viability of the alliance itself.

C. Clarifying Alliance Commitments for the Gray Zone

Ambiguity is the currency of gray-zone warfare. To re-establish deterrence, the alliance must reduce the ambiguity surrounding its most solemn commitment.

  • Recommendation 1: Issue a Joint Supplementary Statement to the MDT. The 2023 Bilateral Defense Guidelines were a positive step, but further clarity is needed. The U.S. and the Philippines should negotiate and issue a formal joint supplementary statement to the Mutual Defense Treaty. This statement should not alter the treaty’s text but should explicitly clarify the alliance’s shared understanding that certain severe, non-kinetic actions could be considered tantamount to an armed attack. This could include, for example, a state-sponsored cyberattack that results in the sustained disruption of critical infrastructure leading to widespread societal harm. Such a declaration would reduce China’s perceived freedom of action in the gray zone and strengthen the deterrent power of the alliance for the unconventional challenges of the 21st century.

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The New Battlespace: Gray Zone Conflict in an Era of Great Power Competition

The primary arena for great power competition has shifted from conventional military confrontation to a persistent, multi-domain struggle in the “gray zone” between peace and war. This report provides a comprehensive analysis of the alternative forms of conflict employed by the United States, the Russian Federation, and the People’s Republic of China. It moves beyond theoretical frameworks to assess the practical application and effectiveness of economic warfare, cyber operations, information warfare, proxy conflicts, and legal warfare (“lawfare”). The analysis reveals distinct strategic approaches: the United States acts primarily as a defender of the existing international order, using its systemic advantages for targeted coercion; Russia operates as a strategic disrupter, employing asymmetric tools to generate chaos and undermine Western cohesion; and China functions as a systemic revisionist, patiently executing a long-term strategy to displace U.S. influence and reshape global norms in its favor.

The key finding of this report is that while these gray zone methods have proven effective at achieving discrete objectives and managing escalation, their long-term strategic success is mixed. Critically, they often produce significant unintended consequences that are actively reshaping the global security and economic order. The use of broad economic sanctions and tariffs, for example, has accelerated the formation of an alternative, non-Western economic bloc and spurred efforts to de-dollarize international trade. Similarly, persistent cyber and information attacks, while achieving tactical surprise and disruption, have hardened defenses and eroded the trust necessary for international cooperation. The gray zone is not a temporary state of affairs but the new, permanent battlespace where the future of the international order will be decided. Navigating this environment requires a fundamental shift in strategy from crisis response to one of perpetual, integrated competition across all instruments of national power.

Section I: The Strategic Environment: Redefining Conflict in the 21st Century

From Open War to Pervasive Competition

The 21st-century strategic landscape is defined by a distinct shift away from the paradigm of declared, conventional warfare between major powers. The overwhelming military and technological superiority of the United States and its alliance network has created a powerful disincentive for peer competitors to engage in direct armed conflict.1 Consequently, rivals such as Russia and China have adapted by developing and refining a sophisticated toolkit of alternative conflict methods. These strategies are designed to challenge the U.S.-led international order, erode its influence, and achieve significant strategic gains without crossing the unambiguous threshold of armed aggression that would trigger a conventional military response from the United States and its allies.1 This evolution does not signify an era of peace, but rather a transformation in the character of conflict to a state of persistent, pervasive competition waged across every domain of state power, from the economic and digital to the informational and legal.

Anatomy of the Gray Zone

This new era of competition is primarily conducted within a strategically ambiguous space known as the “gray zone.” The United States Special Operations Command defines this arena as “competitive interactions among and within state and non-state actors that fall between the traditional war and peace duality”.3 The central characteristic of gray zone operations is the deliberate calibration of actions to remain below the threshold of what could be legally and politically defined as a use of force warranting a conventional military response under international law (jus ad bellum).2

Ambiguity and plausible deniability are the currency of the gray zone. Actions are designed to be difficult to attribute and interpret, thereby creating confusion and sowing hesitation within an adversary’s decision-making cycle.4 This calculated ambiguity is particularly effective against democratic nations. The legal and bureaucratic structures of democracies are often optimized for a clear distinction between peace and war, making them slow to recognize and counter threats that defy this binary.3 This can lead to policy paralysis or responses that are either disproportionately escalatory or strategically insignificant, a vulnerability that actors like Russia and China consistently exploit.3 The toolkit for gray zone operations is extensive, including but not limited to information operations, political coercion, economic pressure, cyberattacks, support for proxies, and provocations by state-controlled forces.1 While many of these tactics are as old as statecraft itself, their integrated and synergistic application, amplified by modern information and communication technologies, represents a distinct evolution in the nature of conflict.1

The Hybrid Warfare Playbook

If the gray zone is the strategic arena, “hybrid warfare” is the tactical playbook used to compete within it. While not a formally defined term in international law, it is widely understood to describe the synchronized use of multiple instruments of power—military and non-military, conventional and unconventional, overt and covert—to destabilize an adversary and achieve strategic objectives.2 The objective is to create synergistic effects where the whole of the campaign is greater than the sum of its parts.2

The Russian strategic approach, often associated with Chief of the General Staff Valery Gerasimov, explicitly elevates the role of non-military means, viewing them as often more effective than armed force in achieving political and strategic goals.5 This doctrine was vividly demonstrated in the lead-up to the full-scale invasion of Ukraine, where Russia combined a massive military buildup with a sophisticated disinformation campaign, cyberattacks, economic pressure on European energy markets, and nuclear blackmail to shape the strategic environment.2

It is essential to distinguish between these two concepts: the gray zone describes the operational space where competition occurs, while hybrid warfare describes the methods employed within that space.2 Most hybrid tactics are deliberately applied in the gray zone precisely to exploit its ambiguity and avoid triggering a formal state of armed conflict as defined by international humanitarian law.3 This strategic choice is not an accident but a calculated effort to wage conflict in a manner that neutralizes the primary strengths of a conventionally superior adversary. The gray zone is, therefore, an asymmetric battlespace, deliberately crafted to turn the foundational pillars of the liberal international order—its commitment to the rule of law, open economies, and freedom of information—into exploitable vulnerabilities.

Section II: The Economic Arsenal: Geopolitics by Other Means

The US-China Tariff War: A Case Study in Economic Coercion

The economic competition between the United States and China escalated into open economic conflict in 2018, providing a clear case study in the use, effectiveness, and limitations of tariffs as a tool of modern statecraft.

Goals vs. Reality

The Trump administration initiated the trade war with a set of clearly articulated objectives: to force fundamental changes to what it termed China’s “longstanding unfair trade practices,” to halt the systemic theft of U.S. intellectual property, and to significantly reduce the large bilateral trade deficit.8 Beginning in January 2018 with tariffs on solar panels and washing machines, the conflict rapidly escalated. The U.S. imposed successive rounds of tariffs, eventually covering hundreds of billions of dollars of Chinese goods, citing Section 301 of the Trade Act of 1974 as its legal justification.8 China responded with immediate and symmetrical retaliation, targeting key U.S. exports with high political sensitivity, such as soybeans, pork, and automobiles, directly impacting the agricultural and manufacturing heartlands of the United States.8 This tit-for-tat escalation continued through 2019, culminating in a tense “Phase One” agreement in January 2020 that sought to de-escalate the conflict.8

Effectiveness Assessment: A Blunt Instrument

Despite the scale of the tariffs, the trade war largely failed to achieve its primary stated goals. The purchase commitments made by China in the Phase One deal were never fulfilled, with Beijing ultimately buying none of the additional $200 billion in U.S. exports it had pledged.8 Rigorous economic analysis has demonstrated that the economic burden of the tariffs was borne almost entirely by U.S. firms and consumers, not by Chinese exporters.11 This resulted in higher prices for a wide range of goods and was estimated to have reduced U.S. real income by $1.4 billion per month by the end of 2018.12

Furthermore, the pervasive policy uncertainty generated by the conflict had a chilling effect on global business investment and economic growth.13 Companies, unable to predict the future of the world’s most important trade relationship, delayed capital expenditures, disrupting global supply chains and slowing economic activity far beyond the borders of the two belligerents.13 The trade war thus serves as a powerful example of how broad-based tariffs function as a blunt and costly instrument, inflicting significant self-harm while yielding limited strategic gains.

Unintended Consequences

The most profound and lasting impacts of the trade war were not its intended effects but its unintended consequences. Rather than forcing a rebalancing of the U.S.-China economic relationship, the conflict accelerated a process of strategic decoupling. It compelled multinational corporations to begin the costly and complex process of diversifying their supply chains away from China, a trend that benefited manufacturing hubs in other parts of Asia, particularly Vietnam.15

Perhaps more significantly, the trade war reinforced Beijing’s conviction that it could not rely on an open, rules-based global economic system dominated by the United States. In response, China has intensified its national drive for technological self-sufficiency in critical sectors like semiconductors, a move that could, in the long term, diminish U.S. technological and economic leverage.16 By sidelining the World Trade Organization (WTO) in favor of unilateral action, the United States also weakened the very multilateral institutions it had built, encouraging a global shift toward protectionism and regional trade blocs.14

The Sanctions Regime Against Russia: Testing Economic Containment

The Western response to Russia’s 2022 full-scale invasion of Ukraine represents the most comprehensive and coordinated use of economic sanctions against a major power in modern history. This campaign serves as a critical test of the efficacy of economic containment in the 21st century.

Targeting the War Machine

The sanctions regime implemented by the United States and a broad coalition of allies was designed with a clear purpose: to cripple the Russian Federation’s ability to finance and technologically sustain its war of aggression.19 The measures were unprecedented in their scope and speed, targeting the core pillars of the Russian economy. Key actions included freezing hundreds of billions of dollars of the Russian Central Bank’s foreign reserves, disconnecting major Russian banks from the SWIFT financial messaging system, imposing a near-total ban on the export of high-technology goods like semiconductors, and implementing a novel price cap on Russian seaborne crude oil exports.21 This multi-pronged assault aimed to deny Moscow the revenue, financing, and technology essential for its military-industrial complex.20

The Limits of Efficacy and Russian Adaptation

While the sanctions have inflicted undeniable and significant damage on the Russian economy, they have failed to deliver a knockout blow or compel a change in Moscow’s strategic objectives. Estimates suggest that Russia’s GDP is now 10-12% smaller than it would have been without the invasion and subsequent sanctions.22 However, the Russian economy has proven far more resilient than initially expected.19

Moscow’s adaptation has been threefold. First, it transitioned its economy onto a full war footing, with massive increases in defense spending fueling industrial production and stimulating GDP growth, albeit in an unsustainable manner.19 Second, it proved adept at sanctions evasion. Russia successfully rerouted the majority of its energy exports from Europe to new markets in China and India, often selling at a discount but still generating substantial revenue.21 It also developed a “shadow fleet” of oil tankers operating outside of Western insurance and financial systems to circumvent the G7 price cap.22 Third, and most critically, it leveraged its partnership with China to procure essential dual-use technologies, such as microelectronics and machine tools, that were cut off by Western export controls.20

Strategic Realignment

The most significant long-term consequence of the sanctions regime has been a fundamental and likely irreversible strategic realignment of the Russian economy. Forced out of Western markets and financial systems, Moscow has dramatically deepened its economic, technological, and financial integration with China. Bilateral trade has surged to record levels, and the Chinese yuan has increasingly replaced the U.S. dollar in Russia’s trade and foreign reserves.17 This has accelerated the consolidation of a powerful Eurasian economic bloc positioned as a direct counterweight to the U.S.-led financial and trade system. The sanctions, intended to isolate Russia, have inadvertently catalyzed the creation of a more robust and resilient alternative economic architecture, thereby spurring global de-dollarization efforts and potentially weakening the long-term efficacy of U.S. financial power.19

This dynamic illustrates a central paradox of modern economic warfare: the aggressive use of systemic economic power, while effective at inflicting short-term pain, simultaneously provides a powerful incentive for adversaries to build parallel systems designed to be immune to that very power. Each application of sanctions against Russia or tariffs against China acts as a catalyst for the construction of an alternative global economic order, eroding the foundations of U.S. leverage over time.

China’s Belt and Road Initiative: Influence Through Investment

China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is a cornerstone of its foreign policy and a primary instrument of its economic statecraft. While often portrayed through a simplistic lens, its strategic function is nuanced and far-reaching.

Beyond the “Debt-Trap” Narrative

In Western strategic discourse, the BRI is frequently characterized as a form of “debt-trap diplomacy”.27 This narrative posits that China intentionally extends unsustainable loans to developing nations for large-scale infrastructure projects. When these nations inevitably default, Beijing allegedly seizes control of the strategic assets—such as ports or railways—thereby expanding its geopolitical and military footprint.27 The case of Sri Lanka’s Hambantota Port is consistently cited as the primary evidence for this strategy.27

A Nuanced Reality

A detailed examination of the Hambantota Port case, however, reveals a more complex reality that undermines the simplistic debt-trap thesis. The proposal for the port originated with the Sri Lankan government, not with Beijing, as part of a long-standing domestic development agenda.27 Furthermore, Sri Lanka’s severe debt crisis in the mid-2010s was not primarily caused by Chinese lending, but by excessive borrowing from Western-dominated international capital markets and unsustainable domestic fiscal policies.27 Chinese loans constituted a relatively small portion of Sri Lanka’s overall foreign debt.27

Crucially, the port was not seized in a debt-for-equity swap. Instead, facing a balance of payments crisis, the Sri Lankan government chose to lease a majority stake in the port’s operations to a Chinese state-owned enterprise for 99 years in exchange for $1.1 billion in hard currency.27 These funds were then used to shore up Sri Lanka’s foreign reserves and service its more pressing debts to Western creditors.27

While the debt-trap narrative is an oversimplification, it does not mean the BRI is benign. It is a powerful instrument of geoeconomic influence. By becoming the primary financier and builder of critical infrastructure across the developing world, China creates long-term economic dependencies, secures access to resources, opens new markets for its companies, and builds political goodwill that can be translated into diplomatic support on the international stage.30 The BRI allows China to systematically expand its global footprint and embed its economic and, increasingly, technological standards across Asia, Africa, and Latin America, thereby challenging the post-Cold War economic order.

Section III: The Digital Frontlines: Cyber and Electronic Warfare

The cyber domain has emerged as a central theater for great power competition, offering a low-cost, high-impact, and plausibly deniable means of projecting power and undermining adversaries. Russia and China have both developed sophisticated cyber capabilities, but they employ them in pursuit of distinct strategic objectives, reflecting their different geopolitical positions and long-term goals.

Russia’s Doctrine of Disruption

Russia’s approach to cyber warfare is fundamentally asymmetric and disruptive, designed to compensate for its relative weakness in the conventional military and economic domains. Its cyber operations prioritize psychological impact and the creation of societal chaos over permanent destruction.

This doctrine has been demonstrated through a series of high-profile operations against the United States. The cyberattacks on the Democratic National Committee (DNC) in 2015-2016 were not merely an act of espionage but an influence operation designed to disrupt the U.S. presidential election and erode public trust in the democratic process.32 The 2020 SolarWinds supply chain attack represented a new level of sophistication, compromising the networks of numerous U.S. government agencies and thousands of private sector companies by inserting malicious code into a trusted software update.34 This operation provided Russia with widespread, persistent access for espionage and potential future disruption. Similarly, the 2021 ransomware attack on Colonial Pipeline, while attributed to a criminal group, highlighted the profound vulnerability of U.S. critical infrastructure to disruptive cyberattacks, causing widespread fuel shortages along the East Coast.34

The strategic objective underpinning these actions is the generation of uncertainty and the degradation of an adversary’s will to act.37 By demonstrating the vulnerability of critical infrastructure and democratic institutions, Russia aims to create a psychological effect that far exceeds the direct technical damage, sowing division and decision-making paralysis within the target nation.37 Joint advisories from the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency (CISA), the National Security Agency (NSA), and the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) repeatedly confirm that Russian state-sponsored actors are persistently targeting U.S. critical infrastructure sectors, including energy, finance, and defense, for both espionage and disruptive purposes.38

China’s Strategy of Espionage and Exploitation

In contrast to Russia’s disruptive tactics, China’s cyber strategy is characterized by its industrial scale, persistence, and systematic focus on long-term intelligence gathering and intellectual property (IP) theft. It is not primarily a tool of chaos but a core component of China’s comprehensive national strategy to supplant the United States as the world’s leading economic and military power.

The People’s Liberation Army (PLA) maintains dedicated units, such as the infamous Unit 61398 (also known as APT1), tasked with conducting large-scale cyber espionage campaigns against foreign targets.42 These operations have successfully exfiltrated vast quantities of sensitive data from the United States. Notable examples include the systematic theft of design data for numerous advanced U.S. weapons systems, including the F-35 Joint Strike Fighter, the F-22 Raptor, and the Patriot missile system.34 This stolen IP directly fuels China’s own military modernization, allowing it to reverse-engineer and replicate advanced technologies, thereby leapfrogging decades of costly research and development and rapidly eroding America’s qualitative military edge.34

Beyond military secrets, China’s cyber espionage targets a wide array of sectors to advance its economic goals. This includes the theft of trade secrets from leading U.S. companies in industries ranging from energy to pharmaceuticals.34 The massive 2015 breach of the U.S. Office of Personnel Management (OPM), which compromised the sensitive personal data of over 21 million current and former federal employees, provided Beijing with an invaluable database for identifying, targeting, and recruiting intelligence assets for decades to come.34 Recent intelligence reports indicate a dramatic surge in Chinese cyber espionage operations, with a 150% increase in 2024 alone, highlighting the unabated intensity of this campaign.44

Effectiveness and Asymmetry

Both Russia and China have successfully weaponized the cyber domain as a highly effective asymmetric tool. It allows them to contest U.S. power and impose significant costs while operating below the threshold of armed conflict and maintaining a degree of plausible deniability.45 The difficulty of definitive, public attribution for cyberattacks creates a permissive environment for aggression, allowing state sponsors to operate with relative impunity.45

This reality reveals a critical divergence in strategic timelines. Russia’s cyber doctrine is optimized for the short term, employing disruptive attacks to achieve immediate political and psychological effects that can shape a specific crisis or event. China, in contrast, is waging a long-term, strategic campaign of attrition. Its patient, industrial-scale espionage is designed to fundamentally alter the global balance of technological, economic, and military power over the course of decades. The United States, therefore, faces a dual cyber threat: Russia’s acute, shock-and-awe style disruptions and China’s chronic, corrosive campaign of exploitation. Effectively countering these divergent threats requires distinct strategies, mindsets, and capabilities.

Section IV: The War for Minds: Information and Influence Operations

In the gray zone, the cognitive domain is a primary battlefield. The strategic manipulation of information to shape perceptions, control narratives, and undermine societal cohesion has become a central pillar of modern conflict. Russia and China, while often collaborating in this space, pursue fundamentally different long-term objectives with their information and influence operations.

Russia’s “Active Measures 2.0”

Russia’s contemporary information warfare is a direct evolution of the Soviet Union’s “active measures,” updated for the digital age.37 The core strategy is not to persuade foreign audiences of the superiority of the Russian model, but to degrade and disrupt the political systems of its adversaries from within.37

The 2016 U.S. presidential election serves as the canonical example of this doctrine in practice. The operation, directed by President Vladimir Putin, was multifaceted, combining the cyber theft of sensitive information with a sophisticated social media campaign.33 The GRU, Russia’s military intelligence agency, hacked the computer networks of the DNC and Clinton campaign officials, subsequently leaking the stolen emails through fronts like Guccifer 2.0 and platforms like WikiLeaks to generate damaging news cycles.33

Simultaneously, the St. Petersburg-based Internet Research Agency (IRA), a state-sponsored “troll farm,” created thousands of fake social media accounts to impersonate American citizens and political groups.33 The IRA’s primary tactic was not to spread pro-Russian propaganda, but to identify and inflame existing societal fault lines in the United States, particularly those related to race, gun control, immigration, and religion.50 By creating and amplifying hyper-partisan content on both the far-left (e.g., supporting Black Lives Matter) and the far-right (e.g., supporting secessionist movements), the IRA’s goal was to deepen polarization, foster distrust in institutions, suppress voter turnout among targeted demographics, and ultimately undermine faith in the American democratic process itself.50 This approach is highly effective because it acts as a social parasite, feeding on and magnifying organic divisions within an open society, making it difficult for citizens and policymakers to distinguish foreign manipulation from authentic domestic discourse.37

China’s Quest for “Discourse Power”

China’s information strategy is more systematic, ambitious, and long-term than Russia’s. It is explicitly guided by the doctrine of the “Three Warfares”: public opinion warfare (shaping public perception), psychological warfare (influencing the cognition and decision-making of adversaries), and legal warfare (using law to seize the “legal high ground”).54 The ultimate goal of this integrated strategy is to achieve what the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) calls “discourse power” (话语权).56

Discourse power is the ability to shape global norms, values, and narratives to create consensus around a new, China-led international order.56 This involves a multi-pronged effort to legitimize China’s authoritarian governance model and present it as a superior alternative to what it portrays as the chaotic and declining system of Western liberal democracy.56 The CCP pursues this goal through several mechanisms:

  • Massive Investment in State Media: Beijing has poured billions of dollars into expanding the global reach of its state-controlled media outlets, such as CGTN and Xinhua, to broadcast the CCP’s narratives directly to international audiences.54
  • United Front Work: The CCP’s United Front Work Department orchestrates a vast, global effort to co-opt and influence foreign elites, including politicians, academics, business leaders, and media figures, to advocate for China’s interests and silence criticism.54
  • Digital Dominance: China seeks to shape the global digital ecosystem by exporting its model of “cyber sovereignty,” which prioritizes state control over the free flow of information, and by promoting its own technical standards for next-generation technologies like 5G and AI.56

While Russia’s information operations are often opportunistic and focused on tactical disruption, China’s are patient, strategic, and aimed at a fundamental, long-term revision of the global information order.58 Russia seeks to burn down the existing house; China seeks to build a new one in its place, with itself as the architect.

The U.S. Response: Public Diplomacy

The primary instrument for the United States in the information domain is public diplomacy, executed largely through the U.S. Agency for Global Media (USAGM). The USAGM oversees a network of broadcasters, including Voice of America (VOA), Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty (RFE/RL), and Radio Free Asia (RFA).60 The stated mission of these entities is to provide accurate, objective, and comprehensive news and information to audiences in countries where a free press is restricted, thereby serving as a counterweight to state propaganda and supporting the principles of freedom and democracy.60 However, the USAGM has historically faced challenges, including internal political disputes and questions regarding its strategic effectiveness in a modern, saturated, and highly fragmented digital media landscape.61

This reveals a fundamental divergence in strategic approaches. Russian information warfare is a strategy of cognitive disruption, designed to confuse, divide, and ultimately paralyze an opponent by turning its own open information environment against it. Chinese information warfare is a strategy of cognitive displacement, a long-term project aimed at methodically replacing the norms, values, and narratives of the liberal international order with its own. Countering the former requires tactical resilience and societal inoculation against division, while countering the latter requires a sustained, global competition of ideas and a compelling reaffirmation of the value of the democratic model.

Section V: Conflict by Other Means: Proxies and Lawfare

Beyond the economic and digital realms, great powers continue to engage in conflict through indirect means, leveraging third-party actors and legal frameworks to advance their interests while avoiding direct confrontation. Proxy warfare and lawfare are two prominent tools in the gray zone playbook, used to alter the strategic landscape and impose costs on adversaries without resorting to open hostilities.

The Modern Proxy War

Proxy warfare, a hallmark of the Cold War, has been adapted to the contemporary environment. States support and direct non-state or third-party state actors to wage conflict, allowing the sponsoring power to achieve strategic objectives with limited direct risk and cost.

Syria as a Microcosm

The Syrian Civil War serves as a stark example of modern, multi-layered proxy conflict. The Russian Federation intervened militarily in 2015 with the explicit goal of preserving the regime of its client, Bashar al-Assad, which was on the verge of collapse.63 This intervention was a direct pushback against U.S. and Western influence, as it placed Russian forces and their proxies, including the Wagner Group, in direct opposition to various Syrian opposition groups that were receiving support from the United States and its regional partners.63 This created a complex and dangerous battlespace where the proxies of two nuclear powers were engaged in active combat. Throughout this period, the People’s Republic of China played a crucial supporting role for Russia, using its position on the UN Security Council to provide diplomatic cover. Beijing repeatedly joined Moscow in vetoing resolutions that would have condemned or sanctioned the Assad regime, demonstrating a coordinated Sino-Russian effort to thwart Western policy objectives in the Middle East.65

Ukraine and the “Proxy Supporter” Model

The war in Ukraine represents a different but equally significant model of proxy conflict. The United States and its NATO allies are engaged in a classic proxy war, providing massive military, financial, and intelligence support to Ukraine to enable its defense against direct Russian aggression.25 A critical evolution in this conflict is the role played by China as a “proxy supporter” for Russia. While Beijing has refrained from providing large quantities of direct lethal aid, its comprehensive economic and technological support has been indispensable to sustaining Russia’s war effort.25 China has become the primary destination for sanctioned Russian energy, the main supplier of critical dual-use components like microelectronics for Russia’s military-industrial complex, and a key diplomatic partner in shielding Moscow from international condemnation.17 This support, while falling short of a formal military alliance, effectively makes China a co-belligerent in a gray-zone context. The dynamic is further complicated by North Korea’s role as a direct arms supplier to Russia, providing vast quantities of artillery shells and even troops, illustrating a multi-layered proxy network designed to sustain Russia’s war and bleed Western resources.25

China’s Lawfare in the South China Sea

“Lawfare” is the strategic use of legal processes and instruments to achieve operational or geopolitical objectives.69 China has masterfully employed lawfare in the South China Sea as a primary tool to assert its expansive territorial claims and challenge the existing international maritime order.

Challenging the International Order

China’s strategy is centered on enforcing its “nine-dash line” claim, which encompasses nearly the entire South China Sea. This claim was authoritatively invalidated in 2016 by an arbitral tribunal under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), a ruling that Beijing has rejected and ignored.69 China’s lawfare is a systematic effort to create a new legal reality that conforms to its territorial ambitions.

Tactics of Creeping Jurisdiction

Beijing’s lawfare tactics are methodical and multi-faceted, designed to create a state of perpetual contestation and gradually normalize its control:

  1. Domestic Legislation as International Law: China passes domestic laws that treat the international waters of the South China Sea as its own sovereign territory. For example, its 2021 Coast Guard Law authorizes its forces to use “all necessary means,” including lethal force, against foreign vessels in waters it claims, in direct contravention of UNCLOS.70
  2. Creating “Facts on the Water”: China has engaged in a massive campaign of land reclamation, building and militarizing artificial islands on submerged reefs and shoals. These outposts serve as forward operating bases for its military, coast guard, and maritime militia, allowing it to project power and physically enforce its claims.69
  3. Reinterpreting Legal Norms: China actively seeks to redefine long-standing principles of international law. It argues that the right to “freedom of navigation” applies only to commercial vessels and does not permit foreign military activities within its claimed Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ), a position contrary to the consensus interpretation of UNCLOS.70

This strategy of lawfare is not merely a legal or diplomatic maneuver; it is a foundational element of China’s gray zone strategy. By passing domestic laws that criminalize the lawful activities of other nations in international waters, China is attempting to create the legal and political pretext for future military action. This approach aims to reframe a potential act of aggression—such as firing on a Philippine or Vietnamese vessel—not as a violation of international law, but as a legitimate domestic law enforcement action within what it defines as its own jurisdiction. This calculated ambiguity is designed to paralyze the decision-making of adversaries and their allies, most notably the United States, thereby achieving a key objective of gray zone conflict.

Section VI: Strategic Assessment and Outlook

The preceding analysis demonstrates that the contemporary security environment is characterized by persistent, multi-domain competition in the gray zone. The United States, Russia, and China have each developed distinct doctrines and toolkits to navigate this new battlespace, with varying degrees of success and significant long-term consequences for the international order.

Comparative Analysis of National Strategies

The strategic approaches of the three major powers can be synthesized into a comparative framework that highlights their overarching goals and preferred methods across the key domains of conflict. The United States generally acts to preserve the existing international system from which it derives significant benefit, using its power for targeted enforcement and coercion. Russia, as a declining power with significant conventional limitations, acts as a disrupter, seeking to create chaos and exploit divisions to weaken its adversaries. China, as a rising and patient power, acts as a systemic revisionist, seeking to methodically build an alternative order and displace U.S. leadership over the long term.

Conflict DomainUnited States ApproachRussian ApproachChinese Approach
EconomicSystemic dominance (dollar, SWIFT), targeted sanctions, alliance-based trade pressure.Asymmetric coercion (energy), sanctions evasion, strategic pivot to China, weaponization of food/commodities.Systemic competition (BRI), supply chain dominance, technological self-sufficiency, targeted economic coercion.
CyberIntelligence gathering, offensive/defensive operations, alliance-based threat sharing.Disruption of critical infrastructure, sowing chaos, psychological impact, election interference.Industrial-scale espionage for economic/military gain, IP theft, strategic pre-positioning in critical networks (Volt Typhoon).
InformationPublic diplomacy (USAGM), countering disinformation, promoting democratic values.“Active Measures 2.0”: Exploiting and amplifying existing societal divisions, tactical disinformation.“Discourse Power”: Long-term narrative shaping, censorship, promoting authoritarian model, co-opting elites.
ProxySupport for state/non-state partners (e.g., Ukraine, Syrian opposition) to uphold international order.Direct intervention with proxies (Wagner) and state forces to prop up clients and challenge U.S. influence.Economic/military support to partners (e.g., Russia), avoiding direct military entanglement, using proxies for resource access.
LegalUpholding international law (e.g., FONOPs), use of legal frameworks for sanctions.Manipulation of legal norms, undermining international bodies, using legal pretexts for aggression.“Lawfare”: Using domestic law to rewrite international law, creating new “facts on the ground” to legitimize claims.

What Works, What Doesn’t, and Why

A critical assessment of these strategies reveals clear patterns of effectiveness and failure.

What Works:

  • Asymmetric and Low-Cost Tools: For Russia and China, gray zone tools like cyber operations, information warfare, and the use of proxies have proven highly effective. They impose significant strategic, economic, and political costs on the United States and its allies at a relatively low cost and risk to the aggressor.73 These methods are particularly potent because they are designed to exploit the inherent openness and legal constraints of democratic societies.
  • Incrementalism and Patience: China’s strategy of “creeping” aggression, particularly its lawfare and island-building campaign in the South China Sea, has been effective at changing the physical and strategic reality on the ground. By avoiding any single, dramatic action that would demand a forceful response, Beijing has incrementally advanced its position over years, achieving a significant strategic gain through a thousand small cuts.74
  • Targeted, Multilateral Coercion: For the United States, economic and diplomatic actions are most effective when they are targeted, multilateral, and leverage the collective weight of its alliance network. The initial shock of the coordinated financial sanctions against Russia demonstrated the immense power of this collective approach, even if its long-term coercive power has been blunted by Russian adaptation.19

What Doesn’t Work:

  • Broad, Unilateral Economic Pressure: The U.S.-China trade war demonstrated that broad, unilateral tariffs are a blunt instrument that often inflicts more economic pain on the imposing country than on the target, while failing to achieve its core strategic objectives and producing negative unintended consequences for the global trading system.12
  • A Purely Defensive Posture: A reactive and defensive strategy is insufficient to deter persistent gray zone aggression. Russia’s continued campaign of sabotage and subversion in Europe, despite heightened defensive measures, indicates that without the credible threat of proactive and costly consequences, adversaries will continue to operate in the gray zone with relative impunity.47
  • Building Compelling Alternative Narratives: While Russia is effective at disruptive information warfare and China is effective at censorship and control, both have largely failed to build a compelling, positive narrative that resonates with audiences in democratic nations. Their influence operations are most successful when they are parasitic on existing grievances rather than when they attempt to promote their own models.59

Recommendations for the United States

To compete more effectively in this new battlespace, the United States must adapt its strategic posture. The following recommendations are derived from the analysis in this report:

  1. Embrace Pervasive Competition: The U.S. national security apparatus must shift from a traditional crisis-response model to a posture of continuous, proactive competition across all domains. This requires institutional and cultural changes that recognize the gray zone as the primary arena of conflict.
  2. Strengthen Societal Resilience: The most effective defense against information warfare and foreign influence is a resilient society. This requires a national effort to enhance media literacy, secure critical election infrastructure, and address the deep-seated domestic social and political divisions that adversaries so effectively exploit.
  3. Integrate All Instruments of National Power: Gray zone threats are inherently multi-domain; the response must be as well. The U.S. must break down bureaucratic silos and develop a national strategy that seamlessly integrates economic, financial, intelligence, diplomatic, legal, and military tools to impose coordinated costs on adversaries.
  4. Leverage Alliances Asymmetrically: The U.S. alliance network remains its greatest asymmetric advantage. This network must be leveraged not just for conventional military deterrence, but for gray zone competition. This includes building coalitions for coordinated cyber defense, developing joint strategies for economic security and supply chain resilience, and crafting unified diplomatic and informational campaigns to counter authoritarian narratives.

Future Trajectory of Conflict

The trends identified in this report are likely to accelerate and intensify. The proliferation of advanced technologies, particularly artificial intelligence, will supercharge gray zone conflict. AI will enable the creation of hyper-personalized disinformation campaigns, deepfakes, and autonomous cyber weapons at a scale and speed that will overwhelm current defenses.58 The ongoing fragmentation of the global economic and technological landscape will create more clearly defined blocs, turning the economic domain into an even more central and contentious battlefield. The gray zone is not a passing phase of international relations. It is the new, enduring reality of great power competition, a permanent battlespace where ambiguity is the weapon, attribution is the prize, and the contest for influence is constant.



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